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A SHORT HISTORY OF INDIA. 









! i-=c( LIBRARV .:s/ 

A, SHORT 


History of India 


AND OF THE FRONTIER STATES OF 


AFGHANISTAN, NIPAL, ANP BURMAj 

BY 

J. TALBOYS WHEELER, 

LATE ASSISTANT-SECRETARY TO THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA, FOKEIGN DEPARTMENT, 
AND LATE SECRETARY TO THE GOVERNMENT OF BRITISH BURMA. 


mrif MAPS AND TABLES. 


JTBiibDn: 

MACMILLAN AND CO. 


All K{f:hts cf Translation, and Reproduction Resetved, 




It is a common complaint that whilst the annals of India 
are of paramount importance to the people of England, 
there is no history which they seem less inclined to study. 
Greece and Rome, Egypt and Palestine, Assyria and 
Babylon — countries which have long ceased to play a part 
in the drama of humanity — are the subjects of text-books 
in our schools and universities ; whilst India, which is 
literally a modern reflex of the ancient world, and has 
moreover become a part and parcel of the British 
empire, is to this day a sealed book to the masses. The 
essays of Lord Macaulay on Robert Clive and Warren 
Hastings are perhaps known to every English household ; 
but they refer to mere episodes in the history, and are 
wanting in that familiarity with native character and forms 
of thought, which is essential to a right appreciation of 
the great collision between Europe and Asia that has been 
going on in India for the last two centuries. 

The truth is that the preparation of a history of India, 
political and religious, is a far more difficult and laborious 
task than is generally imagined. Twenty- two years ago the 
author began such a work at Madras under every possible 


PREFACE. 



advantage. There were libraries at Madras containing 
almost unique collections of books appertaining to India. 
To these were added the government records at Madras, 
which were freely opened to the author by Sir Charles 
Trevelyan, who was at that time Governor. The author 
completed a History of Madras, compiled from the govern- 
ment records, and he taught Indian history in the Madras 
Presidency College ; but he was unable to complete a real 
history of India from a consciousness of want of know- 
ledge. After four years he proceeded to Calcutta as 
Assistant Secretary to the Government of India in the 
Foreign or Political Department, and was soon astounded at 
his own ignorance. He had learnt something of Clive and 
Hastings, of the Moghuls, Mahrattas, and the Marquis of 
Wellesley; but of the history of India and its civilisation, 
and especially of the conflicts between opposite lines of 
policy laid down by different Anglo-Indian statesmen 
I during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, he found 

^ that he knew literally nothing. 

i The writer has no desire to carry the reader into his 

I workshop, or to dwell on the extent of his labours. It will 

|, suffice to say that having sounded the depths of his ignor- 

I ance, he has since then lost no opportunity, official or 

|; literary, to perfect his knowledge of Indian history. 

I \ Some samples have already appeared in his IsiTge 

^ of India from the Earliest Ages, which deals with the 

Hindu and Muhammadan periods, and of which four 



volumes have already been published. His history of 
British India is now given for the first time in the present 
volume. It has been an entirely independent work, drawn 
direct from the fountain head, after a study of the records 



of the Government of India, offlciai reports and parliamentary 




PREFACE. 


vii 


blue books, and of such current annals, memoirs, travels, 
or correspondence, as have been found to yield historical ■ 
materials. Thus it is only after the unremitting application 
of many yeajcs, during which official duties have often 
helped him as much as literary studies, that the author ; 
has been able to complete the history of India, from the 
earliest dawning of legend to the breaking out of the 
present Afghan war : and to reduce the whole to a com- 
pact form which, it is hoped, will render it both interesting 
and useful to general readers, as well as to students in 
the religion and politics of our Indian empire. 

In conclusion, attention may be drawn to the series of 
maps which illustrate the successive changes in the history. 
They have been constructed on a plan originally suggested 
by Mr. Macmillan, but which has been somewhat modified 
to meet the requirements of the present volume. 

: ■ WiTHAM, Essex,. ' 

Jan, 22, ' 1880. ' ■ 



CONTENTS. 

PART L 

HINDU INDIA. 

CHAPTER L 

PAGK 

MAHA B?1ARATA: PUNJAB AND NORTH-WEST. (ABOUT B.C. 

1500-1400) I 

CHAPTER IL 

RAM AY AN A : OUDE. (ABOUT B.C. lOOO) 28 

CHAPTER III. 

MEDIHiVAL RAJAS. (B.C. $00 TO A D. lOOO) 45 

CHAPTER IV. 

RELIGION AND LITERATURE . 59 


CONTENTS. ■ 

PART IL 

MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 

I CHAPTER I. 

4 " ■ PAGE 

TURKS AND AFGHANS. (A.D. IOOO TO I525) . . . ... 74 

I 

j CHAPTER II. 

; DEKHAN AND PENINSULA. (A.D. I350 TO 1565) 89 

'•ff, . . ■ ■ ^ 

* ^ CHAPTER III. 

; PORTUGUESE EMPIRE: MALABAR. (a.D. I498 TO 1625) . . . 99 

I ^ ■ ■ 

I CHAPTER IV. 

i r MOGHUL EMPIRE: BABER, HUMAYUN, AKBAR. (a.D. 1525 TO 

1605)' ............ . ... . . 12, 



I 



CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER VII. 

MOGHUL EMPIRE : CIVILIZATION. (A.D. l60O TO I720) 


CHAPTER VIII. 

MOGHUL EMPIRE: DECLINE AND FALL. (A.D. 1^0^ TO I74S). 


PART III. 

BRITISH INDIA. 


CHAPTER I. 

ENGLISH AT MADRAS. (A.D. I7CIO TO 175®) • 

CHAPTER II. 

ENGLISH IN BENGAL. (A.D. 17OO TO I761) . • • 

CHAPTER III. 

revolutionary THROES. (A.D. 1761 TO I765) . ■ 


CHAPTER IV. 

double government: CLIVE, ETC. (A.D. 176S TO I 77l) 


n/h 


fcHAPTER V. 

BOMBAY: MAHRATTA EMPIRE. (A.D. 1748 TO 177^) ■ 


xi 


PAGE 

183 


202 


230 


261 


291 


. 308 


329 



■ CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER VI. 

ENGLISH Rl7tE : WARREN HASTINGS. (A.D. 1772 TO I785) 

CHAPTER VIL 

LORD CORNWALLIS AND SIR JOHN SHORE. (A.D. 17S5 TO 179S) 

CHAPTER VIII. 

MYSORE AND CARNATIC: WELLESLEY. (1798 TO iSoi) . 



/ 

’• nr: 


CHAPTER IX. 

MAHRATTA WARS: WELLESLEY. (A.D. 1 799 TO 1805) 



CHAPTER X. 

CONCILIATIOW : LORD CORNWALLIS, SIR GEORGE BARLOW, 
AND LORD MINTO. (A.D. 1805 TO 1813) 

CHAPTER XI. 

XIPAL HISTORY : GHORKA CONQUEST. (A.D. 1767 TO 18x4) 

CHAPTER XII. 

NIPAL WAR : LORD MOIRA (HASTINGS). (A.D. 1814 TO I816) . 





CHAPTER XHI. 


WAR, AND FALL OF THE PEISHWA 
1815 TO 1S18) . . . . . 


LORD HASTINGS. 


PAGE 

349 


384 


404 


426 


446 


461 


472 


477 


GONTENTS. 


^CHAPTER XIV. 

PAGE 

MAHRATTA CONQUEST: LORD HASTINOS. (A.D. 1817 TO 1823) 4S6 


CHAPTER XV. 

BURMAN HISTORY : AVA AND PEGU. {A,D. 154O TO 1823) . $00 


CHAPTER XVI. 

BURMESE AND BHURTPORE WARS : LORD AMHERST. (A.D. 

1823 TO 1828) . . . . ..... . . . . . . 516 


CHAPTER XVII. 

NON-INTERVENTION : LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. (A.D. 1828 

TO 183s) . . . . . . V . . . . . . - . • . 523 


CHAPTER XVIII. 

CENTRAL ASIA: AFGHAN HISTORY. (A.D. 1 747 TO I838} . . 539 


CHAPTER XIX. 

AFGHAN WAR: LORDS AUCKLAND AND ELLENBOROUGH. 

(A.D. 1839 TO 1842} . . . . . . . . . , . 554 


CHAPTER XX. 

SINDE AND GWALIOR: LORD ELLENBOROUGH. (A.D. 1 843 TO 

1S44) • ^ 565 




xiv 


CONTENTS. 




INDEX 



LIST OF MAPS, 


I. INDIA SINCE 1856 


2. INDIA, TO ILLUSTRATE THE MAHA BHARATA 


INDIA, TO ILLUSTRATE THE RAMAYANA 


4. INDIA, TO ILLUSTRATE THE MEDIASVAL RAJAS 


5. INDIA, TO ILLUSTRATE THE 
AFGHANS 


TURKS AND 


6. INDIA, TO ILLUSTRATE THE DEKHAN PEN- 


INSULA 


7, INDIA, TO ILLUSTRATE THE MOGHUL EMPIRE. 


INDIA, TO ILLUSTRATE EARLY ENGLISH SETTLE- 
MENTS BEFORE 1750 


9. INDIA IN THE TIME OF CLIVE 


10. INDIA IN THE TIME OF WARREN HASTINGS 


XI. INDIA IN THE TIME OF CORNWALLIS 


12. INDIA IN THE TIME OF WELLESLEY 


13. INDIA IN THE TIME OF LORD HASTINGS 


d:. 


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PART I 


HINDU INDIA, 


CHAPTER I. 

MAHA EHARATA: PUNJAB AND NORTH-WEST. 


ABOUT B.C. 1500-1400. 

India in ancient times was parcelled out, like Palestine 
and Greece, into a number of small kingdoms, each under 
the government of its own Raja. Every Raja had a council 
of elders, including chiefs and kinsmen, who were collec- 
tively known as the Durbar. Sometimes there was a minis- 
ter or ministry. Sometimes a Raja might be under the 
influence of a queen or Rani, or of a queen mother or 
dowager Rdnf. Sometimes a Raja conquered other Rajas, 
and became known as a Maharaja, or great Raja.'' At a 
remote period the life at Hindu courts was modified by the 
rise of priests or Brahmans. The working of these various 
elements finds full expression in Hindu legends, and con- 
stitutes what may be called Hindu history. 

The earliest traditions of India are recorded in the Maha 
Bharata, an ancient Hindu epic, written in the Sanskrit 
language. It tells of a great war between Kauravas and 
Pdndavas, just as Homer's Iliad tells of a war between Greece 
and Troy. The scene is laid partly in the Punjab, and 
partly in the north-west of Hindustan. The Kauravas and 
Pandavas were rival kinsmen of the royal house of Hastina- 
piir. The city of Hastin^pur was situated about sixty-five 
miles to the north-east of Delhi, and is still represented by 

S B 


B.C. 

1500-1400 

India un- 
der the 
Rajas. 


Earliest 
traditions: 
the Punjab 
and North 
west of 
Hindus- 
tan. 




2 , 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part I. 


B.c. a group of shapeless mounds on the upper course of the 
1500 1400 Qangeg/ The extent of the Raj is unknown ; but it included 
a certain area round Hastinapur on the river Ganges. It 
probably consisted of arable and pasture lands, occupied by 
Rajputs, and bordering on uncleared ’ jungle and forest, 
which were inhabited by aboriginal populations ; but in the 
Sanskrit epic the Raja is always known as a Maharaja, 
or great Raja.” ^ 

Hastina- Hastinapur was to alb appearance an Aryan colony, having 
pur, an other Aryan or Rajpiit colonies in its neighbourhood, each 
colony. fo™i^g ^ kingdom under its own Raja. But ail these 
colonies were struggling more or less against aboriginal or 
non- Aryan populations. The Aryans were immigrants from 
High Asia ; they had established kingdoms in Central Asia, 
the Punjab, and the north-west quarter of Hindustan, as far 
as Kanouj on the Ganges, and probably in Ayodhya or Oude 
to the northward of the Ganges. They regarded the abori- 
gines as demons and cannibals, and called them Rakshasas 
and Asuras. Some aboriginal tribes were treated rather as 
subject races ; such as the Bhils or Blieels, who occupied 
the hills and jungles to the south, and the Ndgas, or snake 
worshippers, who appear to have migrated from Kashmir 
towards the banks of the Ganges. 

BHarata, The Mahdraja of Hastind^pur was named Santanu, Pie 
the hero claimed descent from the hero Bharata, who was said to 
ancestor, conquered all India. The name of Bharata was famous 

in the days of yore. All India was called the land of Bharata. 
Even the war of the descendants of Santanu, which forms 
the main tradition of the epic, has always been known as the 
Maha Bharata, or “ great war of Bharata.” 

Marriage Maharaja Santanu was an old man with a grown-up son. 
of an old He wanted to marry a young damsel ; but her parents would 
Maharaja ; consent to the marriage unless he disinherited liis pre- 

klvow " and reserved the Raj for any other son he might 

have by their daughter. Moreover, to prevent any future 
disputes, the parents insisted that the son already living 
should pledge himself never to marry. The Maharaja was 
thus at the mercy of his son. But the son was a model of 
filial obedience ; he resigned all claim to the Raj ; and he 
vowed never to marry, and never to become a father. The 

^ General Cunningham, on the strength of certain astronomical data, 
fixes the date of the war of the Maha Bharata in 1426 B.c. 


Chap. L] 


mahA ehArata. 


parents then gave their daughter in marriage to the Mahdraja ; b.c. 
but the son became known by the name of Bhishma, or i5<^o-i4oo 
‘MreadfuV^ because of his dreadful vow. " — 

The old Maharaja became the father of a second son, and Bhislima, 
then died. Bhishma kept his vow, and proved a faithful 
guardian of the widow and her infant son. He placed the 
son upon the throne, instructed him in the use of arms, and 
conducted the aifairs of the Haj for him ’as minister or 
manager. When the prince was grown, Bhishma provided 
him with two wives ; he fought and conquered the Raja of 
Benares, and carried off his two daughters to become the 
brides of his young half-brother.^ This capture of daughters 
was in accordance with the old customs of the Kshatriyas 
or Rajas p but the captor was always obliged to fight and 
conquer the father before he could carry off a daughter, 
either to marry her or to give her in marriage.^ The man who 
stole away a daughter without fighting the father was a 
coward and a Rdkshasa.^ 

After a while the young Mahdraja sickened and died, Dliritar- 
leaving two infants to inherit the Raj, — Dhritarashtra the ashtra, the 
** blind, and Pandu the ‘‘pale-complexioned,^’"^ Again 
Bhishma proved a faithful minister and instructor; 
managed the Raj, educated the two boys, and in due time complex- 
procured wives for both. Dhritarashtra the blind was ioned.” 
married to a daughter of the Raja of the Gdndhdra country.® 

The bride was named G^ndhari ; and when she knew that 
her husband was blind, she tied a handkerchief over her 
eyes, so that she might have no advantage over him. Pandu 


^ Attock, on the river Indus, was anciently known as Benares. It 
is a question whether the princesses belonged to Benares on the Indus, 
or tp Benares on tlie Ganges. 

^ J/afzUf Hi. 26, 32, 41. For further explanation, see Ilistoiy of 
vol. i. : Maha.Bharata. 

^ Rakshasa was a name of reproach applied to the aborigines of 
India, 

The legend has been slightly naodified to suit modem tastes. The 
details are given in the larger vol. i. 

® The name of Gandhara still lingers in that of Kandahar in Central 
Asia. The country, however, is said to be identical with the lower 
Cabul valley, including Peshawur, The Gandarians fought in the army 
of Xerxes, armed, like the Baktrians with bows of cane and short spears. 
{Herodotus, vii. 64, 66. ) Rawlinson locates them on the lower Indus, 
and makes them migrate to Kandahar. 


B 2 


4 HINDU INDIA. [Part I. 

B.c. the pale-complexioned was married to two wives, Kuntf 
1500^1400 j Madri.i 

ExduSon council of elders at Hastinapiir would not accept a 

of tHe blind blind prince as their Maharaja. Dhritarashtra was set aside 
prince. notwithstanding he was the elder of the two ; and Pandu 
the pale-complexioned was installed on the throne of Hasti- 
n^pur. 

Maharaja The reign of Pandu is obscure, and of no moment After 
’ fi a while he abdicated the throne, and went into the jungle, 
hunting. Subsequently he died in 
the jungle, leaving three sons by Kunti and two sons by 
Madri. There was a contest between his two widows as to 
who should burn herself with his remains. Madrf pleaded 
that she was the youngest and most beloved, and therefore 
the most likely to comfort the dead Mahdraja in the world 
of shades, 2 Accordingly Madri perished on the funeral pile, 
and Kunti returned with the five sons of Pandu to the palace 
of Hastinapur. The three sons of Kunti were named Yud- 
hishthira, Bhima, and Arjuna. The two sons of Madri were 
named Nakula and Sahadava. 

Maharaja Meanwhile Dhritarashtra the blind became MahiCraja of 
phritar* Hastin^pur. Indeed after the abdication of Pandu there 
Kamovas alternative; for there was no one left but the blind 

and^Si- prince. Bhishma, however, was still minister or manager 
davas. of the Raj. Dhritarashtra had several sons, but only two of 
any note, namely, Duryodhana the eldest, and his brother 
Duhsasana. The sons of Dhritar^lshtra were called the 
Kauravas, after a remote ancestor called Kura. They were 
thus distinguished from their cousins, the five sons of Pindu, 
who were known as the Pandavas. 

Dronathe The Kauravas and Pdndavas were brought up in the 
• old palace at Hastinapur. Bhishma, the patriarch of the 
wTth^Dru- f^^ily? was by this time too old to teach the rising 
pada. generation. A tutor or preceptor was engaged named 

Drona. He was an exiled prince from Panchala, who had 
taken refuge at the court of Hastinapur. Panchdla lay to 
the south-east ; it was a Raj situated on the lower Doab 

^ Tlie birth of Kunti is obscured by a religious myth. Madri is said 
to have been bought with money. 

2 This story was current amongst the Greeks. It is retold in the 
history of Didorus Siculus. 



^ The frontiers of a Hindu Raj, in ancient times, are often obscure. 
According to the Maha Bharata the kingdom of Paiichala extended 
from the Himalayas to the Chambal river. Manu again indentifies 
Panchala with Kanouj. The city . of Kanouj, on the Ganges, was 
about two hundred miles to the south of Hastinapur. 


Chap. I.] MAHA BHAratA, 


between the Ganges and the Jumna.^ The Raja of b.c. 

Panchala was named Drupada. Drona had a feud with 

Drupada, and became an exile. He married a daughter ” — 

of the house of Hastindpur, and had a son, named Aswatt- 
h^ma. He became preceptor of the young princes of 
Hastindpur, on the condition that when they were fully 
versed in the use of arms, they should help him to be 
revenged on Raja Drupada. 

There was soon a jealousy between the Kauravas and Jealousy 
the Pandavas. It was a question who should succeed to between 
the Raj ; Duryodhana, the eldest of the Kauravas, or anTpIm 
Yudhishthira, the eldest of the Pandavas. Yudhishthira was davas. 
not given to fighting, and never proved himself a warrior. 

But Duryodhana was jealous of the strength of Bhima, the 
second P^ndava, who was the giant of the family. He 
mixed drugs in Bhima's food; and when the giant was in 
a deep sleep, he threw him into the Ganges. Bhima was 
rescued by some of the Ndga people, and returned to 
Hastinapur; but the strife between Duryodhana and the 
Pdndavas still remained. 

Drona took great pains in teaching all the young men, Instruc- 
but he had a special leaning towards the Pandavas. He 
taught Yudhishthira the use of the spear, but nothing 
would make that young man a warrior. Bhima, however, 
learnt to use his club ; whilst Arjuna became the most 
famous archer of his time. Nakuia learned to tame horses, 
and Sahadava to calculate the stars. The Kauravas were 
taught the use of arms, like their cousins the Pdndavas, 
and so was Aswatthd^ma, the son of Drona ; but there was 
no one to equal Arjuna ; and Duryodhana began to hate 
Arjuna as much as he hated Bhima. 

The fame of Drona as a teacher of archery was soon Fame of 
noised abroad. Sons of Rajas flocked to Hastindpur to Drona. 
learn the use of the bow. Amongst others came a son of 
a Bhil Raja from the southern hills ; but Drona refused to 
instruct him. Drona declared that the Bhils were a race of 
highwaymen and cattle lifters, and that it would be a sin to 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part I. 


B.c. teach them the use of the bow. The Bhil prince was much 
15 00-14 00 abashed by this refusal, and went away very sorrowful to his 
own country. 

Supersti- The Bhils in those days were as superstitious as they are 
tionof a now. The Bhil prince adored Drona as a god. He made 
a clay image of Drona, worshipped it, and practised with his 
prince. arrows before it ; and he became so skilful an archer 

that his fame reached to Hastinipur. Drona was angry with 
the Bhil prince ; he was alarmed lest the Bhils should be- 
come dangerous archers. He went to the Bhil country, 
accompanied by all the young men at Hastinapur, and re- 
solved to spoil the archery of his worshipper. He called^ the 
Bhil prince before him, and commanded him to cut off the 
forefinger of his right hand. The prince fell down and wor- 
shipped him, and prepared to do his bidding. But Drona^s 
heart was touched. He ordered the Bhil to stay his hand, 
but made him swear that he would never shoot the bow with 
his forefinger, but with his middle fingers only. ^ 

Exhibition After the return from the Bhil country a day was appointed 
of arms. fQj. an exhibition of arms at Hastinapur. An area was set 
apart without the city, and marked round with barriers. 
Galleries were built round about for the accommodation of 
chieftains and ladies, and were adorned with flags and gar- 
lands. When the day began to dawn, the people gathered 
round the barriers, and between the galleries, to witness the 
exercises of the Kauravas and Pdndavas. The blind Maha- 
raja was led to the galleries, and took his seat amongst 
his chieftains, with Bhishma sitting on his right hand. Ail 
the ladies of the court also took their seats in the galleries ; 
and the chief amongst them were Gdndhdri, the mother of 
the Kauravas, and Kunti, the mother of the Pindavas. 
Public Drona and his son Aswatthdma then entered the arena in 
exercises, white garments, and chanted the praises of Indra and the 
gods. The princes followed with their weapons in their 
hands, and kissed the feet of their preceptor. They began 
by shooting arrows at a butt, first on foot, and afterwards 
from horses, elephants, and chariots. Next followed mock 
fights with swords and bucklers, and afterwards they fought 
with clubs, to prove their strength as well as their skill. 

^ The legend is remembered in Malwa to tins day, but the modern 
Bhils have forgotten the oath, and use their forefingers in shooting, as 
they say their fathers had done before them. 



Chap. I.] 


MAHA BHARATA. 


7 


During the club fighting, the old jealousy broke out. b.c. 
Duryodhana and Bbima engaged in combat at the other 
end of the arena, and soon fought in downright earnest. 

They rushed upon one another like wild elephants, whilst between 
the multitude ran to and fro, and shouted some for Bhima Duryod- 
and others for Duryodhana. The air was filled with noise hana and 
and dust, and the whole plain was in an uproar. Drona 
sent his son Aswatthdma to stop the combat, but no one 
heeded him. At last Drona went himself in all haste, 
parted, the young men by sheer force, and thus, put an end 
to the turmoil. 

When quiet was restored, Drona ordered Arjuna to show Arjuna’s 
his skill at archery. The young prince entered the arena 
clothed in golden mail, with his bow inlaid with many 
colours. The multitude hailed him as another Indra ; and 
the heart of Kunti thrilled with pride and exultation as she 
beheld her youngest son. Arjuna set up an iron boar and 
shot five arrows into its mouth. He tied a cow’s horn to 
the top of a pole, and shot twenty-one arrows into the 
hollow of the horn. He mounted his chariot, and was 
driven swiftly along, whilst shooting arrows right and left 
with the utmost skill and dexterity. Next he played with 
the sword, and the blade flashed like lightning. He whirled 
his sharp-edged quoit or chakra wherever he would, and 
never missed his mark. Lastly, he armed himself with a 
noose, and threw it at horses and deer, and drew every one 
to the ground. When he had finished, he kissed the feet of 
his preceptor, and was embraced by Drona before all the 
assembly. 

At this moment a young warrior entered the arena, and Rebuff of 
challenged Arjuna. His name was Kama. He was a close Kama, 
friend of Duryodhana, for he was as skilled an archer as 
Arjuna ; but liis birth was low, for his father was a charioteer. 

Arjuna would have fought Kama, but a kinsman prevented 
the combat Duryodhana made him a Raja on the spot, 
but the P^ndavas treated him as an upstart. Bhfma asked 
him what he had to do with bows and arrows, and told him 
to take a whip and drive a bullock-cart after his father, 

Kama was very angry, but said nothing j and night coming 
on soon dispersed the assembly. Drona re- 

After this Drona claimed the reward of his instructions, yenged on 
His pupils were skilled in arms, and he was longing to be Drupada. 


s 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part I- 


B.C. revenged on tlie Raja of PancMla. Neither the Maharaja 
25 00-14 00 council objected to the war against Drupada. Drona 

marched against Drupada, accompanied by the Kauravas 
and Pandavas, and defeated the Panchdia Raja, and carried 
him off prisoner to Hastindpur. Drona now obliged Dru- 
pada to give him half the Raj of Panchdia; and Drupada 
returned to his reduced dominion, and swore to be revenged 
on Drona. 

; Appoint- Meanwhile the time arrived for appointing a Yuva-raja, 
i mentof^ Qj. little Raja.’^ The Yuva-raja was to help the Mah£- 
or^^ATttie’ Raja,” in his old age, and to inherit the Raj 

Raja.” . after his death. A Yuva-raja was appointed whilst the 
Mah£raja was alive, in order to secure the succession, and 
to accustom the young prince to the duties of government.^ 
First exile In the first instance, Mahdraja Dhritardshtra appointed 
of the Pan- Yudhishthira to be Yuva-raja. Duryodliana and the Kau- 
davas. ravas raised a great outcry. They asked the Mahdraja 
why he promoted his nephews at the expense of his sons. 
The blind old sovereign became sorely troubled. The sons 
of Pdndu had a rightful claim, but his own sons had a 
natural claim. The Maharaja was afraid that war and blood- 
shed would break out in Hastinapur. After much hesitation 
he ordered Yudhishthira and his brethren to go to the city 
of Varand-vata, the modern Allahabad, there to abide until 
he should recall them to Hastinipur. The Pindavas obeyed 
the words of the Maharaja, and went with their mother 
Kunti to the city of Y^randvata. When they had departed 
out of Plastinapur, the Maharaja appointed Duryodliana to 
be Yuva-raja. 

Aryan The exile of the Pdndavas carried them to the frontier 
pale. of the Aryan pale. The city of Varandvata, the ancient 
Pray^g and modern Allahabad, was situated at the junction 
of the Ganges and Jumna. On the north was the famous 
Raj of Ayodhyd, or Oude. To the south and east was the 
country of Rakshasas and Asuras, demons and cannibals.^ 

^ The custom of appointing a Yuva-raja, or Joobraj, still prevails in 
Hindu courts. A similar custom prevailed amongst the later kings of 
Judah and Israel. 

2 Further particulars respecting the region outside the Aryan pale will 
be furnislied in dealing with tbe Ramayana, The region to the east- 
ward of Allahabad, wWch is said to have been occupied by Rakshasas 
and Asuras, corresponds with Magadha, the modern Behar, the cradle 
of Buddhism. 


Chap. I.] 


MAHA bhArata. 


9 


The Kaiiravas had already sent a trusty retainer to Vira- b.c. 
ndvata to compass the destruction of the Pdndavas. On 
reaching the city, the P^ndavas were met by this retainer, 
who led them to a college of holy men, and then conducted escape of 
them to a house which he had prepared for their reception, tke Pan- 
At night-time the Pd.ndavas discovered that this house was 
built of combustibles, and that it was locked and barred on 
the outside. They escaped through a subterranean passage, 
which is shown to this day in the fortress of Allahabad. 

The house was burnt down with all that it contained, inclu- 
ding a Bhil woman and five of her sons, who had got drunk 
after the manner of their race, and fallen asleep inside the 
building. The discovery of their blackened remains led 
all men to believe that Kuntf and her five sons had perished 
in the confiagratioii. 

The Pdndavas next disguised themselves as Brahman Ad-ven- 
mendicants, and journeyed eastward through the land 
Rdkshasas and Asuras. The sacred garb ensured them 
respect, whilst they collected enough alms for their daily shasas.^ 
needs. In this manner they journeyed to the city of Eka- 
chakra, the modern Arrah. On the way Bhima is said to 
have conquered and slain a cannibal Asura, named Hidimba, 
and then to have married his sister Hidimhi. 

At Ekachakra, the Pdndavas and their mother lodged in Battle 
the house of a Brahman. There Bhima had an adventure 
with another cannibal Asura, named Vaka. According to 
the story, Vaka lived in the outskirts of the city, and re- 
quired the inhabitants to supply him with a stock of pro- 
visions and a human victim every day. The household of 
the Brahman where the Pandavas lodged were in great grief, 
for it was the Brahman’s turn to supply a human victim. 

The infant son of the Brahman broke off a pointed blade of 
grass, and wanted to go and kill the Asura. Kunti and her 
sons were moved to tears. Bhima went out to meet the 
Asura. He tore up a tree by the roots to serve as a club ; 
and then fought the cannibal and slew him, and dragged his 
body to the gate of the city.^ 

^ The stories of Hidimbi and Vaka are apparently allegorical fictions, 
coined by the Brahmanical compilers of the Maha Bharata, as an expres- 
sion of their hatred against the Buddhists. The conntiy, as already seen, 
was the hot-bed of Buddhism ; consequently it is peopled by Rakshasas 
and Asuras. In Burma and other Buj^hist countries, the ladies, though 


ro 


HINDU INDIA- 


[Part I. 


i B-fi* At this crisis heralds were proclaiming in all lands that 

15 00-14 00 Drupada of Panchdla was about to celebrate the 

Swayani- Swayamvara of his daughter Draupadf at his city of Kdm- 
varaof pilya.^ The Sway am vara was a marriage festival. Young 
; Draupadf. men of the noble race of Kshatriyas contended in feats of 

> strength and skill for the hand of a daughter of a Raja. It 

t; was called a Swayamvara, or ^^seif choice,” because the 

; damsel was supposed to have some choice in the matter.^ 

Accordingly the P^ndavas laid aside their old hostility against 
i Drupada, and went to the Swayamvara of his daughter, who 

I was said to be the fairest maiden in all the world. 

I The golden The Swayamvara of Draupadi is a Rajpdt romance. All 

I the Rajas of India are said to have been present, including 

Duryodhana and the other Kauravas, as well as Kama, 
j their low-born ally. A large plain was set apart with 

■i barriers and galleries, like the area of the exhibition of 

k arms at Hastinapur. At one end of the plain a golden fish 

S was set up on the top of a pole. Beneath, or before, the 

j fish, a chakra or quoit was hung, and kept constantly whiii- 

t ing round. Near the same spot was a heavy bow of 

enormous size. The man who strung the bow, and shot 
an arrow through the chakra, which should strike the eye 
^ of the fish, was to be the winner of the daughter of 

the Raja. 

Draupadf When the Pandavas reached the city of Kimpilya they 
and her found a number of Rajas encamped round about. There 
i DhrisSa- soldiers and elephants, merchants and showmen, and 

dyumna.' multitudes of spectators. After many days of sports and 
feasting, the morning of the Swayamvara began to dawn. 
The city was awakened with drums and trumpets, and the 

perfectly modest, are more free and unreserved than in a Brahmanical 
country like India. This fact is exaggerated in the story of Hidimbi, 
who is represented as asking Bhfma to take her as his wife. Vaka is 
nothing more than an allegorical personification of a Buddhist monas- 
tery, situated in the outskirts of a city, and receiving a daily supply of 
provisions from the inhabitants. The Buddhist monks had no objection 
to flesh meat, which was opposed to Brahmanical laws ; accordingly 
they figure as cannibals. Emma, the hero of the Pandavas, is described 
as clestropng the monster or monastery. 

1 General Cunningham identifies Kampilya with the modem Kampil, 
between Budaon and Farukhabad. 

^ At later Sway amvaras there were no preliminary games, but a 
princess simply chose her own bridegroom. 



Chap. I.] 


mahA bhArata. 


II 


plain was hung with hags and garlands. The multitude b.c. 
crowded round the barriers ; the Rajas filled the galleries ; 
the Brahmans chanted the Vedic hymns in praise of Indra ' 
and the gods. The princess Draupadi appeared with a 
garland in her hand, and her brother Dhiishta-dyumna stood 
at her side. The prince stepped forward and proclaimed 
that his sister would be the bride of the man who shot 
an arrow through the chakra and struck the eye of the 
golden fish. He then turned to his sister and said, “If 
a Kshatriya^ performs this feat, you must throw your 
garland round his neck, and accept him for your lord and 
bridegroom.’^ 

Then the Rajas arose from their seats and entered the Failure of 
area. They gathered round the golden fish and looked the Rajas, 
wistfully at the bow ^ but every man was afraid to lift it lest 
he should fail to bend it, and excite laughter and scorn. 

Presently one tried to bend the bow and failed. Then 
many tried and shared his fate. At last Kama entered the 
lists ] he bent the bow and fitted an arrow to the string. At 
this moment Draupadi stepped forth. She cried aloud, “ I 
wed not with the base-born I ” So Kama was abashed and 
walked away ; but his heart was burning with rage and 
mortification. 

Other Rajas came up, but not one could bend the bow. Triumph 
The Pindavas looked on, still disguised as Brahmans, of Arjuna. 
Suddenly Arjuna stept forth and strung the bow, and fitted 
an an'ow to. the string. The Brahmans looked on with wild 
surprise to see a Brahman contend at a Swayamvara. The 
Brahmans in the crowd were sore afraid lest the Rajas 
should be ofiended and withhold their alms; they implored 
Arjuna to withdraw. But Arjuna, nothing daunted, drew 
his bow with all his might; he shot the arrow through the 
centre of the whirling chakra into the eye of the golden 
fish. A roar of acclamations rose like the crash and roll of 
thunder. The Brahmans forgot their fears and waved their 
scarfs with delight. The beautiful Draupadi came forth, as 
her brother had commanded her, and threw the garland 
round the neck of Arj una, and allowed him to lead her away 
as her lord and bridegroom, 

^ The Arykns ineluded at least two castes, the Kshatriyas, or military 
caste, and the Brahmans, or priests and sages. The Rajpdts claim to 
be Kshatriyas. 


12 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part I. 


K-c. The sight drove the Rajas into a fury. They cried out, 
Could not a Kshatriya win the damsel? Are we to be 
Wrath of l^^HTabled by a Brahman ? ‘‘ The life of a Brahman is sacred, 

the Rajas, but down with the guilty race of Dmpada ! They gathered 
round Raja Drupada with angry faces and naked swords; 
they threatened to burn his daughter on a pile unless she 
chose a Kshatriya for her husband. At this moment the 
P^ndavas threw off their disguise. Arjuna stood forth and 
proclaimed his birth and lineage. The children of Bharata 
were the noblest Kshatriyas in the land, and none could 
doubt the right of Arjuna to contend at a Swayamvara. So 
the Rajas sheathed their swords in sullen anger, and went 
away to their own homes ; whilst Arjuna led away his 
bride, and placed her in the charge of his mother Kunti, 
until the marriage rites could be performed, according to 
the law.^ 

Alliance The marriage of Draupadi broke up the league be- 
between tween the Pandavas and Drona against Drupada. The 
davas^and Kauravas remained on the side of Drona. The Pandavas 
Drupada. went over to Drupada and formed a close alliance with 
him. Both Drupada and the Pandavas prepared to make 
war upon Drona and the Kauravas. Drupada was anxious 
to recover the lost half of his Raj of Panchala ; whilst the 
Pindavas were anxious to secure the Raj they had inherited 
from their father Pan du. 

Division This alliance caused much alarm at Hastin^pur. The 
of the Raj, younger men were clamorous for war, but the blind Maharaja 
was averse to bloodshed. At last Bhishma proposed that the 
Raj of Hastin^pur should be divided between the Kauravas 
and Pindavas. After many debates the Mahdraja followed the 
counsel of Bhishma. The Raj was divided, but it was not 
a fair division. The uncleared jungle of Khandava-prastha 
was made over to the Pandavas ; whilst the Mahdraja and 
the Kauravas remained in possession of Hastindpur.^ 

^ The marriage of Draupadi has a dark side, which is best left in 
obscurity. According to a barbarous law, which prevailed in times 
when female infanticide was a general rule, a woman was married to the 
eldest brother, but became the vife of all the brothers of a family. 
Thus Draupadi was married to ATrdhishthira, but became the wife of all 
five Pandavas. The subject is sufficiently discussed in the larger 
history. See vol. i. Maha Bharata. 

^ The old jungle or forest of Khandava-prastha covered the site of 
modern Delhi and the surrounding country. 



Chap. I] 


mahA BHARATA. 


13 


The jungle of Kh^ndava-prastha was occupied by a 
Scythic tribe, known as Ndgas, or serpent-worshippers. 

They were driven out by the simple process of burning the of 
forest. The Pandavas built a fortress, and called it Indra- Khandava- 
prasthaj ^ prastha. 

The tradition of the new Raj tells something of the social Status of 
status of the ancient Kshatriyas. They were at once a 
soldier and a ruling caste. They were all Rajpiits, or the ^ 
sons of Rajas ; and so long as they protected their people, 
so long they exercised the rights of sovereignty. They did 
not trade like the Vaisyas, nor cultivate the lands like the 
Sudras. Their duty was to fight with the bow and arrows, 
the sword and spear.^ 

The Pandavas ruled their Raj like true Kshatriyas. For Growth of 
a while they supported themselves by hunting in the 
jungles. But cultivators soon flocked to the cleared lands, 
and sowed the seed, and gave the Raja’s share of the 
harvests to Yudhishthira. In return the Pandavas protected 
them from every enemy, and drove out all robbers and 
cattle-lifters. 

After a while there was a misunderstanding amongst the Exile of 
Pandavas. Arjuna left the Raj, and went into exile for 
twelve years. His adventures during this period are so 
marvellous that they may be treated as romance rather than 
as history. He married Uliipi, a daughter of the Raja of 
the Ndgas ; but she is described as a serpent rather than as 
a mortal woman. He is said to have received weapons 
from the gods. He went to Manipura in eastern Bengal, 
and married the daughter of a Raja, and had a son. He 
went to Dwaraka in Guzerat, and married Subhadrd, the 
sister of Krishna. At the end of twelve years he returned 
to Hastinapur, accompanied by Subhadra. 

^ There are said to have been five districts corresponding to the five 
Pandavas. The point is of small moment, except to archaeologists. 

Eveiy traveller to Delhi who has visited the Kiitab tower, will remem- 
ber the desolate heaps, the of thousands of years, that are scat- 
tered along the road. To this day there is a broken mound, called the 
“ Old Fort,” which tradition wonld identify with the fortress built by 
the Pandavas. 

® The Hindus are divided into four great castes, namely Brahmans 
or priests, Kshatriyas or soldiers, Vaisyas or merchants, and Siidras or 
cultivators. These again are distributed into a number of subdivisions, 
which are also called families, tribes, or castes. . 




14 HINDU INDIA. [Part I. 1 

B.c. By this time the Pindavas were established in their Eaj. 

15 00- 14 Q0 Accordingly they celebrated a great feast or sacrifice^ kno’^m 
The Raja- Rajasuya, or royal sacrifice. It was a royal banquet 

suya, or given to all the neighbouring Rajas as an assertion of their 
royal independent sovereignty over their new Raj. All the Rajas 
sacrifice. >^ere there, and amongst them was Duryodliana and his 
brethren. The Rajasfiya was extolled by all the guests, but 
it made the Kauravas more jealous than ever, and they 
began to plot amongst themselves for the destruction of the 
Pdndavas. ^ ^ % 

Plot The ancient Kshatriyas were all given to gambling. ^ 

against the a brother of G^ndhdri, the mother of the Kauravas, 

an avas. ^ noted gambler, and had an evil reputation for using 
loaded dice. He was dwelling at Hastinapur, and the 
Kauravas asked him how they could ruin the Pandavas. 

Sdkuni counselled his nephews to invite the Pandavas to a j 

gambling match at Hastinapur. Duryodliana was to dial- ' 

lenge Yudhishthira to play, but Sakuni was to throw the 
dice; and Yudhishthira was to be egged on until he had , 
lost the Raj, and the whole of his possessions. | 

Gambling The invitation was sent and accepted. The Pandavas 
match. 'vvent to Hastinapur, accompanied by Draupadi. The 
gambling match was held in a pavilion set up near the 
palace. Duryodhana challenged Yudhishthira to a game. 

The play began, and Sakuni threw the dice for his nephew. 
Yudhishthira protested against the game. He complained 
that Sakuni ought not to throw the dice; but still he con- j 

tinned to play. He laid stake after stake, wildly, madly, p 

and without regard to consequences. He was the elder f 

brother ; the other Pandavas reverenced him as their father, | 

and would not venture to interfere. 

Yudbish- It is needless to lengthen out the story. Yudhishthira f 
thira’s lost all the wealth and cattle of himself and his brethren, 
losses. Then he gambled away the Raj of Khdndava-prastha, f 
Next he staked his brethren, one after the other, beginning j; 

with the youngest, and lost every one. Then he staked | 

himself and lost. Finally he staked Draupadi, and lost her 
: with all the rest to the wicked Duryodliana.^ 

Terrible The scene which followed is perhaps the most sensa- 
scene. tional in Hindu history. The Pdndavas and Draupadi had 

1 Similar cases of such reckless gambliug are to be found to this day 
in Burma and Nipal. 


Chap. I.] MAH A BHAratA. 15 

become the slaves of Duryodhana, The assembly was in b.c. 
a state of consternation ; the chieftains looked from one 
to the other, but no man spoke a word. Duryodhana sent ~~ 
a messenger to bring Draupadi from the palace. The 
princess was filled with wrath when she was told that she 
had been gambled away as a slave-girl to Duryodhana. 

She asked whether Yudhishthira had not gambled away 
himself before he had staked his wife ; for if he had become 
a slave he could not stake a free woman. She refused to 

» go to the gambling pavilion until she received an answer. 

But reason and arguments were thrown away. Duhs^sana 
went to the palace, seized Draupadi by her long black hair, 
and dragged her into the pavilion. He told her to take a 
broom and sweep the rooms. She appealed to all the 
chieftains in the pavilion ; she called upon them as husbands 
and fathers, to protect her from Duryodhana ; but not a 
man would stir hand or foot in her defence. Yudhishthira 
was paralyzed with fear; he refused to interfere, and he 
ordered his brethren to be silent. Duryodhana then dragged 
Draupadi to his knee. Bhima could hold out no longer : 
he gnashed his teeth, and swore that the day should come 
when he would smash the knee of Duryodhana, and drink 
the blood of Duhsasana. 

At this moment the blind Mahdraja was led into the Blind 
pavilion. He had been told all that had occurred, and was Maharaja, 
anxious to stop bloodshed. He decided that the Pdndavas 
had lost their Raj ; but he would not permit the Pandavas 
and Draupadi to become the slaves of Duryodhana. He 
ordered them to go into the jungles as exiles for a period 
of twelve years. At the end of that time they were to 
secrete themselves in any city they pleased for one more 
year. If the Kauravas failed to find them, they were to 
recover their Raj. If the Kauravas discovered them before 
the year was up, they were to lose their Raj for ever.^ 

The Pdndavas went forth, followed by Draupadi. Bhima re- Second 
peated his oath that a day would come, when he would smash exile of the 
the knee of Duryodhana, and drink the blood of Duhsasana. P^indavas. 
Draupadi untied her long black hair, and swore that it should 
never be tied again until Bhima had fulfilled his vow. 

^ The story of this exile is probably a myth, which had no place in 
the original tradition, but was inserted at a later period in the Sanskrit 
poem of the Maha Bharata, 

I::''' 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part I. 


B.C. 

1500-1400 

Twelve 

years. 


Belief in 
ghosts or 
demons. 


Pandavas 
at Virata. 



The adventures of the Pindavas, during the twelve years’ 
exile in the jungle, are either trivial or supernatural. ^ There 
is nothing that illustrates real life. The main interest 
centres in the thirteenth year, during which the Pandavas 
were to conceal themselves in some city without being 
discovered by the Kauravas. Even this story is so arti- 
ficially constructed, that it might be rejected as a palpable 
fiction I an episode of a game of ‘“ hide and seek ” between 
Kauravas and Pandavas, to fill up the interval between the 
expulsion of the Pandavas and the beginning of the great 
war. 

But the story of the thirteenth year, artificial as it is, 
presents a picture of Hindu courts in primitive simplicity. 
Moreover, it is a satire on the belief in ghosts or demons, 

, as lovers of fair women. This belief in “spirit lovers” 

, was common enough in the ancient world, and finds full 
‘ expression in the book of Tobit. Sara, the daughter of 
Kaguel, married seven husbands in succession, but each one 
was murdered in turn by a demon lover named Asmodeus.^ 
The same belief still lingers in all parts of India. The 
Hindu story of the thirteenth year is contrived to ridicule 
such a belief; it is a relic of an age of Hindu civilization, 
which has died out of the world. 

According to the Sanskrit epic the Pindavas proceeded 
^ to a city, named Virata, just before the beginning of the 
, thirteenth year.^ They were disguised in various ways, in 
the hope of entering the service of the Raja, who was also 
named Virdta. They found the Raja sitting at the entrance- 
hall to his palace, surrounded by his council of chiefs or 
elders, after ancient Hindu fashion. After a long pre- 
liminary conversation all the five Pdndavas were taken into 
. the service of the Raja. Yudhishthira was engaged to 
teach the Raja how to gam.ble. Bhima, the giant, was 
appointed head cook, as his strength would enable him to 
prevent the under cooks from wasting or stealing the 
victuals. Arjuna was disguised as a eunuch, and engaged 
to teach music and dancing to the daughter of the Raja. 
The two younger brothers were employed, one as master of 
the horse, and the other as master of the cattle. 

^ Tobit, chaps, iii. to viii. 

2 General Cunningham identifies tins city with the modern Bairat, 
about 105 miles to the south of Delhi. 




Ghap. I.] 


mahA bhArata. 


17 


There was some difficulty about Draupadf. She had vowed b.c. 
not to tie up her hair ; this was evaded by twisting it into IS00-1400 
a string like the tail of a serpent Her beauty excited the 
jealousy of the Rani; this was overcome by her telling the a ladyV ' 
Rini that she was beloved by five ghosts, called Gandharvas, maid, 
who would murder any mortal man who paid her the slightest 
attention. Accordingly she was engaged as lady’s-maid to 
the Rani. 

Bhima soon gained the favour of Raja Virata. A foreign Bhima’s 
wrestler, named Jimiita, had put all the warriors of the Raja strength, 
to shame, so that none dared to encounter him. Bhfma 
came forward, and vanquished Jimdta, and put him to death 
amidst the acclamations of the multitude. The Raja leaped 
from his seat with joy, and bestowed many gifts on Bhima. 

From that time he took a great liking to Bhima, and made 
him fight with lions, tigers, or bears, in the presence of his 
ladies. 

In those days a prince, named Kich£ka, was dwelling at Kichaka, 
Virdta. He was brother of the Rani, and commander-in- the brother 
chief of the army of the Raj. He did what he pleased at 
Vir£ta, according to the old saying, “ The -brother of the 
Rdnl is always to be feared by the Raja.” 

Kichaka became enamoured of Draupadf, and asked her Fight in 
to become his wife. She replied that she could not marry th® 
him because of her five Gandharva lovers. Kichdka would 
not be refused ; he told her she must marry him, and treated 
her with rudeness. She complained to the Raja, but he 
would do nothing; he was too much afraid of the Rdnfs 
brother. She next complained to Bhfma, and he promised 
that she should be revenged. One night Kichdka went to 
the palace to see Draupadf, but met Bhfma in her stead. A 
desperate battle was fought in the music-room. At last 
Bhfma killed Kichaka and left him dead on the floor. He 
then went off to sleep in the kitchen, without saying a word 
to any one. 

Next morning the dead body of Kichdka was found in Gandliai-va 
the music-room. Every bone was broken ; those who saw lovers, 
the body said that Kichdka had not been murdered by men, 
but by demons. The story was soon told in the streets and 
bazars, that the commander-in-chief had been killed by 
Gandharvas, because of his love for the Rauf’s waiting- 
maid. The whole city was in an uproar. The brothers of 


y 




i8 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part 1. 


General 

panic. 


Virata 

invaded. 


B.c. Kich^ka came to the palace to bring away the dead body 
15 00-14 00 place of burning. They saw Draupadi and canied 

her off likewise to burn with Kichdka, and compel her to 
join him in the world of shades. Bliima heard her screams. 
He drew his hair over his face, so that no man should know 
him. He tore up a tree by its roots to serve as a club. 
He fell upon the brothers of Kichdka and slew every one, 
and returned to the palace by a secret way. 

The general consternation was now greater than ever. 
The city was seized with a panic. The Raja and the 
council of chieftains were in mortal fear of Draupadi and 
her Gandharvas. The Raja was afraid to speak to her. 
The Rd,ni told her to leave the city ; but the thirteenth year 
of concealment was nearly over, and Draupadi remained 
in the palace in spite of them all. 

Meanwhile the death of Kichaka had been noised abroad. 
The Rajas round about said, ^‘Kichaka is dead; let us 
invade the Raj of Virata and carry off the cattle.” One 
Raja invaded the northern quarter, and carried off cows 
and buffaloes ; and the herdsmen ran to the city to tell 
Raja Yirdta. The trbops were called out, and Raja Virdta 
mounted his chariot, and drove off to recover the cattle. 

Whilst Virdta was gone to the northern quarter of the Raj, 
Duryodhana and the other Kauravas invaded the southern 
quarter, and carried off more cattle. The herdsmen came 
to the city complaining and lamenting, but there was no 
Raja to protect them. Arjuna called for a chariot, put on 
his armour, and appeared before the court* with his weapons 
in his hands. The princess and her damsels laughed merrily 
to see the dancing-master in armour ; they all cried to him 
to bring back a rich spoil of silks and jewels. In this 
manner Arjuna drove off to recover the cattle from the 
Kauravas. 

At this point the story loses its interest. Arjuna was 
discovered by the Kauravas, and it was a question whether 
the discovery was made before or after the completion of 
the fourteenth year. ■ The question was never settled. 
Negotiations were opened which might have been begun 
immediately after the expulsion of the Pdndavas ; although, 
according to the Mahd Bhdrata, they were not begun until 
after the completion of the thirteenth year of exile. 

Raja Drupada, the father-in-law of the Pandavas, sdnt a 


Dancing- 

master 

turns 

warrior. 


Difficulties 
in the 
story. 



Chap. I.] 


mahA bhArata. 


Brahman, as envoy from the Pdndavas to the Maharaja of b.c. 
Hastinapur. The Mahdraja called the council together to 15^^-240^^ 
receive the envoy. The Brahman spoke thus to the coun- 
cil : An envoy is the tongue of the party by whom he is send an 
sent : If he fails to discharge his trust, and does not envoy to 
faithfully repeat his master’s words, he is guilty of treachery : Hastina- 
Have I therefore your permission to repeat the message 
sent by the Pandavas?’’ The whole council exclaimed, 

Speak the words of the P£ndavas without extenuation and 
without exaggeration.” Then the Brahman spoke as follows : 

‘‘ The Pandavas send their salutations and speak these 
words ; ‘ Dhritarashtra and Pandu were brothers, as all 
men know; why then should the sons of Dhritarashtra’ 
inherit the whole Raj, whilst the sons of Pandu are shut 
out ? It is true that the Pandavas have lost their Raj of 
Khdndava-prastha in a game of dice ; but it was by loaded 
dice and false play ; and unless you restore their inheritance 
they must declare war, and the blood of the slain will be 
upon your heads.’ ” 

The speech of the Brahman threw the council into a tur- Debate in 
moil. The Kauravas wrangled like angry kinsmen. The council, 
points of the debate were very simple. Was there, or was 
there not, foul play at the gambling match ? Were the Piin- 
davas discovered by the Kauravas before or after the close 
of the thirteenth year? Bhxshma praised Arjuna to the dis- 
gust of Kama. The debate was ended by the Maharaja, who 
sent his charioteer, Sanjaya, with a reply to the Pdndavas.^ 

The real object of the mission of Sanjaya w^as to induce Mission of 
the Pandavas to return to Plastindpur, without giving them Sanjava to 
any pledge that their Raj would be restored. Mahdraja 
Dhritarashtra sent a message which was duly repeated to 
the Pandavas and their allies. He poured out praises 
upon the Pandavas ; he said that enemies and friends were 
equally loud in extolling them; some of the Kauravas 
might have used harsh language, but he would make peace 

^ Sanjaya is said to have been the minister and charioteer of Maharaja 
Dhritarashtra. He thus held an important post in the court of Has- 
tinapur. Kama is accounted lovi^-born, because he was the son of a 
charioteer. The origin of this discrepancy is discussed in the larger 
history. The Brahmanical compilers of the Maha Bharata were jealous 
of the important part played by charioteers in the original version of the 
tradition, and therefore represented them in the poem as a low-born 
race of carters and -waggoners. 


C 2 


20 HINDU INDIA. [Part I. 

B.c. between all parties, if the Pdndavas would only return to 
1500-1400 Hastin^pur. ' 

Itsl^Mxe Pandavas, however, were not to be entrapped. Yud- 

hishthira replied that neither he nor his brethren would 
return to Hastin^pur, unless a pledge was given that their 
half of the Raj would be restored. Accordingly both parties 
pr-epared. for war. 

Character There is little in the war of the Maha Bhdrata to render 
of the war. it memorable' in after generations, beyond the horrible tale 
of slaughter. In its original form it w^as not associated 
with any sentiment of patriotism or religion, such as ani- 
mated the children of Israel during the conquest of the 
promised land. Neither was it a \var in which men fought 
to wipe out dishonour, as the Greeks fought the Trojans 
during the siege of Troy. Nor was it a war between men of 
different blood like that between Greece and Persia. It was 
nothing but a battle between kinsmen for the possession of 
land. 

Plain of The Kauravas and Pandavas assembled their respective 
Kuru- allies on a famous plain round a lake or tank, known as 
kshetra. Kuru-kshetra. It was situated about fifty or sixty miles 
from modern Delhi. The warriors were arrayed against 
each other, and stirred up every angry passion by abusing 
and railing at each other. At last when they had lashed . 
each other into fury by taunts and gibes, they rushed against 
each other like ferocious beasts or madmen. Some threw 
stones; others fought with their fists, teeth, and nails, or 
kicked and wrestled till one or other was Idlled. Others 
fought with clubs, knives, swords, spears, javelins, chakras, 
or bows and arrows. Whenever a conqueror had overthrown 
his adversary he severed his head from the body, and 
carried it off as a trophy. 

Single The story of revenge and slaughter was one which fathers 
cottbats might tell their sons from generation to generation, as a 
ghastly moral against feuds and wars. It is not so much a 
description of a general battle, as of a series of single 
combats between distinguished warriors, which would be 
sung in ballads for ages afterwai'ds. Bhishma, the patriarch 
of the royal house of Hastindpur, was slain by Arjuna. 
Drona engaged in mortal combat with Drupada to settle 
the old feud which had driven him into exile. Dnipada 
was slain by Drona; but his son Dhrishta-dyiimna revenged 



X'hap. I.] 


mahA bhArata. 


21 


Ms death by fighting against Drona until he slew him, 

Bhima engaged in mortal combat with Duhsdsana, the man 1500-1400 
who dragged Dranpadi by her hair into the gambling 
pavilion. Bhima overthrew his enemy, cut off his head, 
and drank his blood in accordance with his vow, and then 
tied up the dishevelled hair of Dranpadi whilst his fingers 
were dripping with the blood of the evil doer, Lastly 
there was the crowning contest between Arjuna and Kama. 

They fought in war-chariots with their bows and arrows in 
their hands. Arjuna was almost overcome by the arrows 
of Kama, when the wheel of Kama’s charriot sank into 
the earth, and would not move. Kama called out to his 
adversary to hold his hand until he recovered the wheel; 
but Arjuna saw his opportunity, and shot Kama dead with 
an arrow. 

The details of the battle are interminable, and occupy Slaughter 
volumes. One dreadful night the warriors fought through of the 
the darkness with a weapon in one hand and a torch in 
the other. The battle was really over on the seventeenth 
day, when Bhima slew Duhsdsana, and Arjuna slew Kama. 

On the eighteenth day Duryodhana rallied his forces for a 
general engagement, but all the Kauravas excepting himself 
were slain upon the field, and he fled away to the lake in 
the centre oL the plain. Bhima ran after Duryodhana, and 
mocked and reviled him until the ghastly warrior came out 
and engaged in a final combat. The two men fought with 
clubs, until Bhima struck a foul blow, which smashed the 
knee of Duryodhana, and then left him to die where he lay,^ 

The Pdndavas had got the mastery, but the bloodshed Revenge of 
was not over. There was yet to be a slaughter of sleeping Aswatt- 
meii in the camp of the Pandavas; it is known as «< the 
revenge of Aswatthdraa.” Drona, the father of Aswatt- 
hama, had slain Drupada, and had then been killed by 
Drupada’s son Dhrishta-dyumna. Aswatthdma lived to 
carry on the feud, and swore to be revenged on Dhrishta- 
dyumna and the Pdndavas. 

At evening time Aswatthdma and two surviving warriors Omen of 
stood by the side of the wounded Duryodhana. They 
cheered his dying agonies by pledging themselves to avenge crows. 

^ The foul blow of Bhima consisted in his striking Duiyodhana below 
the waist. The blow was given in accordance with the vow which 
Bhima had made in the gambling pavilion. 


22 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Paet I. 


B.c. his death. They left him on the field, and sat under a 
15 00-14 00 consider what to do. Suddenly Aswatthama learnt 

a lesson from an omen. Crows were roosting in the tree ; 
an owl approached them warily ; he hilled them one at a 
time without awakening them. ^^Thus,’^ cried Aswatthdma, 
“ we will revenge ourselves on the sleeping Pandavas ; we 
will kill them one at a time, as the owl has killed the 
crows. ’’ 

Camp of The camp of the Pandavas was on one side of the lake, 
the Panda- arid the Camp of the Kauravas on the other. The Pandavas 
was. Draupadi and her sons in charge of allies and 

servants, and had gone to the camp of the Kauravas to take 
possession of the spoil, and pass the night there. 

Slaughter At midnight Aswatthama and his two comrades approached 
of Dhrish- the camp of the Pandavas. It was surrounded by a deep 
ta-dyum- trench, and had but one entrance. Aswatthama posted his 
two comrades at the entrance, and stole off to the quarters 
of Dhrishta-dyumna. The son of Drupada was sleeping 
on the ground. . Aswatthdma awoke him by kicking his 
head. The doomed warrior saw his enemy standing over 
him with a drawn sword. He cried out ^‘Treachery!” 
Aswatthdma broke his skull with the back of the sword, 
and silenced him for ever. He then rushed out of the 
tent to be revenged on the Pandavas, 

General The P^ndavas were away at the camp of the Kauravas, 
massacre, hut Draupadi and her sons were sleeping at their quarters. 

The young men were awakened by the turmoil in the 
quarters of Dhrishta-dyumna. They ran out one after the 
other, and were cut down and killed by Aswatthdma. By 
this time the whole camp was in disorder. Friends and 
kinsmen were shouting and fighting against each other. 
The women filled the air with shrieks and screams. Num- 
bers were killed and wounded on all sides. Some tried to 
escape from the camp, but were cut down by the two men 
at the entrance. Aswatthama lost his way in the darkness, 
but set alight to a great pile of firewood. The camp was 
filled with a sudden glare of fire and flame. Aswatthama 
escaped amidst the uproar, gained the entrance, and 
disappeared with his comrades into the outer world. 

Death of The day was just dawning as the three men walked 
Duryod- across the plain of Kuru-kshetra. Wolves and jackals had 
hana. . attack the dead corpses, but were scared away by 


Ghap. I.] 


mahA bhArata, 


■23 


the light of morning. The three warriors took a last fare- b.c. 
well of the dying Duryodhana; they gladdened his last 
moments with the story of their revenge; and then, as he ““ 
gave up the ghost, they fled away into the jungle and were 
heard of no more. 

The final scene in the great war is told with much pathos. Funeral 
The agony of Draupadf and the woe of the Pindavas may rites, 
be passed over in silence. The sympathies of the reader are 
not with the victors, but with the mourners for the dead. . 

As the day began to dawn, the widows, daughters, and 
mothers of the slain came on the field of Kuru-kshetra 
weeping and wailing, to perform the last rites of their dead 
kinsmen. The funeral piles were burning, but no wudow 
threw herself into the flames. The imagination rests upon 
the weeping women, without the additional horror of female 
sacrifices, which characterised a later period of Hindu 
history.^ 

Next followed another painful scene. The blind old Submis- 
Maharaja Dhritardshtra, and his wretched wife Gandhari, sion of the 
were borne down with grief for the loss of their sons ; yet , . 
both came out of Plastindpur, with the touching submission ^ ^ 
of Hindus, to bend to the decrees of fate, and pay their 
homage to the victors. This done, they went off to the 
jungle to take up their abode on the bank of the Ganges, 
and spend their last years in devotion and prayer. 

Amidst these scenes of mourning the conquerors were Triumph 
exulting in their victory. Drums were beaten, trumpets were 
sounded, flags were flying, whilst Yudhishthira and his 
brethren went in joyful procession to take possession of the 
Raj of Hastindpur. But the songs of triumph must have 
jarred upon ears that were filled with the cries of the 
mourners for the dead and dying. 

The end of the story may be told in a few words. Yud- Close of 
hishthira and his brethren became great conquerors ; they 
are said to have subdued every Raja throughout the length HndLas. 
and breadth of India. When they* had brought their 

^ It is difficult to reconcile the fact that no widow performed a Sati 
after the war of the Mahl Bhdrata with the statement that Madri, the 
younger wife of P^ndu, perished on his funeral pile. There was evP 
dently some conflict of authority as regards the rite of Sati ; possibly the 
story of Madri is an interpolation, and the rite of Sati originated in a 
later age. 


24 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part I. 


B.a conquests to a close, they celebrated a horse feast or sacrifice, 
1500-1400 i^tiown as an Aswamedha; it was an assertion of their 
sovereignty over the empire of India. All the Rajas whom 
they conquered were summoned to Indra-prastha to pay their 
homage to the conquerors, and to feast on horse-flesh after 
the manner of the ancient Kshatriyas. But before describ- 
ing the Aswamedha, it will be as well to review the scope 
and subject matter of the whole poem of the Maha Bhdrata. 
Composi- The foregoing narrative is a bare outline of the original 
tioa of the tradition of the Mahd, Bharata. It records events which 
Maha ^re referred to the fifteenth century before the Christian era ; 
Bharata. Israelites were delivered out of Egypt, and con- 

ducted by Moses to the promised land. After an apparent 
interval of unrecorded centuries, the story of the great war 
was retold in the Sanskrit poem as a religious parable, replete 
with spiritual meanings and pious teachings. The poem of 
the Mahd Bharata is of such inordinate length, that it may 
have been composed by a variety of bards ; but the work is 
referred to one particular Brahman sage, who is known by 
the name of Vy£sa, or “the arranger, 

Part Vyasa is represented as playing an important part in the 

played by events recorded in the Mahd Bhdrata; but everything which 
Vyasa. jg about him is improbable or supernatural. He is 
said to have been an illegitimate son of the damsel who 
afterwards married Mahdraja Santanu ; to have been the 
real father of Dhritardshtra and Pdndu ; to have caused 
Gfndhari to have a hundred sons at a birth. Sometimes he 
appears in an abrupt and supernatural manner to impart 
religious instruction to the Pdndavas, He directed Arjuna 
to perform penance on the Himalayas, and ordered Yud- 
hishthira to celebrate the Aswamedha as an atonement for 
sin. Sometimes he appears to explain away something that 
is opposed to Brahmanical ideas, such as the marriage of 
Draupadi to Yudhishthira and his brethren. 

ReU^ous The religious teaching of the Mahd .Bharata is evidently 
product of a later age than that in which the great war 
Bharataf fought ^ The Kanravas and Pindavas sacrificed to 
Indra, the king of gods, and appear to have worshipped the 
gods of fire, water, w-ind, and other Vedic deities. But the 
compilers of the Maha Bharata resolved all. these gods into 
one Supreme Spirit, under the name of Vishnu, and taught 
the worship of Krishna as an incarnation of Vishnu; 


Religious 


Chap. I.] 


mahA bhArata. 


i 

I 



Thus Krishna appears in the Mah^ Bhdrata as a mortal e-c- 
hero, and as the Supreme Being. Like Vyasa he plays an 1500- 
important part in the history of the great war, but generally 
in an improbable and supernatural manner. He is a played by 
mediator in times of feud, and a consoler in times of afiiic- Krishna, 
tion. He was present at the Swayamvara of Draiipadi to 
mediate between the Pandavas and the angry Rajas. He 
suddenly appeared in the gambling pavilion to prevent 
Duryodhana from insulting Draupadi. He was mixed up 
in the negotiations which preceded the great war, flying 
vast distances through the air in a moment of time. The 
Kauravas plotted to seize him at Hastindpur, but he became 
manifest as the Supreme Being; all the gods issued from 
his body, flames of Are fell from his eyes, and his form was 
as radiant with golden beams as the sun at noonday. He 
appeared to Arjuna on the morning of the first day of the 
war. Arjuna was shrinking from the slaughter of friends 
and kinsmen; he would rather die, he said, than fight 
against such good men as Bhishma and Drona. Krishna 
consoled him with the doctrine that death was but the 
transmigration of the soul from one body to another. He 
stirred Arjuna into action by assuring him that fighting was 
the duty of all Kshatriyas ; and that if he proved himself a 
coward, and failed to fight, he could never hope to enter 
the heaven of Indra. 

The story of the great war has been reduced in the fore- Grandeur 
going pages to a simple narrative of life and manners, exa^- 
But it is told in the Mah£ Bhdrata with all the exuberance 
and exaggeration of Oriental imaginations revelling in an 
ideal world. Every Raja in India is said to have been 
present at the Swayamvara of Draupadi and the Raja-sdya 
of Yudhishthira. Every Raja is said to have fought in the 
great war of the MahdBhdrata, on the side of the Kauravas, 
or on that of the Pandavas. The armies at Kuru-kshetra 
were thus reckoned by millions of millions ; elephants and 
chariots by tens of millions. The battle is described with a 
grandeur greater than that of the war of Zeus against the 
Titans. Drums were beaten, trumpets and war-shells were 
sounded, and gorgeous banners were waving in the air. 

Gigantic Rajas, arrayed in golden mail, and armed with 
supernatural weapons, appeared in chariots radiant with 
strings of jewels and bracelets of gold and pearls. Vast 


25 


HINDU INDIA. 


[PartL 


masses of elephants and chariots, horse and foot, were 
swayed to and fro like the waves of the sea. The air 
was darkened by darts and arrows, or illuminated with 
the flashing of swords and spears. Rivers of blood issued 
from mountains of slain. Lastly, frantie widows, with dis- 
hevelled hair, shrieked over the slaughtered bodies of 
husbands and sons, not by tens or hundreds, but by 
millions. 

\ Aswamed- The Aswamedha, or horse sacrifice of Yudhishthira, is 
ha, or horse described on an equally grand scale. The primitive idea 
‘ sacrifice, qxi Aswamedha was to let a horse loose for a year as a 
challenge to all the neighbouring Rajas. Whenever the 
horse wandered into the territory of another Raja, there was 
a battle for the supremacy. It was a rude sport adapted to 
a warlike race like the ancient Kshatriyas. If a warrior 
gained a succession of victories, he slaughtered the horse, 
and served it up at a great feast to all the conquered 
Rajas. In this manner Arjuna is said to have followed the 
horse of Yudhishthira, and conquered all the Rajas in 
India. He then summoned all the Rajas to attend the 
Aswamedha, to pay their homage to Yudhishthira, and to 
feast on the horse which was roasted for the occasion. 
Whether Aijuna did or did not conquer all the Rajas in 
India is a question which the reader must decide for him- 
self. If he did, the horse must have travelled immense 
distances. How the horse-feast became converted in after 
times into an atonement for sin is a religious question which 
may be left to conjecture.^ 

Final scene The Story of the great war concludes with a grand 
at the creation of Hindu imagination. It has already been seen 
Ganges, that the blind Mahdraja of Hastin4pur went away with his 
wife Gdndhari to dwell in retirement on the bank of the 
Ganges. Fifteen years after the great war, the widows and 
mothers of those who had been slain went to the same spot 
to mourn for the loss of their husbands and sons. Vydsa, 
the Brahman sage, appeared amongst the women to console 
them. He stood on the bank of the Ganges and invoked 
the dead warriors by their various names. Presently the 
river began to foam and boil, and a great noise rose out of 
the waters. The ghosts of the departed heroes appeared 

1 Some information on this point will be found in Chapter IV, on 
the ** Religion and Literature’^ of the Hindus. 


Chap. I,] 


MAHA BHARATA. 


27 


above the surface in all the glory and magnificence which 
they displayed on the plain of Kurn-kshetra. Bhishma and 
Drona, seated in their chariots in full armour, ascended out 
of the waters with all their armies, arrayed as they were on 
the first day of the Mahd Bharata. Next came Kama and 
Duryodhana, together with Sakuni and Duhsdsana, and 
many other warriors and Rajas. There too were the sons 
of I)raupadi, and her brother Dhrishta-dyumna, and all the 
men who had been slain in the revenge of Aswatth^ma, 
All appeared in great beauty and splendour, with horses, 
chariots, banners, and arms. But all enmity had departed 
from them, and they were all in perfect friendship with one 
another. Then the widows and other women were over- 
joyed ; not a trace of grief remained amongst them. 
Widows went to their husbands, daughters to their fathers, 
and mothers to their sons ; and all the fifteen years of 
sorrow were forgotten in the ecstasy of meeting. The night 
passed away in the fulness of joy; but when the morning 
dawned all the dead mounted their horses and chariots, and 
disappeared in the waters. Then Vyasa gave the widows 
leave to follow their husbands ; and having paid their 
devotions they plunged into the Ganges and joined their 
husbands in the heaven of Indra.^ 

^ All Kshatriyas who perished on the field of battle were supposed to 
go to Swarga, the heaven of Indra; but when their merits were suf- 
ficiently rewarded they returned to the world, and entered upon a new 
chain of existences in successive transmigrations. (See Chap. IV.) 


CHAPTER IL 

RAMAYANA : OUDE. 

ABOUT B.C. 1000. 

B.c. looo The R£iudyana is a Sanskrit epic like the Malia Bharata, 

but the main tradition reveals a higher stage of civilization.^ 

Raj of ^ The principal scenes are laid in Ayodhyd, or Oude, a large 
territory on the northern bank of the Ganges ; and north 
orOude. Rdkshasas and Asuras, described in the 

Mahd Bhdrata, The Raj of Ayodhyd thus occupied the 
centre of Hindustan.^ Its capital was also named Ayodhyd, 
and was situated on the river Sarayu;® it was hundreds of 
miles to the south-east of Hastindpur and Delhi The 
Maharaja of Ayodhyd was married to three wives or Ranis. 
He had eight chosen ministers ; two Brahman priests as his 
advisers ; and a great council of state for the exercise of 
* certain constitutional powers, 

1 An approximate date of the reign of Rama is fixed by the following 
data. General Gunningham has fixed the war of the Maha Bharata in 
the fifteenth century before the Christian era. Mention is made in the 
Maha Bharata of a certain Rituparna, as Raja of Ayodhya, Rituparna 
reigned in the fifteenth generation before Rdma, as shown in the genea 
logical lists. (See Tod's Rajasthan, yoL i.) Reckoning a generation a. 
thirty years there would be an interval of 450 years between the war 01 
the Maha Bharata and the reign of Rama. The date of the composition 
of the Ramayana is a very different matter; perhaps the poem was 
composed more than a thousand years after the actual exile of Rama. 

2 The Raj is known in the Ramayana as the Raj of Kosala ; and the 
name of Ayodhya, or Dude, is only applied to the city. The name of 
Rosala is important in dealing with Buddhist legends. 

® The river Sarayu is now known as the Gogra. The site of the 
ancient city of Ayodhyi is still to be traced amongst the mounds in the 
neighbourhood of Fyzabad. 



^ ^ Feshfiwur^} « 


T H I B E ’I 







fe. 

.7ZiS7 €Mtr< 


N Em<7*«? V>.t V '. 


i 4 .SB;<,T VIa.'-’" 


uujt' of YalmiL'i 

llAlvS.TIAi>.AS 


Bomboj-A 


CALCUTTA 

AT CuiM^y 


1 


» l r,. ^ Kadra-ji, 

V, PitolNSUEA, 



C.CoJXto^'^ jp> 


INDIA 

to iliusti'ate 

TllirRAMAYAKA. 

Staixito Miles 


Anciertl rutines Red. 

Modei'tv lUirneit.,. 







Chap* II.] 


bAmAyana* 


29 


Dasaratha, MaMraja of Ayodhy4 had four sons by his b.c. rooo 
three Miiis, namely, Lakshmana, Satrughna, and 777 ^. 

Blmrata. Rdma was the son of Kausalyd, the first and 
chief wife. Lakslimana and Satrughna were the sons of his four 
the middle wife. Bliarata was the son of the last wife, the sons, 
reigning favourite, the young and beautiful Kaikeyi. The 
plot of the Ramdyana turns upon the jealousy between 
Kausalya and Kaikeyi, and the rival claims of Rdma and 
Bharata. 

RAma, the eldest son by Kausalya, had been fortunate Rama, the 
and happy. The Raja of MithilA, to the eastward of Oude,^ eldest, 
proclaimed the Swayamvara of his daughter Sita. There 
was a huge bow, and SitA was to be given in marriage to 
the Raja who could bend the bow. The Swayamvara was 
held, but not a Raja could lift the bow from the ground. At 
last RAma took up the bow, and bent it until it broke in 
twain; and in due course he became the husband of the 
beautiful SftA. ^ 

At last the time arrived for the appointment of a Yuva- Rdma 
raja or ‘‘little Raja.^^ According to the story, Rama was appointed 
the universal favourite. Ministers, chieftains, and the Yuva-raja, 
people were all loud in their praises of RAma. The 
MahAraja resolved on appointing RAma to the post of 
Yuva-raja. He got rid of Bharata by sending him with his 
half-brother Satrughna on a visit to Kaikeyfs father, the Raja 
of Giri-vraja, seven days’ journey from AyodhyA.^ The 
MahAraja summoned RAma to the palace, and told him that 
on the morrow he would be installed as Yuva-raja. Mean- 
while Rama was to keep a careful watch throughout the 
night, lest Bharata should suspect what was going on, and 
return to AyodhyA and upset the arrangement. ^ 

According to the RAmAyana, the whole city of AyodhyA 

^ The Raj of Mithila corresponded to the modern TirHt 
2 Giri-vraja was the old name of Rajagriha, the modern Rajgir, in 
Behar. In ancient times it was a centre of Buddhism, and suggests the 
idea of a religious element in the antagonisna betw'een Rama and 
Bharata. Rama was certainly a champion of the Brahmans. Bharata 
may have been a representative of a Buddhist faction. 

s The jealousy between the first wife and the youngest is as old as 
polygamy. Did not Jacob prefer Rachel to Leah, and Joseph or Ben- 
jamin to his eldest son Reuben? The reader must judge for himself 
whether the Maharaja did not in his heart prefer Bharata to Rama, 
although he made a show of favouring Rama. 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part I. 


B.c, looo was in a blaze of joy and exultation at the approaching 
“7 , installation of Rama. The houses were illuminated through- 
the night with endless dusters of lamps. At early 
city of dawn the people watered the streets, strewed the roads 
Ayodhya, with fiowers, and set Up gay banners in all directions. The 
news of the installation spread far and wide. Crowds of 
country people flocked into Ayodhya. Singers, musicians, 
and dancing-girls delighted the hearts of young and old. 
Even the little children, who were playing in the court-yards 
and under the porticoes, kept on saying to one another, 
This day Rdma is to be anointed Yuva-raja.'^ 

Discovery All this while a very different scene was being enacted in 
i^tri^ne palace. On the previous day Kaikeyi, the youngest 

m iigne. unaware that Rama was to be installed. The 

Maharaja had promised to see her in the evening, and 
purposed coaxing her to agree to the appointment of Rama. 
But his intentions were thwarted. A slave-girl belonging to 
ICaikeyl, named Manthard, had gone to the roof of the 
palace, and discovered that the whole city was illuminated 
for the coming installation of Rama. She ran to the 
apartments of her mistress, and told her that Bharata was 
excluded from the throne ; that the Mahdraja had sent 
Bharata to his grandfather, in order to instal Rdma as 
Yuva-raja. 

Wrath of Kaikeyi saw through the whole intrigue. She threw off 
Kaikeyi. her jewels and Scattered them over the floor of her room. 

She untied her hair, and dishevelled it over her shoulders. 
She threw herself upon the ground, and covered her face 
with the darkness of anger. 

Elevation At this crisis the Maharaja entered the apartments of 
of Bharata, Kaikeyi. It is needless to dwell upon what followed. The 
est doting old Maharaja was in sore distress.; for a long time 
Kaikeyi would not speak to him ; then she stormed at 
him ; finally she befooled him. She insisted that Bharata 
should be installed as Yuva-raja; and that R4ma should 
be sent into exile for fourteen years. The Mahdraja was a 
helpless slave in the hands of Kaikeyi ; he could not resist 
her, and at last was compelled to yield to her imperious 
will. 

Kama con- ^ At ea,rly morning, whilst the city was preparing for the 
demned to installation, R^ma was summoned to the palace, and 
ushered into the presence of Ms father. The Mahsiraja 


Wrath of 
Kaikeyi. 


I 



Chap. II.] 


rAmAyana. 


31 


was speechless from grief.^ Kaikeyf was exrJting in her e.c. iooc 
triumph over the first wife. She told Rdma his fate in ~" 
words of steel. Rama received the news like a model 
prince who had been trained by Brahmans. He showed 
neither anger nor sorrow ; his face was an unruffled calm. 

He prepared to obey the commands of his father without a 
murmur. He was bent on going into exile with as much 
tranquillity as if he had been ordered to ascend the throne. 

Rama left the presence of the Mahdraja and Kaikeyi to Agony of 
carry the news to his mother Kausalya. The princess had niothei 
been spending the night in offering sacrifices to Vishnu in 
behalf of her beloved son. She had gloried in the thought 
that the machinations of Kaikeyi had been defeated, and 
that Rama was to be appointed Yuva-raja. In one moment 
the cup of happiness was dashed to the ground. Instead of 
reigning as Maharaja in the city of Ayodhyi, her son was 
to go as an exile into the jungle. His place upon the throne 
was to be filled by the son of her detested rival. She her- 
self, deprived of the protection of Rdma, was to be exposed 
to the caprices and domination of Kaikeyi, as the mother of 
the future Maharaja. In agony of soul, Kausalyd implored 
Rdma to resist the commands of his father ; to assume the 
government of the Raj ; and, if opposed, to slay the royal 
dotard who had become the slave to Kaikeyi. She was his 
mother, and her commands, she said, were as binding upon 
him as those of his father Dasaratha. 

Rdma was not to be moved from his high resolve. He Obedience 
was deaf to all suggestions of disobedience, rebellion, or of Rima. 
parricide. He told his mother that the Maharaja was her 
husband and her god, and that she was bound to obey him 
whatever might be his commands. 

Kausaly^ next entreated Rdma to. take her with him into Remon- 
the jungle. She could not live in the palace to endure the strances. 
insults of Kaikeyf and the contempt of the slave-girls. But 
Rama was inexorable. By taking his mother into the jungle 
he would make her a widow whilst her husband was alive. 

She would violate her duty as a wife, and he would violate 
his duty as a son. 

Rama left his mother, to return to his own palace, and Rama’s 
break the news to his wife SM. The young wufe was not wife, Slta. 

^ The exaggerated accounts of the Maharaja’s sorrowing over the 
exile of Rama give rise to the suspicion that his grief was all a sham. 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part I. 




B.c. 1000 cast down by her husband's doom ; but she was angry when 
he proposed going alone into exile, and leaving her behind 
at Ayodhyl She declared that a wife must share the for- 
tunes of her husband, and that she must accompany him 
into the jungle. R^ma dwelt upon the dangers and priva- 
tions of jungle life ; but his words were thrown away. She 
prayed and wept until he allowed her to share his exile. 
He also permitted his half-brother Lakshraana to accom- 
pany them into the jungle. 

Historical The Story of the exile of Rdma is suggestive. The first 
signifi- and second exiles of the Phndavas, as told in the Mahi, 
Se exHe Bh£rata, are somewhat mythical ; they might be omitted 
altogether without interfering with the current of the tradi- 
tion of the great war. The exile of Rama is historical ; it 
forms an essential portion of the main tradition. The 
inference follows that the horrible slaughter of kinsmen in 
the war of the Mahd Bharata left a lasting impression upon 
history. It taught a wholesome lesson to the ancient world 
that fratricidal wars were the ruin of empires. After the 
war of the Mahd Bharata, a sentence of exile became the 
rule in cases of domestic feuds, as the only safeguard 
against fratricidal war. 

Contradic- The story of the exile of Rdma is however contradictory, 
tions in the In modern times the sentence of exile amongst the princes 
story, Rajputana has been carried out with funereal pomp. 

The offender was clothed in black, invested with a black 
sword and buckler, mounted on a black horse, and solemnly 
commanded to depart out of the limits of the Raj.^ Hence- 
forth the exiled prince either entered into foreign service, 
like Drona, cried the life of a bandit and outlaw. 

Political According to the Ramdyana, Rama and Lakshmana led 
exiles, not the life of religious devotees. They were supposed to live 
devoted vegetables, and to pass their time in religious 

austerities, abstracted from the outer world. But traces of 
the funereal ceremonial are still to be found in the poem. 
Rdma, accompanied by his wife Sitd, and his brother Laksh- 
mana, walked on bare feet through the streets of Ayodhya 
to the palace of the Mahdraj a, amidst the tears and lamenta- 

^ See the larger History of India^ vol. iii. chap. 8. 

® The exile of Drona differed altogether from that of Rama. It only 
lasted until he had procured the means of revenge. Rama was bound 
over not to return to Ayodhya for a period of fourteen years. 



Chap. II.] 


rAmAyana, 


00 


tions of the people. They took their leave of the Maharaja b.c. icoo 

and Kaikeyi, like doomed exiles. They were clothed in 

dresses made of the bark of trees, and despatched to the 
frontier in the Maharaja’s own chariot. The Rdmdyana also 
tells how the exiles shot deer in the jungle, and lived on 
flesh meat, like other Kshatriyas. Moreover, they were 
soon engaged in wars against R^kshasas and demons. Such 
a mode of life was certainly more fitted for Rajputs than for 
Brahmans, for political exiles than for religious devotees. 

The journey in the royal chariot from the capital at Journey to 
Ayodhya to the frontier town of Sringavera occupied some 
days.^ At night the chariot halted beneath trees, and the 
royal exiles slept on beds of leaves. At Sringavera the 
charioteer left the exiles, and returned to the city of Ayod- 
hya, carrying loving messages from Rama to his father 
Dasaratha. 

The town of Sringavera, the modern Siingroor, was Aryans 
situated on the northern bank of the Ganges, about twenty and Bhils. 
miles from Allahabad. It was the frontier town of Ayodhyd 
against the Ehils. It thus forms a, land>mark between the 
Aryan dominion of Oude and the non-Aryan aborigines. 

The Raja of the Bhils, named Guha, was most respectful 
and attentive to the royal strangers. He entertained them 
with much hospitality, and provided them with a boat for 
crossing the Ganges. 

During this voyage across the Ganges, SM offered up her Worship 
prayers to the goddess of the river, and vowed to present ^ 
her with an ofering of wine and flesh, whenever Rama 
should return and take possession of his kingdom. 

The exiles next proceeded to the city of Pray%a, the Prayaga, 
modern Allahabad, at the junction of the Ganges and ^ Allaha- 
Jumna.- The site is of much importance in Hindu history. ^ ' 

The union of the river deities rendered it a holy spot in the 
eyes of Vedic worshippers. At Prayaga, Bharadwaja the 

^ There were at least two rivers to be crossed between the city of 
Ayodhya on the river Sarayu, the modern Gogra, and the town of 
Sringavera, on the northern bank of the Ganges. The reader may con- 
jecture that the chariot was carried across in some primitive fashion ; or 
he may adopt the interpretation of learned Pundits that the chariot flew 
■through the air. 

® This locality has. already been noticed in connection with the first 
exile of the Pandavas, under the name of Varanavata,. 

D 


34 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part I. 


B.c. 1000 Brahman had already established a hermitage. Further 
south, in the jungle of Dindaka, were other Brahman 
hermitages, which will be presently brought under review.^ 
Hermitage At Pray£ga the exiles were hospitably entertained by 
of Bharad- Bharadwdja, They crossed the Jumna on a raft, and Sita 
waja :wor- offered up the same prayers to the goddess of the Jumna as 
Uimnaand previously offered up to the goddess of the Ganges, 

sacred tree. After they had landed on the opposite bank, Sita paid her 
adorations to a sacred fig-tree, walking humbly round the 
tree, and propitiating the god with joined hands. 

Hermitage The exiles next proceeded towards the hermitage of 
ofValmiki. Valmfki the sage, on the hill Chitra-kuta in the country of 
Bundeikund. The spot was surrounded by the hermitages 
of other Brahmans. Valmfki was celebrated in after years 
as the author of the Ramayana, just as Vyasa was celebrated 
as the author of the Maha Bharata. The exiles built a hut 
of wood and leaves near this hermitage, and sojourned there 
many days, subsisting on honey and game. 

Death of Meanwhile the charioteer returned to the city of Ayodhya, 
Maharaja and delivered to the Maharaja the filial messages which had 
Dasaratha. been sent by Rama. That same night the Malidraja died in 
the chamber of Kausalya ; but no one knew of it outside 
the chamber, for the Rinf had fallen into a deep swoon. 
Palace life Next morning at early dawn the palace-life began as 
at early though the Maharaja was still sleeping. The bards and 
morning, eulogists were chanting his praises, in order that he might 
waken to pleasant words. The Brahmans sang their Vedic 
hymns. The servants began their daily business ; the men 
brought in jars of water, and the handmaidens were ready 
with food and flowers. The sun began to rise in the heavens, 
yet nothing was seen of the Maharaja. 

Weeping Suddenly the screams of women rang through the mom- 
pd wail- ing air. The Rdnis had gone to the royal chamber ; they 
found that the Mahdraja Was a corpse, and that Kausalya 
had fallen into a swoon. Then the cry went forth that the 
Mahiraja was dead. 

Council of The Ministers hastened to the chamber of death. They 
btate, called together a greaf council of Brahmans and chieftains. 

The Mahdraja was dead, and all his sons were absent from 


^ Tile area of the forest of D4.n,daka is somewhat confused. ^ 
whole country seems to have been a jungle or wilderness from the 
Ganges at Sringavera to the remote south. 



Chap. II.] 


rAmAyana. 


35 


AyodhyA There was no son present at Ayodhya to con- e.c. looo 
duct the funeral ceremony. Rdma and Lakshmana were in — “ 

exile ; Bharata and Satrughna were gone to Giri-vraja. So 
the body of the Maharaja was placed in a bath of oil; and 
swift messengers were sent to Giri-vraja to bring back 
Bharata to the city of Ayodhyd. 

When the messengers arrived at Giri-vraja, they would Return of 
not tell Bharata that his father was dead. They said that bharata. 
all was well, but that he must return with all speed to the 
city of AyodhyA So Bharata took leave of his grandfather, . 
and returned with the messengers, accompanied by his 
brother Satrughna. When he heard at Ayodhya that his 
father was dead he was in sore distress ; and when he heard 
that Rdma had been sent into exile, he declared that he 
would not reign in the room of his elder brother R^ma. 

He said that when the days of mourning were over, he 
would go into the jungle and bring back his brother Rama. 

Meanwhile all preparations had been made for the Funeral 
burning. Bharata and his brother Satrughna placed the iprepara- 
royal body on a litter, and covered it with garlands, and 
strewed it round about with incense. All this while they 
cried aloud with mournful voices, ‘‘O Mahdraja, whither 
art thou gone ? ” 

The sad procession then moved from the royal palace to Procession 
the place of burning without the city. The bards and ^he river 
.eulogists marched in front, chanting the praises of the 
dead Maharaja, whilst musicians filled the air with doleful 
strains. Next the widows appeared on foot, screaming and 
wailing, with their long black hair dishevelled on their 
shoulders. Then came the litter borne up by the royal 
servants ; Bharata and Satrughna holding on to the back of 
the litter. All round the ensigns of royalty were carried as 
though the Mahdraja were still alive. The white umbrella 
was held over the body ; the jewelled fans of white hair 
were moved to and fro to sweep away the flies; the sacred 
fire was carried constantly burning. Other royal servants 
followed in chariots, and scattered alms amongst the multi- 
tude as funeral gifts of the Mahdraja.^ 

In this way the procession reached the banks of the river bum- 
Sarayu. The funeral pile of fragrant woods was already 

^ It is worthy of note that none of the widows of the Maharaja were 
burnt alive on the funeral pile. 


D 2 


35 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part I. 


; 

>1 J 




B.c. 1000 prepared. The body of the Maharaja was placed upon the 
pile. Animals were sacrificed and placed round about the 
dead body together with heaps of boiled rice. Oil and 
clarified butter were poured upon the wood together with 
incense and perfumes of various kinds. Then Bharata 
brought a lighted torch and set the pile on fire. The flames 
blazed up on high, and consumed the dead body, and all 
the sacrifices. The widows shrieked louder than ever ; and 
the multitude lamented aloud, “O Maharaja, O sovereign 
protector, why hast thou departed and left us helpless 
here?” . 

When the mourners had performed the rite of fire, they 
began to perform the rite of water. Bharata and Satriighna 
bathed in the river with all their friends ; they poured water 
out of the palms of their hands to refresh the soul of the 
Maharaja. This done, the mourners returned to the city of 
Ayodhyd. » 

For ten days Bharata mourned for his father, lying upon 
mourning: a mat of kusa grass, according to the custom which still 
the Srad- pxevails amongst the Hindus. On the tenth day he puri- 
fled himself. On the twelfth day he performed the Sraddha, 
or feast of the dead, by offering funeral cakes to the soul of 
his deceased father.^ On the thirteenth day, Bharata pro- 
ceeded to the river Sarayu, and collected the relics of the 
funeral pile, and threw them into the sacred stream. 

Bharata On the fourteenth day of the mourning a great council 
refuses the of State was held at Ayodhyl The Raj was tendered to 


Rite of 
water. 


Bays of 


Raj. 


March to 

Ciiitra- 

kuta. 


Bharata, according to the will of the dead Mahdraja. But 
Bharata refused to supplant his elder brother ; he declared 
that he would journey through the jungle to the hill Chitra- 
kflta, and offer the Raj to Rama. 

The march of Bharata from Ayodhyl to Chitra-kfita is 
described at length in the Rdm^yana ; but it can scarcely 

^ The Sraddha is one of the most important ceremonies amongst the 
Hindus. It is performed hy the mourner within a certain period after the 
death, or on hearing of the death, of a near kinsman, A Sraddha is also 
celebrated every month in propitiation of paternal ancestors. Special 
Sraddhas are likewise performed on great occasions, and notably at the 
celebration of any marriage ceremony. The funeral cakes are eaten 
by cows or Brahmans, or cast into water or fire. The ceremony is 
accompanied by a feast to the Brahmans, which is sometimes conducted 
on the most extensive and costly scale. See the larger Ilhloiy of Itidia, 
vol. ii, Brahmanic period, chap, ix. 


Ghap, IL] 


rAmayana. 


37 




\ 

K 


4 

ii 


be regarded as historical.^ He was accompanied by an s-c* 
army; and it was therefore necessary to repair the road — 
from Ayodhya to the frontier. The hills were levelled, and 
chasms were filled with earth.^ Pavilions were set up at the 
several halting-places ; and Bharata and his army moved 
along the route which had already been traversed by Rama 
and his fellow-exiles. 

The first station of any note was the frontier town of Action of 
Sringavera. There Guha, Raja of the Bhils, appeared as Guha, the 
before in the character of a respectful neighbour. At first 
Guha w’-as under the impression that Bharata was about to 
make war on Rama ; and he made preparations for resisting 
the advance of the army. When, however, he heard that 
Bharata was about to offer the Raj to Rdma, he carried 
large presents of fish, honey, and flesh to the camp, and 
entertained the whole army. He also provided five hundred 
boats to carry the women and leading personages over the 
river Ganges. 

The passage of the army of Bharata over the Ganges, is Passage of 
exactly in accordance with the ways of Hindu soldiers and J ® 
their endless followers. The men set their booths on fire ‘ 
on leaving the encampment. They made a great uproar dur- 
ing embarkation. The boats, adorned with gay streamers, 
crossed the river with ease amidst the sing-song of the 
rowers ; some were filled with women, some carried horses, 
and others, were filled with carriages, cattle, and treasure. 

The elephants swam through the waters like winged moun- 
tains, The multitude went over on rafts or empty jars, or 
breasted the stream with their hands and arms. 

Next followed the march to the hermitage of Bharadwd.ja. Miraculous 
The holy Brahman gave a great feast to the whole army. 

waja. 

^ Great stress is laid in the Ramayana on the reluctance of Bharata 
to accept the throne of Ayodhya at the expense of his elder brother 
Rama. The reluctance is improbable ; it is contrary to human nature ; 
it may, however, have been feigned to strengthen his claim to the throne 
in the absence of Rama. But whether real or feigned, it has little to do 
with the progress of the history. 

^ The preparation of a road through the jungle for the passage of an \ 
army is not unfrequent in Oriental life. It finds full expression in the 
prophecies of Isaiah : Prepare ye the way of the Lord, make straight 
in the desert a highway for our God. Every valley shall be exalted, 
and every mountain and hifi shall be made low ; and the crooked shall 
be made straight, and the rough places plain. 


m 




HINDU INDIA. 


[Part I, 



Meeting of 
the two 
brothers : 
Rama per- 
forms the 
Sraddha. 


B.a looo 


By virtue of his many austerities, he prevailed on the gods 
to supply ail that was necessary from the heaven of Indra. 
Viswakarma, the architect of the gods, levelled the ground, 
covered it with green turf, and built up magnificent pavilions. 
Tanks were filled with sacred food— milk, rice, and sugar. 
Metal dishes, loaded with cooked meats, were supplied in 
abundance. Rivers flowed with wine and sweet liquors ; 
the banks were covered with sweetmeats and delicacies ; the 
trees dropped honey. The beautiful Apsaras, nymphs from 
Swarga, danced on the grass ; the Einnaras filled the air 
with their songs; the Gandharvas played sweet music. 
Thousands of beautiful damsels, with garlands round their 
necks, served up viands and drinks to the exhilarated 
warriors.^ 

The army of Bharata next crossed the river Jumna in the 
same way that it had crossed the Ganges ; and in due course 
it marched through the jungle of Ddndaka to the hill Ghitra- 
kdta. In the first instance Bharata told Rama that his 
father Dasaratha was dead. Rima gave w^ay to grief and 
performed the funeral rites. He bathed in the neighbouring 
river, and filled his two joined palms with water. He then 
turned his face towards the south quarter, sacred to Ydnia, 
the judge of the dead, and said, ^*0 Maharaja, may this 
.water always quench your thirst in the region of spirits 

^ The miracle of Bharadwaja will serve as a specimen of the mode 
in which the original traditions of the Malia Bharata and Ramayana 
have been embellished when retold in the form of Sanskrit epics. The 
deities of fire, water, the winds, the sun and moon, the gods of wealth 
and war, and a host of other deities, were supposed to dwell on high in 
the heaven of Indra ; and Indra reigned as sovereign of the gods, just 
as Zeus reigned as sovereign over the gods on Mount Olympus. But 
Brahman sages, by the force of austerities and other religious merits, 
could force the gods to work their will. 

The dancers, singers, and musicians call for some explanation. I’he 
Apsaras were dancing-girls in the service of Indra. The Kiimaras 
were a people fabled to have horses’ heads; and Herodotus describes 
a people, whom he calls Eastern Ethiopians, who fought in the army of 
Xerxes, and wore the scalps of horses on their heads, with the ears and 
mane attached. [Herodotus, vii. 70.) They were equipped like the 
Indians. How they came to serve as singer* in the heaven of Indra is 
a mystery. The Gandharvas were a hill tribe dwelling on the Hima- 
layas, and famous for the beauty of their women. They appear in the 
story of the adventures of the Pandavas at Virata, as ghostly lovers of 
women. In the Ramayana they appear as musicians in the heaven of 
Indra. ' . ■ ■ ■ 


Chap. II.] 


RAMAYANA. 


39 


He afterwards prepared funeral cakes, and offered them to b.c. looo 
the spirit of his departed father. 

The meeting between Bharata and R^ma is told at great Rama re- 
length in the Rdmayana. They discussed the question off^^^ps the 
the succession to the Raj ; Bharata offering it to his elder 
brother, and Rama refusing to take it until he had com- 
pleted his exile. In the end it was resolved that Bharata 
should return to Ayodhyd^, and rule over the Raj in the 
name of Rama ; and that when the fourteen years of exile 
were accomplished, Rama should leave the jungle and take 
possession of the throne. 

After the departure of Rdma, the Brahman hermitages at Raksliasas 
Chitra-ktita were sorely troubled by the Rdkshasas. These persecute 
people are described as demons, monsters, and cannibals, 
like those encountered by Bhima in the Magadha country. 

They were especially hostile to the Brahmans and their 
sacrifices, and enemies to the worship of the gods. Ac- 
cordingly the Brahmans abandoned their hermitages at 
Chitra-kiita, and went away to another country. 

When Chitra-kiita was deserted by the Brahmans, R^ma Wander- 
went away further south, accompanied by Siti and Laksh- 
mana. The royal exiles wandered over the jungle of Din- 
daka towards the sources of the river Godavari in the i^^i^shasas. 
Vindhya mountains. They visited the hermitages of many 
holy Brahmans, and Rama carried on war against many 
Rdkshasas. In this manner thirteen years of the exile 
passed away.^ 

The Rdkshasas of the Rdmayanaare creations of Hindu Pictures of 
imagination. They are not gigantic men like those who Rakshasas. 
were slain by Bhima, but huge misshapen monsters. One 
cannibal, named Yiiddha, was tall as a mountain, with 
a deep voice, hollow eyes, a monstrous mouth, and a tun 
belly ; he was smeared with fat and blood; before him, on 
a huge iron spit ready cooked for a meal, were three lions, 
four tigers, two wolves, ten deer, and the head of an 

^ One famous locality visited by Rama was Nasik, near the sources 
of the Godavari, about ninety miles to the north-east of Bombay, The 
name may be familiar to English readers, as some years back a distin- 
guished Indian official recommended the transfer of the capital of 
British India from Calcutta to Nasik. In the present day Nasik is a 
holy place, a centre of Brahmanism. But a number of Buddhist ruins 
are in the neighbourhood, and prove that Buddhism once flourished 
there. 


JIINDU INDIA. 


[Part I. 



Rama, an 
incarnation 
of Vislinii. 


Ravana, 
the oppres- 
sor of the 
gods. 


E.c. 1000 elephant Another demon, named Kabandha, was a moiintaia 
of flesh, without head or neck ; his face was in his belly ; 
he had one eye and huge teeth ; he had two arms of inter- 
minable length, with which he swept up his prey. Of course 
both Virddha and Kabandha, as well as other demons, were 
all slain by E.ama. Indeed Rama is always the victor, 
wli ether encountering a single monster, or assailed by a 
whole army of Rakshasas. 

The remainder of the Rdmdyana may be described as a 
romance converted into a religious parable. Rama is re- 
presented as an incarnation of Vishnu, born upon earth for 
the destruction of the Rakshasas, who are the enemies of 
gods snd Brahmans. 

Rdvana, the Raja of the Rakshasas, was reigning in the 
island of Lanka, the modern Ceylon. His empire extended 
over the greater part of southern India ; his power was felt 
on the river Godavari and hill Chitra-kiita. He was said to 
have made the gods his slaves. He had delivered his sub- 
jects from the fear of Ydma, judge of the dead, and had 
compelled Yama to cut grass for his steeds. The sun was 
obliged to smile gently at Lankd, and the moon to be always 
at the full. Agni, the god of fire, burnt not in his presence. 
Vayu, the god of wind, blew gently at Lanka. No one 
dared to perform sacrifice out of fear of Ravana.^ 

Ravana had heard of the beauty of Sita, the wife of Rdma, 
He disguised himself as a Hindu devotee, and paid a visit 
to Slid whilst R£ma an(i Lakshmana were absent in the 
jungle. He was smitten with her charms, and forcibly 
carried her off in a chariot, which flew through the air like 
chariots in fairy tales. Rdma was much distressed when he 
, returned to the hut and found that SM had vamshed. At 
last he discovered that SM had been carried off by Ravana, 
the mighty Raja of Lank£. Accordingly he formed alliances 
for waging war against so potent an enemy. He is said to 
have secured the services of armies of monkeys and bears, 
who had been born on earth as incarnations of the gods, in 
order to help in the holy war against Ravana. 
monkey According to the Ramayana there was a great Raja of 
Raja. monkeys reigning in the western mountains.^ His name 

^ See larger j^zsifory of India, vol. ii.: Ramayana. 

® The x'egion corresponded generally to the Mysore country, but may 
have extended over a larger area, including the Mahratta country, T^e- 


Abduction 
of Si'ta : 
Rama pre- 
pares for 
war. 


Chap. II.] 


rAmAyana. 


41 


was Bali. He liad a younger brother, named SugnVa, whom b.c. 1000 
he had driven out of the Raj, and was still anxious to cap- 
ture and murder. Rd-ma visited Sugriva in his secret retreat 
in a hill-fortress, and made a league with him. Rdm a fought 
against Bdli, slew him, and placed Sugriva on the throne. 

In return, Sugriva joined Rama with an army of monkeys 
to carry on the war against R^vana.^ 

A famous monkey, named Hanuman, was commander-in- Exploits 
chief of the army of monkeys. The exploits of Hanuman Hanu- 
have been the delight of 'the people of India for unrecorded 
centuries.^ He could swell himself to the size of a moun- 
tain, or dwarf himself to the size of a man’s thumb. He 
was bent on discovering the retreat of Sit A He marched 
to the sea shore, where a strait, sixty miles across, separates 
India from Ceylon. He took a gigantic spring and leapt 
across the strait. He climbed the vast fortifications which 
surrounded the city of Lanka, and entered the palace of * 
R£vana. He found Sita in the palace garden secluded in a 
grove, and gave her a ring he had received from Rdma. 

He saw that Rdvana was anxious to make Sita his chief 
Rdni, but that nothing would induce her to break her 
marriage vows. Sita was glad to see Hanuman and gave 
him a jewel as a token for Rama. 

When Hanuman left Sitd, he -was so enraged against Haim- 
Rdvana that he began to tear up all the trees and flowers in 
the palace garden. The Rakshasas fell upon him with over- 
whelming forces, but he withstood them all. At last he was 
entrapped by a noose which had belonged to the god 
Brahma. He was dragged into the palace hall, where 
Rdvana was sitting surrounded by his council. His tail was 
dipped in butter and set on fire ; but he whisked the tail 

wife of the monkey Raja was named Tara, a name wMck is frequently 
given to Maliratta women. 

^ This strange legend illustrates the feuds which prevailed in an- 
Gient India. The confusion between monkeys and men is inexplicable. 

The bears played a less important part in the war, and may be 
ignored. 

® Hanuman is worshipped as a god in all parts of India. His image 
is carved in numerous pagodas. Della Valle, who travelled in India in 
the seventeenth century, describes a festival in which the image of 
Hanuman w^as carried in procession from a temple in the western 
Ghats to the eastern coast of Coromandel, the scene of Rama’s later 
exploits. 


42 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part I. 


B.C. lOOO 


Marvels of 
the war 
against 
Kavana, 


Sita’s 

ordeal. 


over the city of Lankd, and set all the houses in flames.^ 
He then went off to the sea shore, and leaped over the 
strait as before ; and told Hama that he had seen Sit^ and 
gave him the token. 

The rest of the Ramdyana is a string of marvels. The 
army of monkeys brought rocks from the Himalaya moun- 
tains, and built a bridge over the sea between India and 
Lanka.^ The war was carried on with supernatural weapons 
and mystic sacrifices. It was diversified by single combats, 
like the war of the Mahd Bhd.rata ; but they are devoid of 
all human interest. They are the combats of gods and 
demons armed with weapons that worked impossible marvels. 
At last Rdvana was slain by R£ma, and Sita was restored to 
her husband's arms. 

Here the story might have been brought to a close ; but 
Sita had been captured 'by an enemy, and was yet to pass 
through a terrible ordeal. A pile of wood was built up and 
set on fire. Sitd invoked Agni, the god of fire, to testify to 
her purity. She threw herself into the midst of the flames, 
relying upon the god to protect her. For a while she dis- 
appeared from mortal eyes. Presently the earth opened, 
and Agni rose up, and revealed himself in human form. Fie 

^ The burning of Hanuman’s tail is a favourite scene in dramatic 
representations, and is always hailed by a Hindu audience with a storm 
of delight. The false tail of the representative of Hanuman is of 
course stuffed with combustibles, and flares away with a display of fire- 
works, until the flimsy properties which indicate the streets and houses 
of jL.anka are destroyed by the devouring flames. See larger History of 
India, vol. ii. chap. xx. : Ramayana. 

^ The origin of the conception of Rama’s bridge forms a curious 
subject of inquiry. The famous bridge of boats by which the army of 
Xerxes passed over the Hellespont is commonplace in comparison with 
a' bridge of stone, sixty miles long, extending over a deep sea. Strangely 
enough a rocky causeway runs out from the Indian side of the channel, 
and terminates at the island of Ramisseram; and although it is at 
present covered by the sea, it is said to have formerly been above the 
waves. A similar causeway runs out from the opposite shore of Ceylon, 
and terminates in the island of Manaar ; whilst a sandy ridge, known as 
Adam’s Bridge, connects Manaar with Ramisseram. There can, there- 
fore, be little doubt that the Hindu bard formed the idea of a brid;-/e 
from a contemplation of the physical geography of the locality ; and the 
conception once formed was readily believed and widely disseminated. 
To this day the huge blocks or boulders which are to be found in various 
parts of India are said to have been dropped by the monkeys in 
attempts to carry them southwards for the purpose of building the 
bridge. 


Chap. IL] 


rAmAyana. 


43 


carried SM on liis knee as a father carries a child, and de- bx. iooo 
livered her to Rama as pure as the nndriven snow. _ 

The fourteenth year of exile was now accomplished. Rdma Triumph- 
and Sitd returned to Ayodhy^, and reigned in great happiness I’etum 
and splendour. Rdma became a mighty conqueror ; his 
empire is said to have covered' all India. Like Yudhish- ^ ’ 
thira he performed the Aswamedha, or horse-sacrifice ; and 
every Raja in. India, if not in all the world, attended the 
sacrifice and paid homage to Rama. 

The conclusion of the Ranrdyana is a painful episode. Craelty of 
There was a famine in the land; it was said that the gods 
were angry with Rdma for having taken back Sita. Rama 
was in sore distress, for SM was about to become a mother ; 
nevertheless he ordered his brother Lakshmana to conduct 
her to the wilderness of Dandaka and leave her alone in the 
jungle. 

Lakshmana was obliged to obey the cruel commands of Fate of 
the Mahdraja. He drove SM to the hill Chitra-kuta; told Sita. 
her that Valmiki the sage had returned to the hermitage 
accompanied by his wife; and counselled her to seek for 
refuge at the hermitage. It is needless to dwell on the 
agony of SM at finding herself abandoned by her husband. 

It will suffice to say that she found her way to the hermitage, 
and was kindly entertained by Valmiki and his wife, and 
became the mother of twin sons, Lava and Kusa. 

Sixteen years passed away. Valmiki composed the poem Valmiki 
of the RMiyana, from the birth of Rama to the triumphant composes 
return of Rdma and Sita to the Raj of Ayodhya. He Kama- 
taught the poem to the two sons of Rd^raa. 

At this time it came to pass that Rama made an excursion Discovery 
into the jungle of Dandaka, He heard Lava and Kusa and recon- 
chanting the Rim^yana at the hermitage. His heart yearned ciliation. 
towards his two sons, and their mother SM. Reentered 
the hermitage, and was reconciled by Valmiki to his wife 
Sit4 RMa and Sitd then returned to the city of Ayodhyd. 
with their two sons, and lived in happiness until death.^ 

The poem of the RMayana was composed for a religious 
purpose similar to that which pervades the Maha Bhirata. 

4 The story of the reconciliation of Rama and Sita has been slightly 
modified to escape details which are of no moment, and which would 
only involve lengthy explanations. The correct version will be found 
in the larger History of India, vol, ii. 


44 


limDV INDIA, 


[Part I. 



B.c. 1000 Ancient legends are retold in the form of religious parables 
TT“ to represent Rania as an incarnation of the Supreme Spirit — 
Vishnu, in the same way that the Maha Bh^rata represents 
calice of Krishna as an incarnation of the same deity. In the original 
the Rama- poem the character of Rama is wildly distorted, and his 
yaim. moral actions are exaggerated, in order to exalt him into a 
Brahmanical hero of a supernatural type.^ It should also 
be remarked that in the Ramdyana two separate legends 
appear to have been linked into one. The exile of Rama 
from Ayodhy^ is apparently the original tradition which has 
been referred to b.c. iooo ; it is the backbone of the epic, 
and complete in itself, irrespective of the wars in the 
Dekkan. On the other hand, the conquest of the Dekkan 
and capture of Lank£ are additions of a mythical character, 
belonging to a later period of perhaps many centuries. 
They are relics, fantastic and grotesque, of the religious 
wars and antagonisms which prevailed for centuries in 
southern India between the Brahmans, or worshippers of 
the gods, and the Buddhists and Jains, who denied the 
existence of the gods, and were denounced as atheists and 
Rakshasas.^ 

^ Such stories please oriental imaginations, but are repulsive to 
practical morality as understood by Europeans. Similar supernatural 
myths are told of Gotama Buddha, such as giving his own flesh to a 
hungry tiger. Fables of this extrem'8 character are more calculated to 
excite ridicule than to enforce moral rules, 

^ This question is treated at length in the larger History of India, 
vol. ii. Further evidence is furnished in the second part of vol, iv. 
chap. viii. 


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THE' MTimiEVAL .KAJAS 

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Ancient. nameA. RcA . 

Jhf ndern- notnes.. Bhu.‘h. 








CHAPTER III. 


M E B I ^ V A L R A J A S. 

B.C« 500 TO A.D. 1000. 

The belief that there is but one God, and that the soul b.c. 500 
is immortal, has done much towards elevating the barbarian ^ 0J1OOO 
into a civilized and responsible being. But there is another 
belief that has extended widely over the eastern world : it the to! s- 
is known as the dogma of the metempsychosis, or belief in migrations 
the transmigrations of the soul. of the soul. 

S^kya Muni,^ afterwards known as Gdtama Buddha, was Sakya 
the son of a Raja of Kapila, a country seated on the Muni void 
southern slopes of the Himalayas.^ Sakya Muni was 
brought up in every luxury, married a loving wife, and was death! 
the father of a son. But he was wearied or surfeited with 
pleasure, and felt a loathing for life. According to the 
legend, he saw an old man, a diseased man, and a dead 
man; and his eyes were opened to the woes of humanity. 

In the agony of his soul he is said to have exclaimed, 

‘‘ Youth, health, and life itself are but transitory dreams ; 
they lead to age and disease; they end in death and 
corruption.” This feeling was intensified, and magnified, 
by the belief in the transmigrations of the soul. He saw 
the evils, not only of an individual life, but of an endless 

^ The era of Sakya Muni is still uncertain ; opinions are divided as to 
whether he flourish^ in the fifth or sixth century before the Christian 
era. Perhaps B.C. 500 is good as an approximate date. 

The locality is somewhere on the frontier between Nipal and 
Sikhim, and has sometimes been a bone of contention between the two 
powers. ■ ■ ■ 


HINDU INDIA. 


46 


[Pakt I. 


B.C. 500 
TO 

A.D. 1000 

The reli- 
gious men- 
dicant. 


Sakya be- 
comes a 
mendicant, 
a recluse, 
and a 
Buddha, 


Teaching 
of Sakya 
Muni. 


War and 
parricide. 


chain of successive existences, beginning in an unknown 
past and running on to eternity. 

S^kya Muni next saw one of those religious mendicants 
who have abounded in India from the remotest antiquity. 
The man had no cares or sorrows, no wife or family, no 
earthly ties of affection or kinship. He lived on the daily 
alms of food which are given to such mendicants by the 
masses. Sdkya Muni resolved to become a religious men- 
dicant in like manner ; to abandon his father's palace, his 
vnfe and son, and his expectation of a throne, and to lead 
a life cut off from all the ties that bind men to the world, 

Sakya Muni carried out his resolve. He went from his 
father's palace at Kapila to the country of Magadha on the 
southern bank of the Ganges. He carried his alms-bowl 
round the city of Hajagriha,^ He next led a life of soli- 
tude and meditation in the jungle of Gaya, where he 
became a Buddha, or apostle, to deliver humanity from the 
miseries and evils of existence. Finally, he proceeded to 
the deer forest near Benares, and began to preach what he 
termed the law. 

The essence of Sakya Muni’s teaching was that eveiy one 
should strive to be good in thought, word, and deed ; that 
by so doing he would be born to a better and happier life 
in the next birth. * But he taught that those who were truly 
wise would also seek to attain a higher object, namely, the 
deliverance of the soul from the chain of transmigrations. 
This he maintained could only be effected by leading the 
life of a religious mendicant ; by rooting out every affection, 
passion, or desire ; by severing every tie that bound the soul 
to the universe of being. When that end was accom- 
plished, the soul would be detached from all life and being; 
it would be delivered or emancipated from the endless chain 
of transmigrations, and would finally sink into an eternal 
sleep or annihilation known as Nirvana. 

Sdkya Muni appeared in a world of Rajas and Brahmans, 
not unlike that which is depicted in the Sanskrit epics. 
The reigning Mahdraja of Magadha was at war with 
the Mahdraja of Kosala. Peace was made and cemented 
by intermarriages. The Malijiraja of Magadha was sub- 
sequently put to death by his own son, who succeeded 

^ ^ Rajagrilia is the same as Giri-vraja, the capital of Magadha, the 
city of the father of Kaikeyi. See ante, page 29. 


Chap. III.] 


MEDIEVAL RAJAS. 


47 


to the throne and conquered Kosala. Sikya Muni was b.c. 500 
thus preaching in troubled times. His success is proved 
by the after history. To this day the whole region of 
Magadha, on the southern bank of the lower Ganges, is 
known by the name of Bihar or Vih^ra, the land of Yiharas 
or monasteries. 

In B.c. 327, a century or more after the preaching of Alexander 
Sakya Muni in Magadha, Alexander the Great crossed the 
river Indus for the invasion of the Punjab, or land of the 
five rivers.^’ The Punjab was distributed amongst kings or b.c. 327, 
Rajas, who were more or less at, war with each other. 

After crossing the Indus there' were three kingdoms to be 
conquered : that of Taxiles, between the Indus and the 
Jhelum ; that of Porus the elder, between the Jhelum and 
the Chenab; and that of Porus the younger, between the 
Chenab and the Ravi. There were also other Rajas to the 
north and south. Porus the elder, however, seems to have 
been the ruling suzerain, whilst the others were his refrac- 
tory vassals. 

Alexander called upon all the Rajas to tender their Submis- 
submission. Many flocked to his camp and paid their 
homage. Possibly they were anxious to secure his help 
against Porus the elder. Amongst others came Taxiles, 
who placed his kingdom at the disposal of Alexander. 

This opened the way for the advance of the Macedonian 
army to the banks of the Jhelum, the frontier of the 
kingdom of Porus the elder. 

The passage of the Jhelum or Hydaspes is famous in Passage of 
history. Porus was encamped on the opposite bank with a the nver 
large force of horse and foot, as well as of chariots and ^ 
elephants. Alexander had to cross the river, not only in 
the face of the enemy, but exposed to the wind and rain of 
the south-west monsoon. One dark and stormy night he 
reached a small island in the river ; he and his troops then 
w^aded through the remainder of the stream breast high. 

The Hindu scouts saw him coming, and ran off to tell 
Porus. A force of horse and chariots was sent to repel the 
invaders. The Hindu chariots stuck in the wet clay, and 
w^ere nearly all captured by the Macedonians. Alexander 
lost his horse Bucephalus, but the son of Porus was 
amongst the slain. 

Porus moved the greater, part of his army to retrieve the 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part. L 


B.c. 500 

TO 

A.D. 1000 

Defeat of 
Porus the 
elder. 


Flotilla 
on the 
Jheium. 


Flight of 
Porus the 
younger. 


Macedon- 
ian retreat 


Alexan- 
der’s ven- 
geance on 
the Brah- 
mans. 


disaster, and took up a position on firm ground. His front 
was formed by a line of elephants, supported from behind 
by masses of infantry. His two flanks were formed of 
chariots and horsemen. Alexander was strong in cavalry. 
He did not attack the elephants, but charged the two flanks, 
and drove the Indian horse upon the elephants. Porus 
tried in vain to bring his elephants into action ; the un- 
wieldy animals could not keep pace with the Macedonian 
horse. At last the elephants turned tail, and trampled down 
the masses of Indian infantry. Porus was wounded and 
compelled to fly ; but afterwards tendered his submission, 
and Alexander treated him as a friend. 

The victory on the Jheium was the salvation of the 
Macedonian army. Had Alexander been defeated, he 
must have retreated towaids Kdbiil, and his army might 
have been cut to pieces in the* Khaibar pass. As it was he 
resolved on marching to the Ganges, but he provided for a 
retreat by building a flotilla on the Jheium. It was better 
to float down the Jheium and Indus, and dare the danger of 
the Indian ocean, than to cut a way to Persia through 
the hardy mountaineers of Kabul. 

Alexander crossed the Chenab, and entered the territory 
of Porus the younger. This prince had w^anted Alexander 
to help him against his uncle Porus the elder. When he 
heard that his uncle and Alexander were friends, he was 
seized with a panic, and fled into exile. Accordingly 
Alexander made over the kingdom to Porus the elder, and 
nothing more was heard of Porus the younger. 

. Alexander next crossed the Ravi, but a tribe, known as 
' the Kathaei, revolted in his rear. He turned back and 
reduced the Kathaei to obedience by the capture of their 
capital. By this time the Macedonians had grown weary 
of their Punjab campaign. Their spirits were broken by 
the storms of the south-west monsoon. They refused to 
advance to the Ganges, and clamoured to be led back to 
Greece. Mexander tried to re-assure them, but his eflorts 
were in vain. He returned to the Jheium, and embarked 
on board the fleet with a portion of Ms troops, whilst the 
remainder marched along the banks on either side. 

* During the retreat down the Jheium and the Indus, 
the Macedonian army was harassed by tribes who were 
encouraged by the Brahmans. Alexander wreaked his 


Chap. III.] 


MEBIiEVAL RAJAS, 


49 


vengeance by slanglitering every Brahman that came in his b.c. 500 
way. At last he reached the ocean, and beheld, for the first 
time, the phenomena of the tides. He landed his army near 
Karachi, and marched through Bel«|histan to Susa, whilst 
Nearchos conducted the fleet to the ^g-sian Gulf. 

The Greeks, who accompanied Ale^der, described the Flourish- 
Punjab as a flourishing country. There were numerous i^g state 
towns and villages, abundant harvests, a variety of fruits and 
vegetables, cotton growing on shrubs, sugar canes, banyan 
trees, alligators, elephants, monkeys, serpents, ' sporp^ 
lizards, and ants. '• 

The ma:rriage customs were various. In some tribes Marriage 
damsels were offered as marriage prizes in boxing, wrestling, customs, 
running, and archery. In other tribes a wife might be bought 
with a pair of kine. At Taxila the poor people sold their 
daughters in the bazar. 

The Brahmans were called wise men and philosophers. Brahman 
Some attended the Raja as counsellors. Others practised pkHoso- 
religious austerities by standing in one position for days, or 
exposing themselves to the burning sun. Others imparted 
instruction to their disciples. Others prognosticated respect- 
ing rain, drought, and diseases. But all were held in honour, 
and went where they pleased, and took what they pleased 
from the shops. They wore no clothing, and affected to be 
indifferent to pleasure or pain. They were known to the 
Greeks as Gymnosophists, or naked philosophers.’^ 

The Kathmi chose the handsomest man to be their king. Customs 
They reared no children that were not handsome. Every . 
child was publicly examined when it was two months old, 
and the magistrate decided whether it was to live, or die. 
Marriages were made by the mutual choice of the bride and 
bridegroom. The widows burnt themselves alive with their 
dead husbands. . 

When Alexander left the Punjab, he appointed a lieutenant Murder of 
at Taxila, named Philip, with a garrison of Hindu mercenaries Phdip and 
and a body-guard of Macedonians. Philip was murdered 
by the mercenaries, who in their turn were nearly ail murdered 
by the Macedonian body-guard. Alexander heard of the 
murder in Beluchistan, and appointed Eudemos in the room 
of Philip, to carry on the government in conjunction with 
Taxiles. Three years afterwards news reached India that 
Alexander was dead. Eudemos murdered Porus, possibly 

E 


50 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part I, 


I B.c. 500 in the hope of founding an empire in the Punjab j but he 

I , 'I'o subsequently driven out of the country by a prince, who 1 

i : * was known to the Greeks as Sandrokottos and to the Hindus 

I as Chandra-gupta. 

I Adven- Sandrokottos was a type of the Hindu princes of ancient 

j : turesof times. He was at Taxila when Alexander was there. He 

i Sandro- exile ; an off-shoot of the royal house of 

■ kottos. ]V[agadha. He wanted Alexander to conquer Magadha, 

which he said was eleven days' journey from the Punjab; 
but he offended the Macedonian by some impertinence, and 1 
; was obliged to fly for his life. Subsequently he procured the 

help of banditti, and captured the city of Pali-bothra, the 
modern Patna. He then ascended the throne of Magadha, 
and drove the Greeks out of India, He thus estab- 
lished an empire which extended over the Punjab and 
Hindustan. 

Megas- Sandrokottos is an important personage in ancient Hindu 
thenes, the history. He formed an alliance with Seleukos, the Greek 
Greek am- sovereign of Persia and Baktria. He married a daughter of 
, bassa or. Sgt^^kos, and received a Greek ambassador at his court, 

named Megasthenes. The marriage of a Hindu Mahiraja 
with a Greek princess is one of the most remarkable events 
j of the time. The description which Megasthenes wrote of 

Patna and its people, comprises nearly all that is known of 
S i. ancient Hindustan.^ i 

S Descrip- Megasthenes says that the ancient city of Pali-bothra ex- 

;• tion of Pa- tended ten miles along the bank of the river, and two miles 

{ i li-bothra, ji^iand.^ It was surrounded by wooden walls, pierced with 

I : Pato^ holes through which the archers shot their arrows. Megas- 

P’ * thenes describes the streets and bazars ; the elephants, 

chariots, and horsemen, followed by large retinues ; the ; 
i ; soldiers armed with bows and arrows, swords, bucklers, and 

\\ javelins. Sometimes there were festival processions of 

I ; elephants and chariots. Men in rich apparel carried vases 

i . and drinking-bowls of gold and silver ; whilst others led 

I; ;' strange animals in the procession, such as hump-backed 

oxen, panthers, lions, and various kinds of birds. 

^ See Ancient India cts described by Megasthenes and Arnan^ trans- 
lated into English by Professor McCrindle, Principal of the Government 
College at Patna. London : Trubner and Co. 


2 The Sanskrit name is Patali*putra. Some excavations made at 
Patna during the cold season of 1876 revealed a low brick wall of 
remote antiquity, supporting a stout wooden palisading. 



CHAP. III.] MEDLWAL RAJAS. - St 

: The people of India were divided into castes, and here- b.c. 5cx) 
ditary trades and professions. The cultivators were servants 
of the Mahfcja. The produce was stored up every year 
in the royal granaries ; some was sold to the traders and Hindus of 
artisans, whilst the remainder was devoted to the mainten- Magadha. 
ance of the soldiers and officials. The cultivators were a 
most mild and gentle people. They never resorted to the 
cities or j oined in tumults ; and they were all exempted from 
military service. Thus when an army was fighting an enemy, 
the husbandmen were ploughing and sowing close by in the 
utmost security. 

The magistrates in the city of Pali-bothra exercised a Magis- 
strict supervision. Some overlooked the working of arts and ^ 
manufactures, to prevent negligence ; others overlooked all ^ 
sales and exchanges, to prevent cheating. Some collected 
a tax for the Mahdraja of one-tenth on the price of every 
thing sold. Others registered all births and deaths in order 
to tax the people. Others were appointed to entertain all 
strangers and foreigners, and reported ail they said and did 
to the Maharaja. 

The palace of Sandrokottos was stately and secluded. Sandro- 
No one dwelt within the walls but the Mahdraja and his kottos. 
queens i even the body-guard was posted at the gate. Some- 
times the Mahdraja left the palace to take command of his 
army, which numbered 400,000 men. Sometimes he took 
his seat in the court of justice, or offered sacrifices to the 
gods. Sometimes he went into the jungle on a hunting expedi- 
tion, accompanied by his queens ; the ladies rode in chariots, 
or on horses and elephants, surrounded by spearmen to keep 
off intruders. 

Some years after the mission of Megasthenes, another Reign of 
Mahdraja was reigning over Magadha, named Asoka.^ The Asoka, 
adventures of Asoka were very like those of Sandrokottos. 

He quarrelled with his father, and went away to Rajpiitana 
and the Punjab. He returned to the capital at the moment 
of his fathers death, and massacred all his brethren, and 
obtained the throne. He then became a great conqueror, 
and established an empire over Hindustan, the Punjab, and 
Afghanistan. 

^ The capital of Asoka was also at Pali-bothra, Patali-putra, or 
'■■Patiia, ' . ■ ■ 


2 


53 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part I. 


B.C. 500 
TO 

A.D, 1000 


Asoka 
converted 
to Bud- 
dhism. 

Edicts of 
Asoka. 


Acts of 
Asoka. 


Graeko- 
Baktrian 
kings in 
Central 
Asia. 


Indo- 

Scythian 

kings. 


Asoka was a man of blood. Apart from his wars and 
massacres, he sacrificed thousands of animals and birds to 
the gods of the Brahmans. Afterwards he changed his 
religion and became a follower of Buddha. He promul- 
gated a religion of moral duty ; and his edicts, sculptured 
on rocks and pillars, remain to this day in all parts of his 
empire. 

The edicts of Asoka taught the merits of goodness, virtue, 
loving-kindness, and religion, as summed up in the one 
word, Dharma. They taught that all people should render 
dutiful service to father and mother ; kindness and help to 
kinsfolk, neighbours, and acquaintance ; filial veneration to 
spiritual pastors; reverence and almsgiving to Brahman 
priests and Buddhist monks; respect and obedience to 
masters ; frugality and temperance ; abstinence from evil- 
speaking and slandering ; kindness towards servants and 
dependants ; and kindness towards all living creatures. 

Asoka abolished the slaughter of animals throughout his 
dominions, whether for food or sacrifice. He established 
public hospitals for sick people, and also for sick animals. 
He appointed public teachers to instruct the people in 
moral conduct. The memory of Asoka has died out of 
India, but his teachings bear fruit to this day ; for the Hindus 
are more tender to living creatures than any other nation, 
and are ever kind to kinsfolk and neighbours. 

About the time when Asoka was reigning in India, the 
independent Graeko-Baktrian kingdom in Central Asia be- 
came an empire. Subsequently, under successive kings, 
the Graeko-Baktrians extended their supremacy over the 
Punjab and the upper course of the Ganges. About a 
hundred years before Christ, they were driven out of 
Central Asia by the Indo-Scythians ; but they left their 
mark in art and religion which remains to this day. Greek 
sculptures are found amidst the mins of Buddhist temples. 
Greek gods and Greek inscriptions are stamped on the 
coins of old Hindu Rajas. 

The history of the Indo-Scythian kings is unknown. 
They were doubtless of the class which ancient writers 
placed under the Greek name of Scythian, They came 
from the eastward to the banks of the Oxus. Later on they 
were pressed, towards the east and south by other hordes of 
the same character. They swept in successive waves through 


1 


Chap. Ill] 


MEDIEVAL RAJAS. 


53 


Afghanistan and the Punjab. One branch appears to have b.c. 500 
gone southwards down the valley of the Indus; another 
went eastward down the valley of the Ganges. From this 
time they are no longer spectres floating in an age of dark- 
ness, but appear upon the stage of history in substantive 
forms. Their features are revealed upon their coins. Their 
faces show that they were men. of bright intelligence and 
high resolve. Their annals have yet to be discovered, but 
the process has begun. Their names and dates are either 
decyphered, or being decyphered. Already it is possible to 
tell something of the part played bythe Indo-Scythian kings 
in the bygone history of India, 

The latest dynasty of the Indo-Scythian kings stands out Reign of 
more prominently than all the others. It seems to have Ranishka, 
been founded by a sovereign, whose name was ICanishka; 
but this name appears on his coins in the Greek form of ^ * 
Kanerke. He probably ascended the throne of the Indo- 
Scythians about b.c. 56 or 57 ; or about the time that Julius 
Caesar first landed on the shores of Albion. 

From the banks of the Oxus, Kanishka brought the Mixed 
Persian worship of Mithra or the sun, which his tribe had religions, 
added to their ancestral worship of fire, water, and the firma- 
ment. Even Syrian and Egyptian gods are found in the 
Pantheon of the Indo-Scythians. Their latest conquests 
brought them into contact with the mythology of Greece and 
India; also with the religion of Gdtama Buddha. Kanishka 
seems to have been a liberal patron of the Buddhists. His 
dynasty lasted about a century, and the latest king bore 
a Hindu name. 

Meanwhile, a mysterious people, known as the Guptas, Guptas : 
were making a name and home in India. The Hindus 
called them Mlechhas, or barbarians. According to tradi- 
tiou they were strangers in the land. Possibly^ they were Baktrians. 
children of the Greeks ; immigrants from the old Grasko- 
Baktrian empire, who had half-forgotten their Hellenic in- 
stincts and become Hinduised. They succeeded to the 
dynasty of Kanishka. From what follows, they appear to 
have made common cause with Hindu Kajas against the 
IndG-Scythian invaders. • Contest 

It has been said that one branch of the Indo-Scythians 
moved down the valley of the Indus; thence they passed thiansand 
through the desert of Scinde, Guzerat, and Marwar, towards Ra’*pdts. 


54 - HINDU INMA. [Part I. 

B.c, 500 Ujain or Oojein. The kingdom of Ujam was seated on the 
table-land of Malwa in southern Rajp-iitana. In ancient 
A. D. 10 00 Qf xjjain was a centre of Kajput sovereignty 

and Brahmanical literature ; and to this day it is haunted by 
memories of Rajpiit bards and Sanskrit dramatists. 

Final de- History sheds but faint gleams of light on this distracted 

feat of period. The western Indo-Scythians from the Indus seem 

nerve and resolution, who pushed on to- 
aU-CalSor wards Central India to restore the failing fortunes of their race. 
A.D. 78. ’ They were met by a general league of Hindu princes. The 
Guptas shared in the league; possibly they led it. A great 
battle was fought at Kahror, near the eastern confines of the 
great desert of Marwar. It was one of the decisive battles 
of the world ; a mortal struggle between Indo-Scythian 
invaders and long-established Rajput sovereignties. The 
Rajpfits and Guptas gained the victory. The Indo-Scythians 
were utterly defeated; they lost their place in history. 
Future discoveries may bring to light some further details 
respecting the children of the Indo-Scythian kings, but at 
present nothing further of them is known. 

Era of Sa- The battle of Kahror was fought probably about a.d. 78. 
livaliana. It is said that the year 78 has become known as the Saka 
or Salivahana era in consequence of this battle.^ 

Disappear- The further history of the Guptas is nearly as obscure, 
anceof the They were supplanted by the Vallabhi Rajas about a.d. 319. 
ab^o^fin. supposed children of the Greek invaders passed away, 
319. * 'after exercising dominion, in some shape or other, in 

Baktria or in India, for nearly 600 years. 

Greek and The historians and geographers of Greece and Rome tell 
Roman but little of ancient India. From the overthrow of the 
Graeko-Baktrian kingdom by the Indo-Scythians to the 
o n la. Qf Gupta dynasty, India "was nearly cut off from 

the outer world. Greek and Roman writers discoursed about 
India ; they likened it to Egypt, and sometimes even con- 
founded it with Egypt, mixing up the alligators in the Indus 
with the crocodiles in the Nile. Roman merchants brought 
^back stories of the Malabar pirates on the western coast, 

^ ^ There is an earlier era known as that of Vikramaditya. It corre- 
sponds to B.c. 55 or 56. The legends of Vikramaditya and Salivahana 
are so mixed np with fable as to be unreliable and unmeaning. It is 
said that Vikramaditya reigned over the whole world for a thousand 
years,— - a statement which sets history and chronology at defiance. 


Chap. III.] 


MEDIiEVAL RAJAS, 


55 


but they had nothing to say about Bengal or CoromandeL b.c. 500 
Indeed there was little in the current of events in India to 
interest men accustomed to the political life of Greece and 
Italy, India was still divided into a number of little king- 
doms, as it had been in the war of the Mahd Bharata. 
Sometimes congeries of kingdoms were formed into empires 
under sovereigns like the kings of Magadha and Kosala, 
of Andhra and Pandya.^ The story of their wars told of 
battles between armies with lines of elephants, but it taught 
nothing about the people. The religious controversies 
between Brahmans and Buddhists were unheeded or unknown 
to the philosophers of Greece and Rome. 

History never stands still. Ideas spread and seethe Buddhist 
beneath the surface of humanity, and their outbreak takes pilgrims 
the world by surprise. In the third century before 
Christian era, Asoka had sent forth Buddhist missionaries ^ 
to preach the law of Sakya Muni in Upper Asia. Orders 
of Buddhist monks were established in China. Six or seven 
centuries passed away, and then Chinese monks began to 
appear in India. They made pilgrimages to the sacred 
spots that were associated with the life of the Buddhist 
apostle : — Kapila, his birthplace ; Raj agriha, where he first 
carried his alms-bowl ; the jungle of Gaya, where he became 
Buddha ; and the deer-forest near Benares where he first 
preached the law. 

About A.D. 400, a Chinese monk, named Fah Hian, Pil^image 
travelled through the Punjab into Hindustan, He was 
pious and humble, but zealous for the law. He saw many 
Brahmans and idol temples, but rejoiced also to see that^ * ' 
Buddhism was flourishing. Buddhist monks were main- 
tained at the public expense, and foreign monks were 
hospitably entertained in the monasteries. 

Fah Hian visited all the sacred spots, but the main object Residence 
of his pilgrimage was to carry back revised copies of the at Patali- 
Buddhist scriptures for the benefit of his brethren in China. 
Accordingly he dwelt for three years at Patali-putra, the 
centre of Buddhism; he learnt the Pali language in which 

^ The empire of Andhra had a long existence; it is supposed to 
correspond with the Telinga, or Telugu country. The Andhras ‘are 
mentioned by name in the edicts of Asoka. Pandya has been identified 
with Madura, or the Tamil country in the remote south. The king of 
Pandya, or Pandion, sent an embassy to Augustus Caesar. 


5 ^ 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part I. 


B.C. 500 
TO 

A.D, 1000 


Pilgnmage 
of Hiouen- 
Tlisang, 
A.D. 629- 
645; Bud- 
dhist rule 
in India, 


Memories 
of the 
Maha- 
Bharata. 


Empire of 
Siladitya 
in Hindus- 
tan. 


Field of 
happiness 
at Prayaga 


the Buddhist scriptures are written ; and he secured copies 
of all the sacred books. He describes a few features of 
Buddhist life; the ruins of the once famous palace of 
Asoka; the religious processions of images of Sakya Muni 
and other Buddhist saints ; and the public hospitals where the 
destitute, the crippled, and the diseased were attended by 
physicians, and supplied with food and medicines until they 
were sufficiently relieved. 

Two centuries afterwards, about a.d. 629-64^^, another 
Chinese monk travelled in India, named Hiouen-Thsang. 
He was a zealous Buddhist like Fah Hian, but he was more 
observant , and more highly cultured. He describes the 
people of India as easy and gentle, volatile in their manners, 
honest in their dealings, and restrained by fear of punish- 
ment after death. The administration in Buddhist India 
was very mild. There were no capital punishments. Most 
offences were punished by fines ; but injustice, lying, or 
disobedience to parents were punished by mutilation or 
exile. 

Hiouen-Thsang did not go to the city of Indraprastha, 
but he knew something of the MahA Bharata. He was told 
that the bones of the warriors that fell in the great war were 
still lying on the field of Kuru-kshetra, and that they were 
as big as the bones of giants. He went to the city of 
Kanouj on the river Ganges, which at this time was the 
metropolis of an empire that covered Hindustan and the 
Punjab. 

The empire of Kanouj included a number of tributary 
Rajas stretching from Kashmir to Assam, and from the 
Himalayas to the Nerbudda river. The reigning emperor 
or Mahdraja was named Siladitya, and was known as a 
Maharaja Adhiraj, or lord paramount.” He tried to con- 
quer the Dekhan, but failed. He was a patron of Buddhism, 
but he also favoured the Brahmans, and was tolerant of 
all religions. Probably he sought to keep the religious 
orders in peace by showing a friendly countenance to all. 

Siladitya held a great festival at Prayaga, the modem 
Allahabad, which reveals the connection between the Mahi- 
raja and the religious orders. This locality had been 
regarded as sacred from a very remote period, because of 
the union of the Ganges and Jumna. Under the vast 
systems of almsgiving advocated by Brahmanism and Budd 



Chap. III.] 


MEDIAEVAL RAJAS. 


57 


hism, Pray^ga had continued to be regarded as holy ground, b.c. 500 
It was called “the field of happiness;” and the merit of 
almsgiving was enhanced a thousand-fold by the alms being 
bestowed at Praydga. 

Every five years Mahdraja SMditya distributed all the Imperial 
treasures of his empire as alms. Hiouen-Thsang was pre- alms- 
sent at one of these extraordinary gatherings, and describes 
it at length. All the Rajas of the empire were there, toge- 
ther with half a million of people, and all were feasted by 
the Mahdraja for seventy-five days. Meanwhile the alms were 
distributed without distinction of person or religion. The 
whole of the accumulated treasures of the empire were given 
away to Buddhist monks, Brahman priests, heretical teachers, 
and mendicants of every grade and degree. The poor, the 
lame, and the orphan, received alms in like manner. The 
Mahdraja was supposed to expiate all his sins by this unlimited 
almsgiving. At the close of the festival Sildditya stripped 
himself of all the robes and jewels he had worn during the 
seventy-five days, and distributed them amongst the multi- 
tude. He appeared in tattered garments like a beggar. “ All 
my wealth,” he cried, “ has been spent in the field of happi- 
ness, and I have gained an everlasting reward: I trust that 
in all future existences I may continue to amass riches and 
bestow them in alms, until I have attained every divine 
faculty that a creature can desire.” ^ 

Hiouen-Thsang dwelt for along time in a huge monastery University 
at Nalanda, near Rajagriha, where the ruins are still to be of 
seen. The monastery was a vast university, where ten thou- Nalanda. 
sand Buddhist monks and novices were lodged and supplied 
with every necessary. Towers, domes, and pavilions stood 
amidst a paradise of trees, gardens, and fountains. There 
were six large ranges of buildings, four stories high, as well as 
a hundred lecture-rooms. All the inmates were lodged, 
boarded, taught, and supplied with vestments without charge. 

They were thus enabled to devote their whole lives to the 
acquisition of learning. They studied the sacred books of 


^ By profuse almsgiving the Maharaja hoped to acquire genius and 
wisdom ; but he couid not expect to obtain final deliverance or emanci- 
pation of his soul from the endless chain 01 transmigi*ations ; that could 
only be acquired by leading a life of abstraction from all affections and 
desires. See the next chapter. 


HINDU INDIA. 



[Part I. 


B.c. 500 all religions. In like manner they studied all the sciences, 
especially arithmetic and medicine. 

A. D. 100 0 India before the Muhammadan conquest must thus have 
India be- resembled Europe during the dark ages. The Hindu people 
tween the were in the background; ignorant and superstitious, but 
seventh wanting no poor-laws, and maintaining their sick and aged 
Sventh their religious duties. Rajas and chieftains were at 

centuries, frequent war. Principalities and powers sprung into ephemeral 
existence and then perished. Poms and Alexander, Asoka 
and Siladitya, and all the armies of Baktrians, Scythians, 
and Guptas, have passed away like the ghosts of the w^arriors 
of the Maha Bharata beneath the waters of the Ganges, 
without leaving a ripple on the surface of humanity. 

Religious All this while a religious life was illuminating colleges, 
rpolu- monasteries, and pagodas. Brahmans were rehabilitating 
ancient superstitions in metaphysical forms, Buddhists were 
ignoring the existence of the gods, and denying the efficacy 
of priests, sacrifices, and prayers. Religious books were 
composed in secluded universities and revolutionised the 
Indian world. Cities and courts were drawn into theolo- 
gical controversies. Hence arose quan'els between the 
old religion and the new; between Brahmans and Budd- 
hists; between the men who worshipped the gods of the 
Hindu Pantheon, and the men who worshipped no gods 
whatever, beyond the goodness incarnate in Gdtama Buddha 
and his disciples. 





r 


f 



CHAPTER IV. 

RELIGION AND LITERATURE, 

The Hindu people of historical times are divided into Four 
four great castes ; namely, Brahmans or priests ; Kshatriyas or castes: the 
soldiers; Vaisyas or merchants ; ^ and Sudras or <^uitivators. 

But there is a remarkable distinction between the three first Siidras. 
castes and the Sudras, which is recognised throughout the 
whole of India. The Brahmans, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas are 
known as the twice born,*’ because they are invested at an 
early age with a mysterious thread, which marks their entrance 
into civil life. The Sudras have no such thread, and con- 
sequently are separated from the “ twice born ” as an inferior 
race. It may therefore be inferred that the three first castes, 
or wearers of the thread,” are descendants of the Aryan 
invaders of India, who conquered the Punjab and Hindus- 
tan in a remote antiquity. The Sddras, on the other hand, 
who are not ‘^ wearers of the thread,” may be descendants 
of the non- Aryan, or so-called Turanian race, who were the 
dominant people in India at the time of the Aryan invasion, 
and were subsequently treated as a conquered and servile 
population. 

Besides the four castes, there is a large population known Pariahs, or 
as Pariahs or outcastes. They are altogether inferior to the outcastes. 
Sudras, and were probably the Helots of India when the Su- 
dras were masters. They include menial servants of various 
grades and artisans of ail descriptions; and are divided in 

^ The Vaisyas correspond to the Bauians, so often mentioned by old 
English travellers in Western India. The Bunniafas of Bengal are of 
the same caste, but from some unknown cause they have ceased to wear 
the thread of the ‘‘twice-born.” 



6o 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part L 


Hill-tribes 

non- 

Hindus, 


Relics of 
ancient 
Turanians 
and 

Aryans. 


Religion 
of the 
Turanians: 
mysteries 
of death 
and birth. 


tlieir turn into numerous other so-called castes, according 
to their hereditary trades or occupations. These Pariahs 
call themselves Hindus, and make up the lower strata of 
the Hindu social system. 

In all parts of India, however, there are certain barbarous 
tribes, who are altogether outside the pale of Hindu civili- 
zation. They are primitive communities, the so-called abori- 
gines of India, who were driven by the conquerors out of 
the culturable plains into the hills and jungles, and have 
never as yet been Brahmanised into castes or otherwise 
absorbed into the Hindu social system. The Bhiis and 
Nigas mentioned in the Maha Bharata are existing types of 
the so-called aboriginal races. To these may be added the 
Mhairs and Minas of Rajpiitana ; the K61s, Ghonds, and 
Khonds of the Bekhan ; the Kalars of the Peninsula, and 
a host of other tribes under a variety of names. 

The bulk of these hill and jungle tribes are probably 
Turanians, without any political organisation, excepting of 
the patriarchal type. Others, however, are distinctly Aryan, 
with a rude town-hall in the centre of a village, and crude 
remains of a feudal system. These last are probably relics 
of the Aryan invaders, who had either penetrated into remote 
regions beyond the van of Aryan civilization ; or had lagged 
behind in the hills and jungles as worn-out invalids or cripples 
who had dropped off from the rear of the conquering army. 

' The religious ideas of Turanians and Aryans have been 
so closely interwoven in the course of ages, that it is perhaps 
impossible to treat them as race distinctions. It may, how- 
ever, be broadly stated that the religion and literature of the 
Turanians were derived from the mysteries of death and 
birth, of which Siva or Mahddeva, and his . wife Kali or 
Durg^, were originally personifications. The Turanians of 
India also worshipped certain wrathful or avenging deities, 
such as the goddesses of cholera and small-pox, and the 
angry ghosts of men or women who had died violent deaths. 
The religious ceremonial was made up of bloody,, sacrifices, 
orgiastic dances, and deafening music. Other strange rites 
were enjoined in a mystic literature known as the Tantras ; 
but these have died out together with human sacrifices, self 
immolation, and other abominations. A few revolting forms 
of worship and propitiation may still linger in secluded 
localities ; but the sacrifice of goats to the goddess Kali is, 


CHAP. IV.] RELIGION AND LITERATURE. 6r 

perhaps, one of the last relics of the old Turanian religion 
which is still practised by the civilized caste people of India# 

The religion and literature of the Aryans were associated Religion 
with the worship of genii or spirits, which were supposed to ; 
dwell in all material forms as well as in the outward mani- worshfp'of 
festations of nature. The Aryan people worshipped the genH or 
genii of swords and ploughshares ; of trees, hills, fountains, spirits, 
and rivers ; of the sun, the firmament, the rain and the 
winds. They also worshipped the manes of departed heroes 
and ancestors ; and the titular deity or guardian spirit of a 
township, village, tribe, family, or household. These spiri- 
tual existences were often personified as gods and goddesses, 
and shapened into idols. Civilized Hindus propitiate these 
deities with offerings of boiled rice, milk, sugar, and butter ; 
and sometimes with meat and wine. Hill tribes offer up 
delicacies of their own, such as fowls and pigs, and a strong 
fermented liquor resembling beer. In return both classes 
of worshippers hope to be rewarded with brimming harvests, 
prolific cattle, health, wealth, long life, and other temporal 
blessings. 

The earliest religious utterances which have been preserved Vaidik 
in Aryan literature are known as the Vaidik hymns. TheyLymns: 
are songs or invocations addressed to different Aryan deities 
in the language of praise and prayer. These hymns are not 
the outcome of a single generation, but the growth of cen- 
turies. The earlier hymns were the ejaculations of a child- 
like people. The worshippers praised each god in turn as 
if he had been a great sovereign ; and then implored him for 
material blessings, in the simple language in which children 
might be expected to entreat a patriarch or father. The 
later hymns were of higher and more thoughtful import. The 
ideas of children or savages were expressed in the language 
of sages and divines. The original invocations were inter- 
larded with poetical feelings and imagery which belonged to a 
more advanced civilization, and with spiritual and moral sen- 
timents which were the outcome of laterBrahmanical teaching. 

Fire was personified as Agni, the god who cooked the Vaidik 
food, warmed the dwelling,” and frightened away beasts of 
prey. Agni thus became the divinity of the homestead, 
whose presence was as dear as that of a wife or mother. Vayn/and 
Agni was also the sacrificial flame, the divine messenger, Indra. 
who licked up the sacrifice and carried it to the gods. 


62 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part I, 


Water was personified as Varuna, tlie god of the sea ; and 
Varuna was graduaily invested with divine attributes as a 
deity powerful to destroy, but mighty to save; who engulfed 
the wicked man in the drowning depths, or mercifully bore the 
repentant sinner over the surging billows in safety to the shore. 
The wind and breezes were personified as Vayu and the 
Maruts. Vayu roared amongst the trees ; whilst the Maruts 
blew up the clouds for showers. The firmament was per- 
sonified as Indra, and the Maruts were his followers. He was 
king of the Vaidik gods ; he struck the sky with his thun- 
derbolt, pierced the black clouds with his spear and brought 
down the earth-refreshing showers. He went forth to battle 
riding on his elephant, attended by the Maruts bearing their 
lances on their shoulders in the forms of youthful warriors. 
He was the national deity of the Aryan invaders ; who slew 
his enemies by thousands and destroyed their cities by hun- 
dreds ; who brought back the spoil and recovered the cows 
that were carried away. He was the sovereign of the gods, 
enthroned in his heaven of Swarga on the Himalayas, like 
Zeus among the deities of Olympus.^ 

Worship Sdrya, or the sun god, the Persian Mithra, was originally 
of the the deity who journeyed through the sky and measured the 
vShnu nights, but he was eventually invested with attributes 

and his Still more divine than those of Indra. Indeed the worship 
incarna- of the supreme all-seeing orb of day was always more spiritual 

tions. than that of Indra, and at a later period superseded it. He 
was personified as the ideal of manly beauty ; the deity of 
light, the Hindu Apollo. He was also represented in myth 
and legend, as the remote ancestor of the solar race of 
Hajputs, who to this day are known as the children of the 
sun. In later Vaidik literature he was elevated to the god- 
head as the creator of the universe, and the divine soul that 
illuminated the universe. Eventually the worship of the sun 
developed into that of Vishnu, the Supreme Spirit, whose 
incarnations as Krishna and Kdma were glorified in the 
Mahd Bh£rata and K^m^yana. 

The Vaidik hymns contain no distinct reference to a future 
state of rewards and punishments ; but there are numerous 

Professor Max Muller’s editions of the text to the Rik Vaidha, and 
his eloquent translations of the Vaidik hymns into English, have opened 
up new fields of religions thought and philosophical research to English 
readers, - ' " ■ 


Chap. IV.] RELIGION AND LITERATURE. 


^3 


allusions to a judge of the dead, who is personified as the Ydma, 
god Ydma, and who consequently may be regarded as pre- 
siding over the entrance to a world of departed souls. the dead. 

The Vaidik Aryan was thus constantly surrounded by the Moral 
unseen gods of a visible universe ; and his daily life and 
conduct were more or less influenced by the presence of such 
deities. In one Sanskrit drama a wicked prince endeavours ^ 
to persuade a parasite to commit murder, by assuring him 
that there was no one to witness the act. The parasite 
repliesinindignantlanguage:— 

** All nature would behold the crime. 

The genii of the grove, the sun, the moon, 

The winds, the vault of heaven, the firm-set earth, 

Varna, the mighty judge of aU who die, 

Aye, and the inner conscience of the soul.” ^ 

In addition to the Vaidik gods above mentioned, there Minor per- 
are a host of minor personifications in the Vaidik Pantheon, sonifica- 
such as earth, day, night, the four seasons, the gods of the . 
air, the gods of the brooks and streams, and many others, ® 

all of whom are clothed in forms at once human and divine. 

Thus Ushas, the dawn, the Eos of the Greeks, is imaged as 
a white-robed maiden, awakening a sleeping world as a 
mother awakens her children, to Hndle the morning sacri- 
fice, and invoke the gods with praise and prayer. 

In Vaidik literature all the more prominent gods are Brahma, 
extolled in turn as the Supreme Being; but in the modern Vishnu, 
belief of the Hindus three different deities stand out as 
representatives of the One God, under the names of Brahma, 

Vishnu, and Siva. Each of these gods is worshipped in dif- 
ferent localities as the creator and ruler of the universe, the 
Divine Spirit who is above all and in all. One important 
sect of Hindus worships Brahma as the creator, Vishnu as 
the preserver, and Siva as the destroyer of the universe ; but 
more frequently all these attributes of creation, preservation, 
and dissolution are assigned to one Supreme Being, who per- 
meates the universe and is the universe ; and all the endless 
emblems, incarnations, and idols are reverenced as so many 
• vehicles .through which the Supreme Spirit receives the 
adorations and offerings of his worshippers. 

1 The Sudraka, translated by H. H. Wilson in 

iht Theatre of the The passage has been slightly modified, 

and is remarkable as showing how the law of merits and demerits blended 
with the old nature- worship of the Vaidik hymns. 



Astro- 

logicwd 

origin. 


Worsliip 
of the 
serpent, 
the bull, 
and the 
cow. 


64 

Popular 
deifica- 
tions of 
good luck, 
prosperity, 
learning, 
wealth, 
love, and 
war. 


HINDU INDIA. 

There are other and popular deities amongst the Hindus, 
which cannot be referred distinctly to an Aryan or a 
Turanian origin. Their worship has been rooted in the 
hearts of tlie people of India from a remote antiquity ; and 
has become associated with that of Aryan and Turanian 
gods by numberless supernatural myths and fables. Foremost 
amongst these is Ganesh, the god of good luck ; Lakshmi, 
the goddess of prosperity; Saraswati, the goddess of learn- 
ing ; Kuvera, the god of wealth ; Kama, the god of love ; 
and Kartikeia, the god of war. 

The propitiation of the more important of these deities is 
so much a matter of everyday life with the Hindus, as to 
appear like a national instinct. No Hindu will undertake a 
journey, nor engage in any business or transaction, without 
a visit to the temple of Ganesh. No Hindu will begin a 
literary composition without an invocation to Ganesh. The 
idol meets the eye all over India, with the head of an 
elephant and the prominent stomach of a Chinese deity; 
but whilst he is represented in Brahmanical myths as a son 
of Siva and Durga, the real origin of his worship continues 
to be a mystery. Lakshmf, the goddess of prosperity, is 
propitiated in like manner on every possible occasion. She 
is represented in Brahmanical myths as the goddess of 
beauty, who rose out of the foam of the ocean, like a Hindu 
Aphrodite, to become the bride of Vishnu. Saraswati, the 
goddess of learning, was originally the divinity or spirit of 
the river Indus ; ^ but was converted into the mythical wife 
of Brahma, and as such appears as the goddess of litera- 
ture and science of every kind. Kuvera, Kdma, and 
Kartakeia, are apparently the outcome of astrological ideas, 
and may possibly be the personincation and deification of 
supposed planetary influences. 

Besides the foregoing, the serpent, the bull, and the cow are 
worshipped all over India. They are apparently the in- 
carnations of mysterious deities associated with ideas of sex. 
The serpent is propitiated with bread and milk as the 
guardian of the household. The bull is a masculine deity 
associated with the worship of Siva or Mahadeva. The 
co^v is a feminine divinity, and is worshipped and reverenced 

^ The river Indus is often invoked as the goddess Saraswati in the 
Vaidik hymns* 


Chap. IV.] RELIGION AND LITERATURE. 6-5 

by all Hindus, as the universal mother, the personification 
of earth, the incarnation of the goddess LakshmL 

The rise of the Brahmans is as obscure as that of the Rise of the 
Druids. They appeared amongst the people of India, — Brahmans. 
Aryans and Turanians, barbarous and civilised, — as priests, 
divines, and holy men. They ingratiated themselves with 
Rajas and warriors by worshipping the old gods, but after 
new and mystic forms ^interpreting the present and the future 
by the bubbling of the boiling milk and rice in the daily 
sacrifices, the marks on sacrificial victims, or the manifesta- 
tions of the sacrificial smoke and flame. They pronounced 
the lower gods of the aboriginal races to be incarnations 
or avatars of the great gods of the conquerors ; and they 
associated the higher gods of the aboriginal races with new 
and more spiritual teachings, and raised them to the highest 
rank of deity. Thus even Siva or Mahadeva, the god of 
death, was resolved into a Supreme Being; and K£lf, the 
black goddess, who revelled in intoxication and slaughter, 
was worshipped as a divine mother, under the names of 
Parvati and Durgl 

The growth of the Brahmans in power and influence is Growth of 
one of the most important elements in Indian history. Every Brahman- 
Raja or great man had his own Brahman priest, preceptor, or 
piirohita. So had every family, or group of families, or Gurus, and 
village community. But priests and laymen were subject to Swamis. 
inquisitorial forms of Brahmanical government, of which 
traces are still to be found in all directions. Religious 
teachers of a superior order, known as Gurus, undertook 
regular ecclesiastical tours, confirming neophytes, and ex- 
communicating heretics and caste offenders. Above all 
there were Brahmans of still higher sanctity, who were wor- 
shipped as gods under the name of Ndths and Swamis, and 
exercised a vast spiritual authority over courts and Rajas, 
whilst extending secret ramifications to remote quarters of 
India, Meanwhile religious centres were established at 
convenient spots in the shape of temples, colleges, and 
places of pilgrimage ; and Brahmanical hermitages were set 
up in the countries inhabited by aboriginal races outside the 
Aryan pale. Thus in the course of ages, the Brahmans have 
spread abroad a religious faith and worship, which notwith- 
standing the number and variety of divinities, are essentially 
the same throughout the length and breadth of India. 


66 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part I. 


il Laws of A further development of the religious teaching of the 

I Manu. Hindus is to be found in the Brahmanical code, known as the 

fj laws of Manu. The life of Manu is unknown ; he has no 

personality whatever ; he is a mythical being, a reputed son 
of Brahma, and lord of all living creatures. But the sacred 
character of the code of Manu is acknowledged and rever- 
enced throughout India. 

Transmi- Manu taught the belief in. the endless transmigrations of 
gratxons of the soul ; that the soul of every individual being, whether 
t e sou . animal, passed at every successive death into a 

newly born body ; rising or falling in the scale of being at 
every successive birth according to the sum of its merits or 
demerits in all past lives. Thus the belief in a future state 
of rewards and punishments was associated by Manu with a 
chain of existences without beginning or ending; running 
up and down the scale of animal being from the meanest 
vermin to the highest order of intellectual man.^ 

Merits and The code of Manu itself was the source of all merits and 
demerits, demerits. It demanded the observance of caste laws, the 
worship of the gods, and the offerings of cakes and water to 
departed ancestors. Obedience to its enactments consti- 
tuted the only merits which were rewarded in future lives ; 
and disobedience constituted the only demerits which were 
punished by future pains and miseries. Rajasiiyas and 
Aswamedhas were treated as arch merits, and converted into 
sacrifices for the atonement of sin. 

Heaven The religion of the Brahmans also recognised the exist- 
and hell, ence of different heavens and hells. Thus the souls of 
warriors who died in battle went to the heaven of Indra ; 
whilst the spirits of departed ancestors went to a world of 
shades where they could only be consoled by the cakes and 
water offered in the SrMdhas. But this spirit life in heaven 
or hell only lasted for a limited period, until merits had been 
sufficiently rewarded and demerits sufficiently punished. At 
the expiration of the appointed term the soul returned to 
earth and re-entered on a fresh course of successive exist- 
ences in the endless chain of transmigrations. 

Divine Whilst the code of Manu enforced the worship of the 
bpirit. gods, it further developed those conceptions of the Supreme 
Spirit, which find expression in the Vaidik hymns. All 

^ It is a question whether vegetable life was not also included in the 
transmigrations of the soul. 



Chap. IV.] RELIGION AND LITERATURE. 


67 


gods/’ says Manu, “are in the divine spirit, all worlds 
are in the divine spirit; and the divine spirit produces the 
connected series of acts which are performed by embodied 
souls. Him some adore as present in the element of fire ; 
others as present in Manu lord of creatures ; some as pre- 
sent in Indra ; others as present in pure ether ; and others 
as present in the most high Eternal Spirit It is He who, 
pervading all beings in five elementary forms, causes them 
by the gradations of birth, growth, and dissolution to revolve 
in this world like the wheels of a bar.” 

But Manu pointed out that there was a way of deliverance Deliver- 
er emancipation of the soul from the endless chain of trans- ance of 
migrations, whether on earth or in heaven or hell. He , 

taught that a term of austerities would quench the fires of 
affection, passion, and desire, and break every tie which 
bound the soul to the universe of being. The soul would 
then enter upon a term of pure contemplation, during which 
it would behold the Supreme Soul present in all things, and 
would finally be absorbed in the Divine Spirit.^ 

Manu thus fashioned out a universe of being, driven by Four 
an artificial law of merits and demerits along a chain of terms of 
endless transmigrations. He also showed how the individual 
soul might be delivered or emancipated from this chain of 
existences, and become absorbed in the Divine Essence. 

He next mapped out the life of man into the four terms of 
student, householder, hermit, and devotee, with the view of 
enabling each individual to work out his own deliverance or 
emancipation. As a student each individual of the twice 
born castes would learn the divine law ; as a householder 
he would marry a wife and collect merits as a husband and 
a father ; as a hermit he would perform religious austerities ; 
and as a devotee he would contemplate the Supreme Soul 
until his own soul was absorbed in the Divine Spirit. The 
duties which each individual must fulfil within the four 
terms are duly set forth in the code of Manu, and still 
make up the ideal of the Hindu. 

Buddhism was practically a revolt against the Brali- Buddhism 

manical system of Manu. It ignored the existence of ^ ’revolt 

against 

^ “ The man who perceives in his own soul the Supreme Soul present Brahman- 
in all creatures, and regards them all with equal benevolence, will be 
absorbed at last in the highest Essence, even of that of the Almighty 
Himself.” — Manu, xii. 126. 


F 2 


6S 


HIKDU INDIA, 


[Part I, 


deity; denied the efficacy of prayers and sacrifices ; broke 
up the bondage of caste ; and declared that goodness and 
loving-kindness were the only merits by which the soul 
I could rise in successive transmigrations. It laid down 

I five great commandments against the five deadly sins of 

I murder, theft, adultery, drunkenness, and falsehood ; and it 

I taught that the slightest infringement of any one of these 

I ’ commandments in thought, word, or deed, constituted a 

i demerit which would detract from the happiness of the soul 

in a future state of being. 

Deliver- But as regards the deliverance or emancipation of the 
s.Bce of tlie soul, the teaching of Gotama Buddha coincided, with one 
important exception, to that of Manu. Gotama Buddha 
tidn, taught that a life of goodness and divine contemplation 
would quench the fires of affection, passion, and desire, 
which bound the soul to the universe of being. But he 
denied the existence of a Divine Spirit, and was thus driven 
to accept the dogma of annihilation. Consequently he 
taught that when the soul was delivered from the chain of 
existences, it sank into the eternal sleep or annihilation 
known as Nirvana. 

Modern Modern Brahmanism, as expounded in the Mahd Bhdrata 
Brahman- and Hamdyana, introduced a new element in religious 
teaching, a shorter way of effecting the emancipation of 
the soul Without ignoring the efficacy of good Avorks, it 
taught that by faith alone, in Krishna or in Rama, as an 
incarnation of Vishnu, the soul might be delivered from the 
vortex of successive existences, and would either be raised 
to an everlasting heaven of the highest beatitude, or be 
absorbed in the Supreme Spirit, —Vishnu. 

Hindu ^ Hindu Literature comprises numerous works on meta- 
nc^his?* physics, logic, rhetoric, poetry, arithmetic, musical science, 
toricaL * Other like compositions, which were all more or less 

treated in connection with religion. But nothing has been 
discovered that merits the Marne of history, or warrants the 
hope that authentic annals exist in any of the Indian lan- 
guages.^ Relics of traditions are however to be found in 

Grant Duff, in his History of the Mahraiias^ speaks with favour of 
native annals j but later researches have proved that such annals are 
nearly worthless for purpo^-es of history. The author wasted much 
Mme and labour before he was driven to this conclusion, which has 



Chap. IV.] RELIGION AND LITERATURE. 


69 


poetry and tlie drama, wHcli may serve to illustrate Hindu 
life and manners before Muhammadans or Europeans 
appeared upon the scene. But Hindu poets devoted so 
much time to the arbitrary conceits of composition, fanci- 
ful descriptions of scenery and the four seasons, and endless 
myths and marvels, that vast accumulations of poetical 
overgrowth have to be cleared away before it is possible to 
arrive at the kernel of matter of fact history.^ 

The drama of Sakdntali was written by a poet named Sakuntald. 
Kdliddsa, and was probably composed at a late period in 
the history of the mediaeval Rajas ; but the plot refers to the 
oldest period in Hindu legend, namely, the birth of Bharata, 
the conqueror of India. It opens with a Brahmanical her- 
mitage ,* one of those secluded groves where Brahmans 
dwelt with their wives and families, and were supposed to 
spend their lives in sacred studies, religious worship, and 
divine contemplations. 

A Raja, named Dushyanta, was hunting in the jungle, and hlarriafye 
chased an antelope which took refuge, in the hermitage, of a Raja 
He was drawing his bow to shoot the animal, when the 
Brahmans rushed out and implored him not to pollute their dau'diter. 
sanctuary by shedding blood. The Raja piously refrained, 
but at this moment he saw the daughter of a Brahman, the 
beautiful Sakilntala, walking in the garden of the hermitage 
with other girl companions. The Raja soon fell in love 
with her, and induced her to marry him by one of those 

since been confirmed by Professor Biihler of Bombay. See larger 
History of India, vol. iv. chap, ii. and Appendix. Also Buhleds 
Introduction to the Vikramdnhakdvya, Bombay, 1875. 

^ The court life of Hindu authors was unfavourable to historical 
accuracy. They depended for their existence on the bounty of reigning 
Rajas, and the first object of their compositions was to please their 
royal patrons. Every principality, small and great, had its own here- 
ditary bards and Pundits, who were supported by allowances from the 
palace. Young ‘students, fresh from their preceptors, betook themselves 
to a wandering life, and visited one court after another, holding dispu- 
tations, showing off their learning, and composing poetry for the 
delectation of princes, who cared only to be amused. Such wandering 
bards and Pundits are still to be encountered all over India ; but the 
greater number appear to be travelling from the Punjab and Glide 
through Rajputana towards Baroda and Bombay. The tour often lasts 
five or six years, and includes places of pilgrimage as well as courts of 
princes. Professor Biihler, in the Introduction already quoted, dwells 
on the jealousies displayed by the hereditaiy bards and Pundits towards 
these foreign wanderers. 


70 


HINDU INDIA. 


[Part I 



Super- 

natural 

incidents, 


Character- 
istics of 
the drama. 


Nala and 
Dama- 
yanti : the 
royal 

charioteer. 


Princess of 
Vidarbha. 


irregular ceremonies whicli were discountenanced by Mann. 
Subsequently Sakdntala gave birth to the infant Bharata, but 
the Raja refused to recognize his marriage, and even denied 
all knowledge of Sakuntald, until by some supernatural in- 
cident his eyes were opened, and he accepted her as his 
wife and Bharata as his son. Bharata grew up to be the 
conqueror of India, and was the ancestor of the Pandavas 
and Kauravas who fought in the great war. 

The drama of Sakilntald ’’ is based upon incidents which 
are foreign to European works of imagination. The Raja 
had given a ring to Sakuntala as the pledge of his troth ; 
and she had lost the ring whilst bathing in a pool ; and 'so 
long as the ring was missing the Raja could not recognize 
his wife. Subsequently the ring was found in the body of 
a fish and recovered by the Raja. From that day he remem- 
bered his lost Sakuntala ; and going out into the jungle he 
saw a young lad playing with lions, who proved to be his 
own son Bharata. 

The beauty of the play of SakdntaM ” lies not in the 
strong individuality of the leading characters, but in the 
general appreciation of external nature, the love of flowers, 
the girl-like talk of the damsels, and the variety of emotions 
which stir the heart of Sakdntala. Indeed the language is 
so sweet and touching that to this day no Sanskrit drama is 
more admired by the people of India than “ SakdntaM ; or, 
the lost ring.’’^ 

The poem of Nala and Damayanti ” is more romantic, 
Nala, Raja of Malwa, was a famous archer, but especially 
renowned as a charioteer. The tramp of his horses was 
heard from afar, like the roll of distant thunder; and the 
noise of his chariot wheels was like the rushing of many 
waters. 

Damayanti was a princess of Vidarbha. ^ She was the 
pearl of maidens as Nala was the tiger amongst Rajas. She 
had given her heart to Nala, and vowed that no one but 
N ala should be her lord and husband. 

The poem opens with the Swayamvara of Damayanti. 

^ The drama of “Sakuntala^* is best known to European readers 
through the elegant translation of Professor Monier Williams. 

^ The old city of Vidarbha in the Dekhan corresponds to the city of 
Bider. The magnificent remains of the fortress and palace are still to 
be seen at Bider. 


Chap. IV.] RELIGION AND LITERATIJRK 


71 


The fame of her beauty had reached the skies; and Indra Swayam- 
and the other gods came down from the heaven of Swarga vara 
to be candidates for her hand. They appeared in the as- 
sembly hall in the forms of Rajas, but Damayanti knew that £ent of 
they were gods, for there was no winking of their eyes, no the Vaidik 
perspiration on their brows, no dust on their garments, and gods, 
no faded leaf in their wreaths of flowers. But she was reck- 
less in her love; she cared not for the anger of the gods; 
she threw the garland round the neck of Nala, and chose 
him for her husband in the presence of them all.^ 

Nala and Damayanti were married at Vidarbha, and the Happy 
Raja returned with his loving* wife to his city in Malwa.^ 

Beautiful children were born to them, and they were rich in 
every blessing. 

But Nala was a gambler, and the dice box was his ruin. Ruin of 
In an evil hour he sat down to play, and lost stake after a royal 
stake, like Yudhishthira in the gambling booth at Hastind- g^“^hler, 
pur. The chieftains of the Raj assembled at the palace, 
and implored him to stay his hand ; but he was deaf to all 
their prayers, and hotly continued the game. At last he 
lost all his treasures, his kingdom, and his home ; and then 
went out in the jungle to live on fruits and roots. 

Meanwhile Damayanti never deserted her husband. She Jungle 
sent her children to the palace of her father at Vidarbha, exile : 
and went with Nala into the jungle. But Nala was driven ^sht of 
wild by the sufferings of his wife, and fell into a melancholy ^ 
madness. At last he left her sleeping in the jungle, and 
fled to the city of Ayodhy^ and entered the service of the 
Raja of Kosala as his charioteer. 

The poem next dwells on the anguish of Damayanti at Agony 
discovering that her husband has deserted her. She wan- of Dama- 
dered on in a distracted state, calling in vain for Nala. She 
was threatened with death in a variety of ways ; by a juugle 
fire, a stampede of elephants, and the coils of a deadly ser- 
pent. At length she found refuge in the city of Chedipur, 
and eventually returned to the palace of her father. But 
her heart still yearned after her husband Nala, and she 

^ The appearance of the Vaidik gods at the Swayamvara of Dama- 
yanti is a poetical episode. It had nothing to do with the after story. 

- The region known as Malwa lies in Hindustan, between the Ner- 
buddha and Chandal rivers. It is impossible to identify the site of 
Nala’s capital. 



Kecon- 
ciliation 
and con- 
clusion. 


Character- 
istics of » 
the poem. 


A popular 
revolution. 


HINDU -INDIA. [Part T. 

sent Brahmans in all directions to find out whither he had 
gone. 

At this crisis the Raja of Kosala had occasion to go to 
the city of Vidarbha, and was driven by Nala as his chario- 
teer. Damayanti was aroused from her despair by the well- 
remembered sounds of her husband’s driving. The peacocks 
in the palace gardens clamoured at the tramp of the horses 
and rolling of the chariot wheels, whilst the royal elephants 
roared tumultuously. The wife was thus restored to her 
husband, and Nala recovered possession of his children and 
his Raj. 

The story of Nala and Damayantf,” like the drama of 

Sakuntala,” owes its chief charm to the play upon the emo- 
tions and afections. It does not carry the reader back to the 
wild tumults of a barbarous age, like Shakespeare’s tragedies 
of Macbeth” and “King Lear;” but it points to an age 
of Arcadian simplicity, when the chieftains of a Raj endea- 
vour to induce the Raja to put a stop to his gambling match. 
In other respects the story was calculated to excite warm 
sympathies in a palace or zenana, but tells nothing of the 
old world of the Hindus which has passed away. 

A Sanskrit drama, known as the ^‘Toy-cart,” deals with a 
wider range of characters. The scene is laid in Ujain or 
Oojein, one of the oldest cities in Rajputana. A vicious 
prince, the brother of the Raja of Ujain, falls m love with 
a lady of the city ; she resists his advances, and he leaves 
her for dead in a public garden. He tries to throw the 
guilt of the murder on an innocent Brahman. The case is 
investigated by a Hindu court of justice ; and the judges, 
whilst anxious to shield the Brahman, are compelled by the 
force of the circumstantial evidence to find him guilty. The 
sentence is referred to the Raja of Ujain, who orders the 
Brahman to be executed. 

The unfortunate man is led away to the scaffold. At 
this crisis, the lady who is supposed to have been murdered 
suddenly makes her appearance. The multitude exult in 
the escape of the Brahman, and rush off to tell the Raja 
of his innocence ; but at that moment a revolution breaks 
out in aimther quarter of the city, the Raja is deposed and 
slain, his wicked brother escapes into exile, and a cow- 
keeper sprung from the dregs of the people is raised to the 
throne of Ujain. 


Chap. IV.] RELIGION AND LITERATURE. 


Out of this simple plot the Sanskrit bard has constructed Character- 
a drama, which may have been drawn from actual life, but istics of 
the incidents are artificial, the sentiments are devoid of all 
romance, and the characters are exaggerated in themselves 
and move about like automata. 

The innocent Brahman, the hero of the story, is named The hero 
Charudatta, and is said to have spent his patrimony in . 

. giving entertainments to his friends, acquaintances, and 
dependants ; and in building temples and monasteries, lay- 
ing out gardens and digging fountains of Avater. He con- 
tinues, however, to reside in the ruined mansion, and main- 
tains his family by the sale of his wife^s jewels, and by such 
gifts as the people of India are accustomed to give to 
Brahmans out of respect for their sacred character. The 
heroine of the drama is not the wife of Charudatta, but a 
courtesan, who is in love with him ; and this is the lady 
who is supposed to have been murdered by the brother of 
the Raja. 

The foregoing incidents will suffice to show that the Unnatis- 
story is out of the pale of European sympathies, which factory di- 
Avould have been given to the wife alone. But the Sanskrit 
dramatist goes further, and introduces an incident which 
is an outrage on all morality and good manners. He winds 
up the plot by giving the courtesan as a second wife to 
Charudatta, and by representing the first wife as slavishly 
submitting to the arrangement, and addressing her rival as 
her sister. Such an ending could only have been constructed 
for the amusement of Hindu Rajas ; it could never have 
satisfied the moral sense of the Hindu people, or have been 
regarded as a contribution to the national drama. 

It is difficult out of the disjointed and inconsistent IliKtorical 
materials collected in the foregoing chapters, to realise the results, 
actual condition of India under the 'ancient Hindu Rajas, 

It is, however, evident that the whole Indian continent was 
a chaos of conflicting elements, evolving large ideas of God 
and the universe, but utterly wanting in political life and 
cohesion. The after history will show the results of 
Muhammadan and British rule, and how much remains 
to be effected before the people of India can expect to 
take their place amongst the independent empires of the 
world. 


PART IL 


A.D. 

1000-1200 

Muham- 
mad, or 
Mahomet, 
570-632 ; 
his 

teachings. 


The 

Khalifs, or 
successors 
of Muham- 
mad, 632- 
125S. 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


CHAPTER I. 

TURKS AND AFGHANS. 

A.D. 1000 TO 1525 . 

Muhammad, the prophet of Arabia, commonly called 
Mahomet, was born a.d. 570, and died in 632. He was 
still living when Hiouen-Thsang began his pilgrimage to 
India. He taught that there was but one God, and that 
he himself was the prophet of God. All who believed in 
God and his prophet were to be rewarded with eternal bliss 
in heaven ; all who refused to believe were to punished 
with eternal torment in hell. Moreover, all believers were 
regarded as equals in the eyes of God, without distinction 
of caste or tribe ; they were all bound together in the 
brotherhood of Islam. Every man who accepted Islam 
was also allowed to marry more than one wife j he might 
be content with one, but if he chose he might marry others, 
not exceeding four. 

After the death of Muhammad, four Khalifs reigned in 
succession at Medina from a.d. 633 to 6603 their names 
were Abubakr, Omar, Othman, and Ali,^ They were 
followed by a line of Khalifs who reigned at Damascus 
from A.D. 660 to 750 ; and these again by a line of Khalifs 

^ The importance of these names will be seen in the sequel. 


Jh/jlio/, if) facer -page 74. 









Chap. L] 


TURKS AND AFGHANS. 


75 


j who reigned at Bagdad from A. D. 750 to 1258. These a.d. 

; Khalifs were not prophets or founders of a new religion 

like Muhammad, but sovereign pontilFs who were supposed 
I to be supreme in all spiritual and temporal affairs. 

I The death of Muhammad was followed by the Arab Revolt of 
i conquest of all Asia as far as the Indus and Oxus ; but "Hirkand 

! there the tide of invasion began to turn. Persians, Turks, 
and Afghans accepted the religion of the Koran, but ^ab. 
f rebelled against the domination of the Arabs. The Turks 
especially founded independent kingdoms in Central Asia. 

They acknowledged the reigning Khalif as their spiritual 
head, but refused to obey him as a temporal sovereign. 

The Arabs began to invade India when the Khalifs were Arab inva- 
reigning at Damascus. They ravaged Sinde on the lower 
course of the Indus,’ destroying temples, slaughtering Brah- 
mans, and carrying off the people into slavery. But the 
Hindus would not become Muhammadans. At last they 
agreed to pay tribute, and were permitted to rebuild their 
temples and worship their gods after their own fashion. 

The first conqueror of India of any renown was a Mahmud 
Turk named Mahmdd. In 997 Mahmdd succeeded toofUhaznf, 
the throne of Ghaznf, a small territory in Kdbul. Before 997- 1030* 
he died he conquered all Persia on one side, and a great 
part of India on the other; but he never removed his 
court from Ghazni, and consequently he is only known to 
history as Mahmdd of Ghaznf. 

In 1001 Mahmud marched an army of Turkish horse- Defeats the 
men from Ghaznf to Peshawar. Jaipal, Raja of the Punjab, 
came out to meet him with a host of elephants and foot 
soldiers, but was beaten by the Turkish horsemen, and 
taken prisoner. Jaipal promised to pay tribute, and was 
set at liberty, but he would not survive his disgrace. He 
returned to Lahore, gave his kingdom to his son Anandpal, 
and burnt himself alive on a funeral pile. 

For some years Raja Anandpal paid the tribute regularly. Rajput 
He then began to grow refractory, and prevailed on the ^ 

Rajas of Western Hindustan to come to his help. Vast 
armies of elephants and Hindu foot soldiers moved up from 
Delhi and Kanouj, Ajmfr and Ujain, and marched through 
the Punjab to Peshawar. The Hindu women joined in the 
enthusiasm against the Turks, and sold their jewels, or spun 
cotton, to keep the armies in the field. 


76 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part IL 


:« 


A.D. 

1 000 - 12-00 

Conquest 
of the 
Punjab, 


Twelve 
invasions 
of Hindus- 
tan. 


Great 
temple of 
Somnatli. 


Desperate 
battles at 
Somndth, 
1026-27. 


MaMiild marclied an army of horsemen and archers to 
the plain of Peshawar. He placed his archers in front and 
his horsemen behind. The archers began the battle y but 
some wild hill tribes, known as the Gakkars, crept through 
the archers, and began to cut down the horsemen with 
sharp knives. Meanwhile the elephants of the Hindus 
were blinded by arrows and maddened by fire-balls, and 
turned round and trampled down the Hindu infantry. At 
that moment the Turkish horsemen raised their swords and 
maces, and galloped furiously upon the Hindus with loud 
cries of Allah Akbar The army of the Rajpfit league 
wavered and fled. The Turkish horsemen pursued the 
fugitives for two days, and plundered temples and destroyed 
idols. At last Anandpal sued for peace, and sent tribute 
and war elephants. The peace lasted till the death of 
Anandpal, when Mahmdd annexed the Punjab, and made 
it a province of his empire of Ghazni. 

Subsequently Mahniild began to invade Hindustan. He 
is said to have made twelve expeditions into that country, 
plundering temples, breaking down idols, and carrying off 
vast treasures to Ghazni, as well as multitudes of slaves, 
male and female. ' 

When Mahmiid was growing old he resolved on destroy- 
ing the great temple of Somndth in Giizerat. Somnath was 
a thousand miles from Ghazni, but was reputed to contain 
immense treasures. There was an idol pillar in the temple, 
the symbol of the Supreme Spirit, known as Siva, or Maha- 
deva, A thousand Brahmans dwelt at Somndth to offer the 
daily sacriices, and five hundred damsels were engaged in 
the temple to dance before the idol. 

The route to Somnath lay through the desert of Sinde. 
Mahmud marched 30,000 horsemen through western Rajpii- 
tana to escape the burning sands. The Rajpfits made no 
attempt to oppose him, but abandoned their cities at his 
approach. When, however, Mahmdd reached Somnath the 
Raj pilts were assembled in great strength to defend their 
god. The temple was built on a peninsula out at seay it 
was approached by a narrow isthmus, which was strongly 
fortified with walls and battlements, manned with Rajputs. 
For two days there was desperate fighting and great 
slaughter. The Turkish archers sought to drive the Rajpiits 
from the battlements, whilst the Turkish swordsmen planted 




Chap, I] 


TURKS AND AFGHANS, 


77 


their ladders and climbed the walls. At last the Rajpdts saw a.d. 
that all was lost, and fled to their boats, and put out to sea. 1000-1200 

When the battle was over Mahmdd entered the temple. laoumar 
It was a large gloomy building supported by fifty-six ’ 
columns. The idol pillar was in an inner chamber. "The 
Brahmans implored Mahmud to spare the idol pillar, and 
offered to pay an enormous ransom. But Mahmild said, 

I come to destroy idols, not to sell them/^ He struck 
the pillar with his mace and broke it to pieces, whilst piles 
of diamonds and rubies, which had been hidden in the 
pillar, fell scattered upon the floor. 

Mahmud returned from Guzerat to Ghazni, but lost nearly Death and 
all his army on the way. The Rajpiits of Ajmir came out madness hi 
in such force that he was compelled to march through the the Sinde 
desert. His guides led him astray through sandy wastes in 
order to avenge the destruction of Somnath. Many of his 
soldiers died of thirst, whilst others went mad from the 
burning sun. Water was found at last ; the guides were put 
to death ; but only a remnant of the army reached Ghazni. 

Mahmfid died in 1030, aged sixty-three. The annals of Rise of the 
the century and a half which followed tell of wars and revo- Afghans, 
lutions in Central Asia, but say nothing of India. TheAiJ^o* 
Afghans supplanted the Turks. They became masters of a 
mountain fortress named Ghor, between Ghazni and Her^t ; 
they next drove the dynasty of Mahmild out of Ghazni, and 
became lords of K£bul and the Punjab. The next conqueror 
after Mahmild, who made a name in India, was Muhammad 
Ghori, the Afghan. 

Muhammad Ghori resolved on the conquest of Hindustan, Muham- 
In 1191 he marched an army against the Raja of Delhi. ad Ghori 
He tried to throw the Rajas into confusion by repeated 
charges with cavalry, but found himself surrounded by the 
enemy, and had a narrow escape with his life. But the 
Rajput dominion was weakened by feuds. There was a 
feud between Delhi and Kanouj, which soon opened a way 
for the Afghans into Hindustan. 

The Mahdraja of Kanouj on the Ganges claimed to be a Maharaja 
lord paramount amongst the Rajpiits. He gave a great of 
feast and summoned all the Rajas of Hindustan to appear 
as his vassals, and play their parts as servants in his house- 
hold. At the same time he celebrated the Swayamvara of 
his daughter. 


7S 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part TI. 



A.D. The Raja of Delhi loved the daughter of the Maharaja of 

10 00-120 0 Kanouj, but he scorned to serve as doorkeeper at the feast, 
Swayam- refused to come. The Maharaja was wroth at the 

vara of the affront, and ordered an image to be made of the Delhi Raja 
princess of and placed it at the door of the hall. The feast was held and 
Kanouj. Swayamvara began. The princess entered the hail with 
the marriage garland in her hand. She threw one look on 
the assembly, and then turned to the door and cast the gar- 
land round the neck of the image. The whole assembly 
was in commotion. Before a man could speak, the Raja of 
Delhi appeared in the hall and led away the princess. In 
another moment the bridegroom galloped off with his bride 
along the road to Delhi. 

Afghans The Maharaja of Kanouj brought the Afghans down 
capture upon his son-inJaw. He invited Muhammad Ghori to 

Delhi. march another army to Delhi, and the Afghan horsemen 

were soon on their way to the famous city. The Raja of 
Delhi heard that his enemy had again taken the field ; he took 
no heed, for he cared only for his bride. At last the Muham- 
madans were thundering at the gates of Delhi. The Raja 
put on his mail and went out against the invaders ; but 
it was too late. He perished sword in hand, and his widow 
burned herself upon his funeral pile. 

Overthrow The Mahdraja of Kanouj soon had bitter cause to rue his 
of the _ treachery; he shared the fate of his son-in-law. In 1094 
u‘ defeated by Muhammad Ghori, and he and his army 

were driven into the Ganges. His remains were known by 
his false teeth, which were fastened by golden wire ; the 
relic of an age of Rajpfit civilisation which has passed 
away. 

Mussul- The defeat and death of the Maharaja of Kanouj advanced 
mans ad- the dominion of the Muhammadans from Delhi to Benares. 
Ddhi Temples were plundered and idols were destroyed along the 
Benares^; valleys of the Jumna and Ganges. Meanwhile the Rajput 
flight of " princes left their ancestral homes to carve out new empires 
the Rajas, with their swords in the jungles and hills of the south ; and 
they preserved their old laws and usages in the region wdiich 
to this day is called Rajpdtana or Rajasthan, the land of 
the Rajputs or Rajas.” ^ 

Muhammad Ghori conquered a larger territory in India 

^ The region extends on the south and west of the Jumna, between 
the river Indus and the river Chamhal. 


% 





Chap. 1] 


TURKS AND AFGHANS. 


79 


than Mahmtid ; but he too kept his court at Ghaznf. When a.d. 
absent from India he appointed a favourite named Kutub- ^ 200- 1300 
ud-din to be his Viceroy over the Punjab and Hindustan. Ass^shia- 
In 1206, whilst returning from India to Ghazni, he wastionof*' 
assassinated by some men of the Gakkar tribes — the same Muham* 
race who had slaughtered Mahmdd's horsemen at Peshawar. 

They had vowed revenge for the slaughter of some kinsmen, Q^kkars 
and they stabbed Muharamed Ghori to death as he lay 120K ’ 
sleeping in his tent on the banks of the Indus. 

The death of Muhammad Ghori was followed by the Kutub-ud- 
dismemberraent of the Afghan empire. Kiltub-ud-din Sultau 
ceased to be a Viceroy, and was proclaimed Sultan of Delhi, 

He was originally a slave, who rose to power under Mu- 1206- 
hammad Ghori as Joseph had risen in the court of the 1210. 
Pharaohs. He was the first of a dynasty which is knowit 
in history as that of the slave kings. His reign was a 
career of conquest. His tower of triumph still stands 
amongst the ruins of old Delhi, and is one of the tallest in 
the world. It is known as the Kfitub Minar. It pro- 
claims the victory of Islam over the idol-worshippers of 
Hindustan. 

Under Kiltub-ud-din the dominion of the Muhammadans Conquest 
was extended to the Brahma-putra river. The intervening of Bihar 
country of Bihar and Bengal was conquered with the utmost . 
ease. A Muhammadan adventurer named Bakhtiyar was • 
famous for the length of his arms. He was a man of 
valour and audacity, but so ill-favoured that he could not 
obtain military service at Delhi, and went away to the 
eastern frontier near Benares. Here he became the leader 
of a band of horsemen, and began to make plundering raids 
into Bihar, the holy land of Magadha. He captured the 
city of Bihar and plundered it. He destroyed a college of 
Brahmans with shaven heads, and put them all to the 
sword. He advanced eastward to Nuddea, the old capital 
of Bengal,^ and entered the city with only eighteen troopers 
disguised as horse-dealers. Nobody stopped him, and he 
and his men reached the palace, cutting down and mur- 
dering all who stood in their way. 

The Raja of Nuddea was eating his dinner, when he heard Flight of 
an outbreak in the court-yard ; Bakhtiyar and his horsemen 

^ Nuddea is about sixty miles due north of the modern city of 
Calcutta. 



So 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 



A.D. had broken into the palace. The Haja was so frightened 
12 Q0-13 0Q ran out at the back of the palace, reached the bank 

of a' river, and took a boat and sailed away to Jagganath, 
leaving his family and treasures at the mercy of the Muham- 
madans. He never returned to Nuddea, but passed the 
remainder of his days at Jagganath as a religious devotee. 
Gour, the Bihar and Bengal were then formed into a province of the 
capital of Delhi empire, and Bakhtiyar was the first Viceroy. The 
Bengal, capital was fixed at Gour, at the elbow of the Ganges, where 
the river turns towards the south. It thus commanded the 
whole water communication of the country. Since then the 
river has changed its course, and Gour has become a heap 
of ruins. 

Moghul Kutub-ud-dm died in 1210. The history of his imme- 
inva.sions. diate successors is of no interest or moment. The Sultans 
of Delhi had nothing to fear from Hindus. Their chief 
enemies were Tartar hordes known as Moghuls; — the men 
who overran Asia and part of Europe under Chenghiz Khan 
in the thirteenth century. They entered the Punjab and 
Hindustan under different leaders, and were a terror wherever 
they went. They are described as ugly nomad es with yellow 
complexions, high cheek-bones, flat noses, small eyes, and 
large mouths. They were covered with vermin, and their 
smell was detestable. They plundered towns and villages, 
and carried off women and children to serve as slaves. 

Fall of the In 1 2 90 the last Sultan of the Afghan slave dynasty 
slave was assassinated, and a Sultan ascended the throne at Delhi 
kmgs, under the name of JeMl-ud-din. He was an old man of 
seventy, and made no mark in history ; but he had a nephew, 
named AH-ud-din, who became a man of renown. 

Adven- Ala-ud-dm was appointed governor of the fortress of 
tures of Karra, near Allahabad. His first exploit was the plunder 
" of the Buddhist temples at Bhilsa. This involved an expe- 
plunder of dition more than 300 miles to the south through the jungles 
Buddhist of Bundelkund ; for Bhilsa is seated on the slopes of the 
temples at Vindhy^ range of mountains, which separate Hindustan from 
Bhilsa. Dekhan. The Sultan was so pleased with this adven- 

ture, and especially with the treasure brought away from 
Bhilsa, that he appointed AU-ud-din to be Viceroy of Oude. 
Expedi- Ali-ud-dm next planned another expedition, still more 
tion to venturesome. At Bhilsa he had heard of a Mahratta king- 

Deoghur. dom extending southwards of the Nerbudda river over the 


Chap. I.] 


TURKS AND AFGHANS. 


Si 


Western Deklian. The capital was Deoghurp but it was as a.d. 
far from Bhilsa as Bhilsa was from Karra. Indeed, the 
distance from. Karra to Deoghur was not less than 700 
niiles. 

Ala-iid- din kept his scheme a profound secret from his March 
uncle the Sultan. He levied a force of 8,000 horsemen, hito the 
and disappeared quietly from Karra. His way led through 
much of the scene of Kama’s wanderings; through the 
jungles of Bundelkund, the table-land of Malwa, and over 
the Vindhyd, mountains and river Nerbudda. He gave out 
that he had quarrelled with his uncle the Sultan, and was 
going to enter the service of some Hindu Raja. No one 
doubted the truth of the story; indeed, as already seen, 
princes in India bad been going into exile from the remotest 
antiquity, as the natural result of some feud or quarrel that 
could not be promptly avenged. 

AH-ud-din and his horsemen at last approached the walls Fortress 
of Deoghur. The Mahratta Raja was taken by surprise ; he P}'®- 
could not believe his eyes when the Muhammadan horsemen 
galloped into the city. He fled to a hill fortress, and found 
to his discomfitiire that it was provisioned with salt instead of 
grain. He hoped, however, that the strangers would force 
the city to pay a ransom, and speedily go away, after the 
manner of predatory brigands. 

Meanwhile AM-ud- din plundered the city, and tortured Plunder of 
the merchants and bankers to deliver up their hidden hoards. Deoghur. 
He attacked the fortress where the Raja had taken refuge, 
and found it to be very strong. He gave out that he only 
came as the commander of an advanced guard of the army 
of the Sultan of Delhi ; and that the Sultan was coming up 
with the main army, and would soon starve out the Raja. 

This threat and the want of grain soon brought the Raja to 
terms. He paid over a large hoard of money and jewels, and 
pledged himself to send a yearly tribute to Delhi. 

AM-iid-dfn carried the plunder in safety to Karra, but Trickery 
there he had another game to play. His uncle the Sultan 
would certainly march an army to Karra, and demand the 
surrender of the plunder; and AM-ud-din was resolved to 
keep the Spoil. He tried to cajole the Sultan; expressed 
himself afraid of the Sultan ; declared that if the Sultan 
• came alone he would make over the plunder, but that if the 
Sultan came with an army he would escape with the plunder 

G 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


#1 


A.D. 

1200-1300 


Wholerale 
scattering 
• of money. 


Conquest 

ofGuzerat 


Story of 
a Rajput 
princess. 


into Bengal. The Sultan was deceived ; he believed that 
his nephew was really afraid of him. He went to Karra 
with an army, but halted the troops on the western bank of 
the Ganges, whilst he crossed the river in a small boat to 
meet his nephew on the opposite side. AM-ud-di'n greeted 
his uncle affectionately, when the Sultan was struck by an 
assassin. The old uncle cried out treachery,^' and ran 
back to the boat ; but he was thrown down and beheaded on 
the spot, and AM'-ud-din was proclaimed Sultan of Delhi. 

Ala-ud-dm made no attempt to excuse the murder. He 
silenced the army by distributing money, and silenced the 
people by the same means. He went to Delhi, scattering 
money the whole way. At Delhi booths were set up, and 
victuals and liquors were given to all comers. The two sons 
of the murdered Sultan were thrown into prison, deprived of 
their eyesight, and then murdered. Meanwhile the multi- 
tude were amused with money and feasting. Such liberality 
proclaimed the accession of a new sovereign. At the same 
time almsgiving and feeding the poor are regarded through- 
out the east as atonements for sin. Thus, even those who 
knew that the new Sultan had murdered his uncle were 
inclined to believe that his charities expiated the crime. 

When Ala-ud-din was established on the throne at Delhi, 

■ he sent an army to conquer Guzerat The Raja was a Rajpiit ; 
he was defeated by the Muhammadans, and fled' away south 
into the Mahratta country. His queen was carried off 
to Delhi, and became the wife of Ala-ud-din. The Rajput 
princess, in the palace of her Muhammadan conqueror, 
was sad and lonely ; she pined for the company of a little 
daughter, whom she had left in Guzerat, named Dewal 
Devi ; and the Sultan sent messengers to bring the girl to 
Delhi. 

This girl had a strange fate. She was only eight years old. 
Her father had taken her with him to the Mahratta country, 
and the Mahratta Raja wanted to marry her to his son ; but 
the Rajpiit Raja, even in exile, was too proud to give his 
daughter in marriage to a Mahratta. Presently messengers 
came from Ald-ud-din to bring away the girl to her mother 
at Delhi, Such a fate was considered to be worse than a 
Mahratta marriage; so the Raja of Guzerat changed his 
mind and agreed to marry his daughter to the Mahratta. 
But whilst the bride was going in the marriage procession, a 





Chap. I.] TURKS AND AFGHANS. S3 

body of Muhammadans fell upon the party, and carried her a.i>. 
off to Delhi. In the end she was married to a son of AM- 
ud-din. 

The Sultan next planned the conquest of Rajpiitana. A Projected 
century had passed away since the Muhammadan conquest conquest of 
of Hindustan. A Rajpdt prince of Kanouj had founded a 
kingdom in Marwar, or Jodhpore. Another Rajpdt prince 
of Ayodhyi, a descendant of the famous Rima, had founded 
a kingdom at Chitdr. The sovereign of Chitdr was renowned 
far and wide under the name of the Rana. The suzerainty of 
the Rana of Chitdr, the descendant of Rama, the represen- 
tative of the children of the Sun, was acknowledged by every 
prince in Rajptitana.^ In the present day the suzerainty is 
represented by the Rana of Udaipur or Oodeypore. 

Chitdr was the heart of Rajpdtana. Ala-ud-din had in- Siege of 
vaded the country round about, apparently to strike at the .^t6r; 
heart Already he had marched through Bundelkund on the 
east ; conquered the Mahrattas on the south ; and subdued 
Guzerat on the west He now lay siege to Chitdr. The 
siege is remarkable on account of the self-devotion of the 
Rajputs; they preferred to die rather than surrender 
themselves or their wives to the Muhammadans. Accord- 
ingly, when all was lost, they performed the terrible ■ rite 
known as the Johur. Huge piles of timber were built up 
and set on fire. The women threw themselves into the 
flames. The men then rushed out of the city and perished, 
sword in hand. A few cut their way through the Muham- 
madan army, and found a refuge in the Aravulli hills. 

The siege of Chitdr lasted several months. Meanwhile Rebellions 
there was more than one rebellion amongst the Muhamma- 
dans. The nephew of the Sultan tried to assassinate Mm, 
just as AM-ud-din had tried to assassinate his own uncle ; but 
on this occasion the uncle escaped, and the nephew was 
beheaded. Afterwards there was an outbreak at Delhi, 
where a rebel seized the throne and held it for seven days, 
when the city was retaken by a party of horse. The rebel 
Sultan had opened the public treasury and scattered the 

^ The Rajpiits are dividecl into two families, the children of the Sun 
and the children: of the Moon ; the former have a blazing sun as their 
ensign, the latter have a crescent. The children of the Sun were 
sovereigns of Ayodhya and Kanouj. The children of the Moon were 
sovereigns of Delhi and Patali-putra, or Patna. 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


A.D. 

13:0-1350 


Stern 
ir.easures 
of op- 
pression. 


Massacre 

of 

Moghuls, 


Dekhan 

and 

Peninsula, 


Telinga, 
Tamil, and 
Kanarese 
countries. 


money amongst the people. When the ringleaders were 
> slam, and the head of the rebel Sultan was paraded on a 
spear, the people were so frightened that they carried back 
to the treasury all the money they had picked up. 

After the capture of Chitdr, the Muhammadan army 
returned to Delhi, and AM-ud-di'n took strong measures for 
, keeping the city under subjection. He kept a host of spies 
to report all that was said and done in the streets and 
bazars. He prohibited all wine-drinking and entertain- 
ments. All who imported rvine, sold it, or drank it, were 
flogged and sent to prison. The prisons were soon over- 
flowing, and great pits were dug outside Delhi for the 
reception of offenders. The Sultan found, however that it 
was impossible to prevent drinking ; he therefore proclaimed 
that when liquor was distilled privately, and drunk in 
private houses without any drinking parties, the informers 
were not to interfere. 

Meanwhile the Moghuls were very troublesome. In the 
previous reign the uncle of Ala-ud-din had enlisted ^ 000 
and settled thein near Delhi ; but they were turbulent 
refractory, and mixed up with every rebellion. AM-ud-di'n 
ordered them to be disbanded, and then they tried to 
murder him. AH-ud-dfn then ordered a general massacre. 

I housands are said to have been put to death, and their 
Wives and children were sold into slavery. 

Ala-ud-dfn was the first Muhammadan sovereimi who 
.mnquered Hindu Rajas in the Dekhan and Peninsula. 
Here it may be explained that India is divided into three 
great belte or zones, namely ; Hindustan in the north 
with the Punjab at one end and Bengal at the other; the 
Dekhm in the centre ; and the Peninsula in the south. The 
river separates the Dekhan from 
Hindustan. The line of the Kistna- or Krishna river 
separates the Dekhan from the Peninsula. 

Mahratta country 

•i Oekhc^. The Eastern Dekhan was covered 

XpVff Gondwana, but towards the south was 

foe Idinga country, 1 where the Teliigu language is spoken. 
ThePenmsula, generally, speaking, is divided between the 

known as °t h ^ “ Mcient empire, 



Chap, L] 


TURKS AND AFGHANS. 


Kanarese-speaking people in the west, and the Tamil- a.d. 
speaking people in the eastA , 13 00-13 53 

Ala-ud-din sent his general Malik Kafdr to invade these of 

southern countries, ransack temples, and carry off treasure Hindu 
and tribute. The story is a dreary narrative of raid and temples in 
rapine. The Hindus were ’powerless against the Muham- 
madans. Occasionally they shut the gates of a city against 
the invaders, and tried to defend their walls, but were soon 
overpowered or starved out. Temples were stripped of 
gold and jewels, idols were thrown down and spoiled of all 
precious stones, and scenes of bloodshed and outrage were 
enacted by Muhammadan troopers. The Hindus could 
make little resistance : they apparently yielded to their fate 
in abject despair. 

It is certain that Malik Kafdr plundered the temples Ghain of 
of Madura to the south of Madras, and those of Mysore 
in the western Peninsula ; a distance of fifteen hundred ^ DdhT 
miles from Delhi. Yet Muhammadan historians say that 
the army of Malik Kafiir was always connected with Delhi 
by a chain of posts, with relays of horsemen and runners. 

Every day news reached Delhi of the progress of the army, 
whilst news reached the amiy of the health of the Sultan. 

This constant flow of intelligence between the camp and 
the capital was necessary to prevent rebellion. A false 
rumour that the army was cut oif might have caused an 
outbreak at Delhi; whilst reports that the Sultan was 
sick or dying might have driven the army to mutiny or. 
rebellion. 

Ald-ud-dm died in 1316. His death was followed by a Hindu 
Hindu revolt; indeed Hindu influences must have been at rc’volt at 
work at Delhi for many years previously. Ald-ud-dm had 
married a Plindu queen ; his son had married her daughter. 

Malik Kafdr was a Hindu converted to Islam, The leader 
of the revolt at Delhi in 1316 was another Hindu convert 
to Islam. The proceedings of the latter rebel, however, 
were of a mixed character. He was proclaimed Sultan 
under a Muhammadan name, and slaughtered every 
male of the royal house. Meanwhile his Hindu followers 

r There are other languages, such as Malayalim ; but further details 
will appear hereafter. Telugu is spoken between Hyderabad and the 
coast of Coromandel. The Tamil language is spoken in the Madras 
Presidency from Pulicat to Comorin. Kaiiarese is spoken in Mysore. 


A. 1). 

1300-1350 


Tiighiaka- 

bad. 


Reign of 
Muham- 
mad 

Tughlak, 

1325- 

1350. 


Taxation 

and 

famine. 


Fatal 
removal 
of the 
capital. 



MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part IX. 


set up idols in the mosques, and seated themselves on 
Korans. The rebels held possession of Delhi for five 
months. At the end of that time the city was captured by 
the Turkish governor of the Punjab, named Tughlak. The 
conqueror then ascended the throne of Delhi, and founded 
the dynasty of Tughlak Sultans.^ 

The Tughlak Sultans would not live at Delhi ; they 
probably regarded it as a Hindu volcano. They held their 
court at Tughlakabad, a strong fortress about an hour's drive 
from old Delhi. The transfer of the capital from Delhi to 
Tughlakabad is a standpoint in history. It shows that a 
time had come when the Turk began to fear the Hindu. 

The conqueror of Delhi died in 1325. He was succeeded 
by a son who has left his mark in history. Muhammad 
Tughlak was a Sultan of grand ideas, but blind to all 
experiences, and deaf to all counsels. He sent his armies 
into the south to restore the Muhammadan supremacy whicli 
had been shaken by the Hindu revolt Meanwhile the 
Moghuls invaded the Punjab, and Muhammad Tughlak 
bribed them to go away with gold and jewels. Thus the 
imperial treasury was emptied of all the wealth which had 
been accumulated by Ala-ud-dm. 

The new Sultan tried to improve his finances, but only 
ruined the country by his exactions. The rich people were 
driven into rebellion, whilst the poor people were driven to 
beggary. To make matters worse, there was a failure of the 
rains, and consequently a dreadful famine. The whole of 
the Punjab and a great part of Hindustan are said to have 
become a desolation. Villages were broken up, and 
thousands of families were starving. 

The Sultan was so horrified at the famine that he tried to 
escape it. Pie ordered the whole population of Delhi to 
remove to Deoghur in the Dekhan. Thousands died on 
this cruel journey. It was a march of more than seven 
hundred miles through jungles, over mountains, and across 
rivers like the Nerbudda. When the survivors reached 
Deoghur, they were reduced to such misery, and died away 
so rapidly, that the Sultan ordered them to go back to 
Delhi. 


^ There is a curious likeness between the quasi-religious revolt in the 
fourteenth centuiy, and the Sepoy mutiny in the nineteenth. The facts 
are set forth at greater length in the larger of India, vol. iv. 


Chap. L] TURKS AND AFGHANS. 87 

The Sultan next committed another act of madness. He a.d. 
had heard that the Chinese used paper money, bearing the 
stamp of the emperor, and payable at the imperial treasury, copp^ 
Accordingly he struck a number of copper counters, and counterjj. 
ordered his subjects to receive them as gold money. At 
first this measure was successful. People could buy all they 
wanted with copper counters. Merchants bought the pro- 
ducts of India with copper counters, and sold them in foreign 
countries for gold money. Muhammad Tughlak, by means 
of his copper counters, raised a large army for the conquest 
of China, and sent it over the Himalayas, where it perished 
miserably. He raised another large army for the conquest 
of Persia. By this time the state was bankrupt; no one 
would take copper money, and gold rose to four times its 
value. The army intended for Persia was disbanded for 
want of pay; and the reign of anarchy began. 

Copper counters were brought to Tughlakabad in vast Financial 
heaps, but there was no gold or silver in the treasury to give anarchy, 
in exchange. The Hindus had coined copper money for 
their own use ; they had turned their houses into mints, and 
flooded the country with copper counters. They paid their 
tribute in copper. Trade flourished when merchants bought 
Indian goods for copper and sold them for foreign gold ; 
but no merchants would bring their goods to India and sell 
them for copper. Consequently trade was stopped, and the 
country was ruined. 

Then followed rebellions and revolutions. Bengal Rebellions 
revolted, and became a separate kingdom under an inde- 
pendent Sultan. The Rajas of the Dekhan and Peninsula 
withheld their tribute. The Muhammadan army of the 
Dekhan broke out into mutiny, and set up a Sultan of 
their own. Muhammad Tughlak saw that all men turned 
against him. He died in 1350, after a reign of twenty-five 
■years.. 

The history of Delhi fades away after the death of Decline of 
Muhammad Tughlak. A Sultan reigned from 1350 to 
1388, named Firuz Shah. He is said to have submitted to 
the dismemberment of the empire, and done his best to 
promote the welfare of the subjects left to him ; but it is 
also said that he destroyed temples and idols, and burnt a 
Brahman alive for perverting Muhammadan women. 

In 1398-99, ten years after the death of Firuz Shah, 


83 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA, 


[Part II. 



Timiir Shah invaded the Punjab and Hindustan, The 
i 3 5 Q-J 5 ^5 horrors of the Tartar invasion are indescribable ; they teach 
Invasions to the world, and the tale of atrocities may well be 

of Timur dropped into oblivion. It will suffice to say that Timiir 
and Baber, came and plundered, and then went away. He left officers 
I 39 S-IS 25 - to rule in his name, or to collect tribute in his name. In 
1450 they were put aside by Afghans ; — turbulent Muham- 
madan fanatics whose presence must have been hateful to 
Hindus. At last, in 1525, a descendant of Timur, named 
the Baber, invaded India, and conquered the Punjab and 
Hindustan. 

Review of The history of Muhammadan rule in India may be 
Muham- summed up in a few words. About 1000 Mahmud of 
rale in Ghazni conquered the Punjab and Western Hindustan ; 

India. hut before 1200 his empire had died out, and the Afghans 

of Ghor had become the dominant power from the Punjab 
to Bengal. India was next exposed to inroads of Moghuls ; 
the same men who overthrew the Khalifs of Bagdad in 
1258. About 1300 the Muhammadan Sultans of Delhi 
extended their conquests into the Dekhan and Peninsula; 
but then followed the reaction. A Plindu revolt broke out 
at Delhi, which had ramifications extending into the remote 
south. The Muhammadan empire in India was dismem- 
bered into petty kingdoms, but the Hindus could not throw 
off the Muhammadan yoke. Different Muhammadan dy- 
nasties were founded in Hindustan and Bengal, but their 
history is meagre and confused. For two centuries, from 
1350 to 1550, the Dekhan and Peninsula were the theatre of 
wars between Muhammadans and Hindus ; whilst the Port- 
uguese established a Christian power at Goa, on the coast 
of Malabar. Meanwhile the once famous Moghul empire 
was founded in Hindustan, and for a period of two centuries 
was respected as the paramount power in India, ^ 

^ The history of the Muhammadan empire in the Dekhan will be told 
in the next chapter. The history of the Portuguese power in India is 
told in Chapter III. The history of the Moghul empire begins in 
Chapter IV., and is continued in the following chapters. 



Li 


1 



W}tM6lar\9 lruiia, to fhc f page 8,9. 


^ 

^ P&sh/JWU^ 



T H I B E T 








^ G ' 




Bu,%s'eir^ Cl ' 
Bombi^A 53 i 

CJum'd ')4t. 


Jh'iMfhylr 


' B a\ H M 


cAi-ctrrTj 


pore^y _..>• / 


^ 'fi A^ 


y Juifffanath 




^ TO#l^ 71 M(iARMadr ai 

Ja 


f INDIA 

to illustrate 

■ TH:;E .BEKIIA:!!^' & Pj!ilfIH'SI3L.A;-J0 


Statute Miles 


Arusient rumuts. Red,. 

Modern, names ... Rlaelc. 






CHAPTER 11 . 


DEKHAN AND PENINSULA. 

A,D. 1350 TO 1565. 

When Ala~ud^dm sent his army into the Dekhan and a.d. 
Peninsula, he opened up new territories. The whole of the 1350-1400 
region to the south of the Nerbudda river was distributed 
into a number of kingdoms, each having its own Raja, like Coroman- 
the Punjab and Hindustan. Marco Polo was coasting round del and 
the country between 1260 and 1295, and describes some of 
these Rajas. Those of the Tamil country on the coast of 
Coromandel were black barbarians, wearing nothing but a 
cloth about their loins, but adorned with massive gold 
bracelets, and strings of rare and precious stones. They 
worshipped the bull and cow^ and had temples, idols, 
priests, and dancing girls. The Rajas of the Malabar 
country were much of the same stamp, but were also famous 
for their piracies, as they had been in the days of the Greeks 
and Romans.^ 

Hindu traditions tell of different Hindu empires which Hindu 
were founded at intervals, and were associated with differ- traditions .* 
ences of religion. There were Brahman kingdoms and Jain hwldhiats 
kingdoms ; there were sages expounding rival faiths ; Jain 
Rajas were converted to the religion of the Brahmans, and 
Brahmanical Rajas were brought over to the religion of the 
Jains. These controversies were often accompanied by cruel 
persecutions and religious wars, but the traditions are dying 
out of the memory of the people of the land. 

The religion of the Jains is the outcome of the same forms 

^ Marco Polo seems to have visited the coast before the expeditions of 
Malik Kafur, as he says nothing whatever about them. 


90 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II, 


A.D. 

1350-1400 

Religion 
of the 
Jains. 


Modern 

Brahman- 

ism. 


Hindu 

empire of 

Narsinga, 

or Vija- 

yanagar, 

about 

1300. 


City of 
Vij ay ana- 
gar. 


A 


of thought as Buddhism. It expresses the same distaste for 
life, the same yearning for the deliverance of the soul from 
the vortex of endless transmigrations. But the Jains reject 
the doctrine of annihilation or Nirvana. They believe that 
when the soul has been liberated froni the trammels of suc- 
cessive existences it begins a spiritual life in some indefinable 
mansion of the blessed. The Jains worship the saints who 
have attained this spiritual life, and they hold twenty-four 
particular saints in the profoundest veneration. The Jains 
are divided, like the Buddhists, into monks and laymen. 
Originally some of the sects abandoned all clothing, like 
the Gymnosophists of old ; but the Jain monks, in general, 
are not only clothed, but distinguished as the white- 
robed.’’ 

The lower orders of the people of India are slaves to 
idolatry and supersitition, but modern Brahmanism, as 
understood by the more enlightened classes, is of a more 
intellectual character. It teaches the transmigrations of the 
soul after death, but it also teaches the deliverance of the 
soul from the chain of transmigrations by good works or by 
faith. Deliverance by good works is generally associated 
with the worship of Siva. Deliverance by faith is associated 
with the worship of Vishnu. It is said that by faith in Rama 
or Krishna, as incarnations of Vishnu, the soul may be 
delivered from the vortex of transmigrations. These differ- 
ences, of belief have originated numerous sects and contro- 
versies; yet all seem to be agreed that the deliverance of the 
soul from transmigrations is the beginning of a new spiritual 
life, and that the emancipated soul is either absorbed in 
the Godhead, or received in the heaven of the Supreme 
Spirit. 

Hindu traditions tell of an empire named Vijayanagar, 
which was associated with the worship of Vishnu. It ex- 
tended over the whole of the Peninsula from the river 
Kistna to Cape Comorin, and from the coast of Coromandel 
to that of Malabar. Some traditions say that it also included 
the Dekhan and Hindustan. European travellers speak of 
the same empire under the name of Narsinga; they describe 
it as spreading over the Peninsula, whilst the Dekhan was 
held by the Muhammadans. 

The metropolis of this empire was founded about the 
fourteenth century, or some earlier date, on the banks of the 


Chap. IL] DEKHAN AND PENINSULA. 


91 


Tiimbadra river, an affluent of the river Kistna. It was a.d. 
known as the city of Vijayanagar. It was built of stone 
and granite, and the temples, palaces, and fortifications are ’ ‘ 

to be seen to this day. . 

The Muhammadan army of the Dekhan revolted, as Wars be- 
already stated, in the year 1350, and raised up a line of 
Sultans of their own, who are known as Bahmani Sultans, 

These Sultans reigned at Kulbarga,^ and soon came in con- of the 
fiict with the Hindu empire of Vijayanagar. The wars Bekhan 
which ensued between Muhammadans and Hindus are the 
most horrible on record, and were often waged to gratify the 
paltry passions of jealousy or revenge. 

Krishna Rai, Mahdraja of Narsinga, was proud and over- Insolence 
bearing, corresponding closely to Southey’s conception of 
Kehama. He was said to have been the great conqueror 
who subdued all peninsular India, from Malabar to Coro- 
mandel. One day he received an insulting document from 
the Sultan of the Dekhan. The Sultan had been drinking 
wine in his palace, and listening to flattering songs in praise 
of kings. In the pride of his heart he gave the musicians 
an order for the payment of money on the Hindu treasury 
at Vija3^anagar. 

In due course the order reached the Maharaja. It Wrath 
amounted to a demand that the Maharaja should pay the of the 
musicians out of his own treasury in obedience to the orders 
of the Sultan. Krishna Rai was enraged at the insult. He 
ordered the messenger to be led through the streets of 
Vijayanagar with every mark of contempt He resolved 
to wipe out the insult with blood and slaughter. He 
crossed the river Tumbadra with his army, captured one 
of the frontier fortresses belonging to the Sultan, and 
slaughtered the garrison almost to a man. 

The Sultan was enraged in his turn. He entered the mosque Vow of 
in his city of Kulbarga, and swore upon the Koran that he tko Sultan, 
would not sheathe his sword until he had slain a hundred 
thousand idolaters. He crossed the river Tumbadra with 
his army, and began a horrible massacre of men, women, 
and childien, until, it is said, he had completed the tale of 
slaughter. M last the Brahmans declared that Krishna Rai 
had offended the gods, and they compelled him to sue for 

^ The city is situated in the Nizamis territories, about 150 miles west 
of Hyderabad. It is now a railway station. 


92 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


A.D. terms. The Sultan demanded that the Maharaja should 
pay the musicians, and Krishna Kai was bound to obey. 
This simple concession brought the war to a close. But the 
Sultan and the Mahdraja were alike horror-stricken at the 
bloodshed, and it was agreed that for the future none should 
be slain in war except the soldiers that were fighting in the 
field. 

Assassins In 1 400 there was a Mahdraja named Deva Rai ; he 
disguised invaded the Sultan’s territories and encamped his army on the 
bank of the Kistna. The Sultan was afraid to cross the 
river in the face of the Hindu host. At this crisis eight men 
offered to go and assassinate either Deva Rai or his eldest 
son. The Sultan gave his consent to the proposed assassi- 
nation. The men crossed the river and made friends with 
some dancing-girls who were going that night to perform 
before the eldest son of Deva Rai. 

War The dances in ■ Southern India often represent battles, 

dances in The performers appear with sticks or weapons in their 
' Dekhan i^^^nds, and sing and dance, strike their sticks or brandish 
; * their weapons, whilst leaping, fencing, and indulging in 

; other mad gestures. Della Valle describes a performance 

' in which the master of the troop appeared amongst the girls 

: with a naked poniard, and pretended to slaughter them. 

: Drinking, The SOU of Deva Rai entertained his officers in a large 

dancing, pavilion. There was feasting and drinking, whilst the 
; - si^atton^^" dancers began to perform in their usual fashion. After a 
‘ while the men from the Sultan’s camp appeared amongst 
I the girls in the guise of dancers, with naked daggers in 

' their hands. The. revelry was at its height; the prince and 
5 his guests were drunk with wine, when suddenly the prince 

! was stabbed to the heart, with many of his chief men. The 

lights were put out, and the assassins escaped in the uproar. 

! Massacre The Hindu camp was thrown into a panic, which lasted 

: Hindus. night ; every man was afraid of his neighbour. Amidst 

the darkness the Sultan crossed the river and fell upon the 
terror-stricken army. The massacre which followed may be 
’ • left to the imagination. Deva Rai was paralysed. At last 

; he made over large treasures to the Sultan, and pledged 

himself to send a yearly tribute to Kulbarga. 

^^Suftan passed away, and the same Sultan and same Mahd- 

to a Hindu engaged in another war; but this time it was brought 
princess, to a close by a marriage. The Sultan married the daughter 


¥ 


Ghap. 11,3 


’ DEKHAN AND PENINSULA. 


93 


of Deva Rai, The marriage feast continued forty days, and a.d. 
was the great event of the time. The Muhammadan army 1400-1500 
was encamped four miles from the city of Vijayanagar. The 
road between the city and the camp was converted into a 
street, and lined on either side with shops and booths. All 
comers took what they pleased as a free gift. Provisions 
and sweetmeats, flowers and perfumes, fruits and choice 
drinks, were open to all. Meanwhile conjurers, play-actors, 
snake-charmers, dancing- girls and performers, performed 
befoi'e the multitude from day to day. 

When the marriage rites were over, the street was covered Proces- 
with carpets, and the princess was carried with great pomp 
from the palace of the Mahdraja to the pavilion of the 
Sultan. After some days the bridegroom and bride paid a 
visit to the Maharaja. All the chief officers of the Sultan 
went in procession in gorgeous array ; music was playing, 
banners were flying, and beautiful children were scattering 
flowers of gold and silver. The Sultan was feasted for three 
days by the Mahd-raja, and then took his leave. 

The parting was unpropitious between the Sultan and his Unpro- 
father-in-law. The Maharaja accompanied his son-in-law phious 
half-way to the camp, but then returned to the city. The 
Sultan was offended because the Maharaja had not gone the 
whole way to the camp ; and he nursed up the secret in his 
heart. Ten years afterwards he renewed the war to avenge 
the affront. In this war he was utterly defeated by the 
Maharaja, and died of gxief and mortification. 

About 1500 the Bahmani empire was dismembered, and Bahmani 
formed into five separate kingdoms, under different Sultans, empire 
The Dekhan at this period might be described as a square, 
having a little kingdom in the centre, and a large kingdom 
at each of the four angles. Bidur was the centre. North- 
ward of Bidur was Ahmadnagar and Berar; southward of 
Bidur was Bijapur and Golkonda. 

The division of the Bahmani empire weakened the Muham- Mubam- 
* madan dominion in the Dekhan. Ahmadnagar, Berar, and madan 
Bidur were far away to the north, and had little to fear from ^ 

the Hindu power of Vijayanagar. But Bijdpur and Gol- 
konda were on the border, and not strong enough of them- 
selves to withstand the collected force of the Hindu empire. 

To make matters worse, the Sultans of the Dekhan quarrelled 
amongst themselves, and were at war with each other, when 


94 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part IL 


A.D. 

1500-1565 

Diltrac- 
tions at 
Vijayana- 
gar. 


Ambitious 

niiuisLer. 


Murder of 
infant 
Maha- 
rajas. 


Ram Rai, 
Maharaja. 


Revolt and 
assassina- 
tion. 


they ought to have united their forces against their southern 
neighbour. 

But for some years there was nothing to fear from^ Vija- 
yanagar. The Hindu court was distracted by a series of 
treacheries, assassinations, and butcheries, equally revolting 
and bewildering: It would be tedious to unravel the story. 
A plain narrative of the progress of events will suiSice to 
show why the Hindus of the Peninsula were forced to keep 
the peace towards the Muhammadans of the Dekhan. ^ 

The atrocities at the court of Vijayanagar began with an 
intrigue, which has always been common in Oriental courts. 
It was an intrigue for the transfer of the sovereignty of 
the Raj from the family of the Mahdraja to the family of 
the minister. It has been generally carried out by the 
removal of the males of the reigning family, and the 
marriage of the ministeris son to one or more of the 
princesses, in order to give to the son of the minister a 
show of right to the throne. 

Deva Rai, Maharaja of Narsinga, died, leaving an infant 
son. The infant was placed upon the throne, while the 
minister conducted the government in the capacity of regent 
or guardian. When the infant reached his majority, he was 
murdered, and another infant was placed upon the throne. 
Three infants reigned in succession, and were murdered in 
like manner. 

Meanwhile the minister, Timma, brought about a marriage 
between his son Ram Rai and a grand-daughter of Deva 
Rai. When the third infant was murdered. Ram Rai was 
proclaimed Mahdraja, and all the males of the royal family 
were put to death, with two exceptions. One was a half- 
witted man named Termal Rai p the other was an infant 
belonging to the female branch of the family. 

Ram Rai was accepted as Maharaja without opposition ; 
but his pride and arrogance soon created enemies. The old 
nobles of the empire refused to submit to the insolence of a 
usurper, and proceeded to the provinces and raised a rebellion. 
Ram Rai took the field against the rebels, leaving his 
treasures in the charge of a trusted slave. The slave was a 
favourite who had risen to high offices, but his head was 
turned by the treasures. The sight of the gold is said to 
have driven him mad, and stirred him up to desperate actions. 
He plotted a conspiracy with the half-witted Termal Rai. Pie 



Chap. II.] 


DEKHAN AND PENINSULA. 


95 


placed the infant of the female line on the throne of Vija- a.d. 
yanagar, and assumed the post of minister. The rebel 
nobles rallied round the infant representative of the royal . 

house. They marched on to the capital. Ram Rai saw 
that his cause was lost, and retired to his own estates for 
security. 

But Termal Rai was infected wdth the same madness as Termal 
the slave. He murdered the infant and the slave, and R^i, ^ 
seized the throne as Maharaja. He was akin to the old 
dynasty, and so far was preferred to the usurper, Ram Rai. 
Notwithstanding his fits of madness he was acknowledged 
sovereign by all the nobles at Vijayanagar. 

The madness of Termal Rai soon began to show itself in General 
intolerable ways. He exasperated the nobles by his in- * 
solence ; and. they appealed to Ram Rai for deliverance, f^arcalls 
and joined him with their retainers. An overwhelming army the 
was soon marching to the capital with Ram Rai at its Mnham- 
head. Termal Rai . was seized with terror. In sheer 
desperation he called in the help of the Aluhammadans. 

He sent messengers to Bijdpur, promising to become the 
vassal of the Sultan, if the Sultan would only protect him 
against his revolted subjects. The Sultan, nothing loth, 
marched an army to Vijayanagar ; he was admitted into the 
city, conducted to the palace, and placed upon the throne. 

To crown all, Termal Rai did homage before the Sultan, 
and acknowledged him as his suzerain and protector. 

This sudden revolution sent a thrill through the Peninsula. Horror 
The Hindus were horror-stricken. They saw to their dismay 
that a mad Mahdraja had made over his throne and empire 
to the Aluhammadans ; that their metropolis w^as occupied 
by an army of Turks and other foreigners, who had deso- 
lated their - country in days gone by, destroyed temples, 
broken down their idols, and filled the land with bloodshed 
and terror. 

Meanwhile Ram Rai and the nobles had recourse to Action of 
guile. They promised to become reconciled to Termal Rai 
if he would only send away the Muhammadans. They 
swore to become his faithful subjects for life, if he would 
only get rid of the intruders. They declared that the 
presence of the Muhammadans polluted the temples and 
angered the gods ; and that prayers and worship were of no 
avail so long as the enemies of the gods remained in the land. 


Ram Rai 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. ' [Part II 

iS(»-?56s an^{ Termal Rai had grown weary of his new 
— ^ t " ^7^®’ heartily sick of the siaL of 

Termal Muhammadans. He tried to persuade the Sultin to L* 

Kai Vijayanagar, and return to EiHnur At l7t i!a ^ ® 

betrayed, but not until he had bribed 

Desn • millions sterling 

?nd"“ riv^°tharT P f crossed the Kistna 

& t™!?-"’,™"!; “<1 SJ p-aSrr/£ 

a| a da,p=,a„ 

and elephants in the royal stables and nit Noises 

r.L‘SK atiSt«' 
.“^aJSers.r'i’dT " #«" 

anceof the unholy leame soon repented of thew 

wf. Jr4."'^T„^si"“'[ rs““fa bS4? 

in the shrinesrMTLn Skt^hA 

no attempt to prevent them. recreant Sultans made • 

wiftthS Hind?SSawa'sa°l-*?”l *'l'“te 

the iaidel Mahiaj.. They'laid asidral ' 


Atfuhani- 
xaaclan 
league 
agaiHaSt 
Ram Rai. 


Chap. II.] dekhan and peninsula. 97 

leagued together as brother Muhammadans, to be avenged a.d. 
once and for all on the Maharaja of Vijayanagar. 

The decisive battle was fought in 1565; it is known as 
the battle of Talikota, and is famous alike in Muhammadan Talikota, 
history. and Hindu legend. The four Sultans assembled 1565. 
tjicir armies on the banks of the Kistna. Ram Rai was filled 
with wrath, and collected together all his horse, foot, and 
elephants to overwhelm the Muhammadans. Both armies 
had cannon, but the Muhammiadans had the better. The 
confederate Sultans guarded their front with a line of cannon 
fastened together with ropes and chains. The Hindus 
guarded their front with war elephants as well as cannon ; 
and through these elephants they lost the day. 

The Hindus advanced bravely to battle, with songs and Fall of 
dances after the old Telinga fashion. They began the battle 1 ^^^ 
with shot and rockets, and drove back the Muhammadan 
wings. But the Muhammadan centre was unbroken, and 
began to open fire. The Muhammadan gunners had loaded 
tJieir cannon with bags of copper money. The Hindus 
were slaughtered in heaps by the fiery storm. At this 
moment a war elephant ran madly about, and overturned 
the litter of Ram Rai. The Muhammadan gunners seized 
the Maharaja as their prisoner, and beheaded him on the 
spot ; and then fixed the bleeding head upon a spear, and 
paraded it before the contending armies. 

The death of the Maharaja brought the battle to a close. Pursuit 
.The Hindus fled like sheep when they beheld his head upon and 
a spear. The Muhammadans pursued them to the gates of 
: Vijayanagar y they took possession of the city, and found 
none to oppose them. The metropolis of the last of the 
great Hindu empires was at their mercy ; and six months 
are said to have been spent in the work of plunder. 

Two years afterwards a European traveller, named Csesar Ruin of 
Frederic, visited the city of Vijayanagar ; he found the Vijayana- 
houses standing, but the inhabitants had vanished from the 
spot. The whole country round about was infested with 
thieves. He stayed six months at Vijayanagar out of fear 
of the thieves y and when at last he set out for Goa he 
• was every day attacked by robbers, and nearly every day 
compelled to pay a ransom. 

The empire of Vijayanagar was broken up by the battle 
' of Talikota, but it was not conquered by the Sultans. The 


98 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


A.D. court removed to Pennakonda, eight days' journey to the 
1550-^5^5 south; but the successor of Ram Rai was little better than 
Dism^- sovereignty soon dwindled away. ^ The 

berment of provinces became kingdoms. Tlie^ Naiks, or deputies of 
the Hindu the Maharaja, who had ruled as Viceroys, soon began to 
empire. ag Rajas ; they ceased to pay tribute to the exiled 

Maharaja, and in the course of two or three generations 
the descendants of Ram Rai possessed nothing but an empty 
name. 

Religious The Hindu empire of Vijayanagar ^vas of the same type 
revolu- as that of Magadha, but in both there was a religious aiitag- 
tions. onism in the background. Under Asoka the Brahmanical 
worship of the gods faded away from Hindustan, and 
Buddhism became a state religion. Under Krishna Rai, 
Deva Rai, and Ram Rai, the teachings of Buddhist and 
j Jain were denied or ignored, and the Brahmanical worship 

i of the gods was restored from the Kistna river to Cape 

1 ’ Comorin. The story of these religious revolutions has yet 

i ' to be decyphered from withering palm-leaves and mould er- 

I ing inscriptions ; but enough has been revealed to show that 

! ' amidst the jars and conflicts of rival creeds, sparks of 

; divine truth have not been altogether wanting ; and the day 

may yet dawn when Brahmans will confess that without 
goodness and purity of the heart the worship of the gods 
is of no avail, whilst Jains may learn that the true spirit of 
; ' holiness to which they aspire is the outcome of Deity alone. 


CHAPTER III 

PORTUGUESE EMPIRE : MALABAR. 

A.D. 1498 TO 1625. 

In 1498, sixty-seven years before the battle of Talikota, a.d. 
ships from Portugal made their first appearance in the 
Indian seas, and anchored off the coast of Malabar. The Ytat 
whole Indian continent was in a state of unrest. Afghan arrival of 
chiefs were invading the Punjab, and devastating Hindustan the Porta- 
from the banks of the Indus to the mouths of the Ganges. 

The Bahmani empire of the Dekhan was divided against * 
itself, and splitting into five kingdoms under five indepen- 
dent Sultans. The empire of Vijayanagar, in the Peninsula, 
was distracted with revolts, treacheries, and assassinations, 
which accompanied the transfer of the sovereignty from the 
family of the Mahdraja to the family of the minister. But 
the Portuguese knew nothing of these revolutions. They 
saw only the coast of Malabar and the purple heights of the 
Western Ghdts. As far as they were concerned, the region 
beyond the mountains was an unknown world. 

The western coast, commonly called the coast of Malabar, Malabar, 
must always have been the first land in India which met the 
eyes of European discoverers. Pliny tells of the voyages of 
Roman merchants from Egypt to Malabar, which occupied 
seventy days. The Roman ships were manned with archers 
to keep off the Malabar pirates. In the fifteenth century 
the pirates were equally troublesome, although few pro- 
bably would have dared to encounter the cannon of the 
Portuguese^ 

^ Pliny does not call the western coast by the name of Malabar ; but 
there is no question about its identity. He speaks of Barace, the 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part IT. 


lOO 

A.D. Whilst the western coast of India has been open to 
149S-1520 Indian Ocean, it has been more or less shut out from 
Western empires of th-e Dekhan and Peninsula. A mountain 
Ghats, the chain runs southward from the Vindhya mountains to Cape 
Indian Ap- Comorin, enclosing a long and narrow strip of territory 
ennines. towards ihe sea, and wailing it off from the eastern plains. 

This chain is known in India as the Western Ghdts ; it 
might be better described to European readers as the 
Indian Apennines. 

Malabar The term Malabar is properly restricted to the southern 
proper. portion of this coast territory. The region between the sea 
and the Ghats, from the Nerbudda river to Cape Comorin, 
is properly divided into three sections, namely : Konkan on 
the north y Kanara in the centre ; and Malabar on the south. 

It will be seen hereafter that each of these sections has a 
history of its own. 

Twelve Malabar proper extended from Cape Comorin northward 
liings of to the port of Cannanore.^ It was the first Indian country 
Malabar, reached by the Portuguese. It was distributed among a 
number of petty Rajas, known in tradition as the tw-elve 
kings of Malabar.2 They were black barbarians more or 
less under the influence of Brahmans, and ready to share 
the profits of freebooters, pirates, or traders. They and 
their dependents formed a military class, devoted to arms, 
and living amongst an agricultural people of an inferior 
race. They were in fact a hereditary caste known as Nairs j 
and may be described as Rajpdts in the rough. They wore 
cloths hanging from their girdles, and carried swords and 
bucklers; but the Rajas decorated themselves with gold 
and jewels. The twelve Rajas of Malabar owed allegiance 

modem Barocke, as the most convenient port ; and a glance at a map 
of India will show that the port of Baroclie, at the mouth of the Ner- 
budda river, wouid be the most convenient shelter for ships coming from 
Egypt. Again, the pepper of Cochin, towards the southern extremity 
of the coast, has been famous for ages ; and Pliny tells us that the 
pepper of Cothinara was brought to Barace in canoes. 

Two important marts on the western coast are mentioned by Ptolemy, 
namely, Plithana and Tagara. Plitliana has been identified with Paitan, 
the capital of Salivahana on the river Godavari. The name of Tagara 
still lingers in that of Deoghur, whither Muhammad Tughlak sought to 
remove his capital, 

^ Sometimes it was advanced as far north as Mangalore; but the 
matter is of no moment. 

^ There were thirteen in all, including the Zambrin of Calicut. 


Chap. III.] PORTUGUESE EMPIRE: MALABAR. 


lOI 


to an emperor, who reigned at Calicut, and was known as A-n. 
the Zamorin. At times they may have paid tribute to the ^4 9^-^5 20 
Mahdraja of Vijayanagar j ^ but otherwise they maintained 
a political independence. 

Malabar has always been famous for pepper and spices. Pepper 
The different Rajas held a monopoly of these commodities, . 
They either supplied cargoes, or levied duties on all sales. The 
trade was in the hands of Arab Muhammadans who were 
called Moors, and had carried it on for centuries. They 
shipped Indian commodities and Indian pilgrims to the Red 
Sea. The pilgrims were landed at Jedda, and proceeded 
through the desert to the holy places at Mecca and Medina. 

The goods were landed at Suez, and carried on the backs of 
camels through Egypt to Alexandria, where they were again 
shipped by the merchants of Venice and Genoa, and 
conveyed to the different ports of the Mediterranean. 

The first Portuguese fleet that reached India consisted Departure 
of three ships under the command of Vasco de Gama. 

The voyagers left Lisbon on the 8th of July, 1497, like an LisborT^^ 
army of martyrs. Every man went to confession and 14^7. ' 
received absolution. The monks of Our Lady of Beth- 
lehem walked to the ships in solemn procession, and offered 
up prayers for the success of the voyage. 

It is needless to dwell on the perils and privations of the Anchorage 
expedition. The voyagers rounded the Cape of Good Hope, 
and steered boldly across the Indian Ocean towards the ^ 
coast of Malabar. On the 28th of May, 1498, the fleet 
anchored off Calicut, the residence of the Zamorin and 
Vasco de Gama sent a message on shore, announcing his 
arrival as an ambassador from the King of Portugal, with 
a letter and presents for the Zamorin. 

The Portuguese ambassador was soon invited to an audi- Portu- 
ence. Vasco de Gama landed at Calicut with twelve of his 
oiflcers. In the first instance the party were carried in palan- ^^rships 
quins to a pagoda, to be purified and perfumed. They were an idol, 
received by four Malabar Brahmans, naked to the waist, who 

I" In this little empire of Malabar there are traces of a constitution. 

Each state is said to have sent a representative to the court of the 
Zamoiin at Calicut j and their representatives formed a council, and 
caused much turmoil by their jealousies and rivalries. 

® Calicut is about 250 miles to the northward of Gape Comorin, and 
about 100 miles to the north of Cochin. 


102 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part IL 


A.i>. sprinkled them with scented water, and presented them 
14 98-15 20 sweet-smelling paste made of sandal-wood. The 

temple was dedicated to the goddess Mariamma. The 
Portuguese saw the statue of a woman, and asked the name 
of the goddess 5 the Malabars cried out Mari, Mari.’V 
The Portuguese confounded the name with that of the 
Virgin Mary; and prostrated themselves at the feet of the 
goddess before they discovered their folly. 

Andience Vasco de Gama and his retinue were next conducted to 
in the the palace of the Zamorin. It was built of mud, but was 

palace pleasantly situated amidst trees and gardens. The chief 

ZamlTrin B^'^hman led the ambassador into the audience-hall. The 
Zamorin was seated on a couch of silk, while a grave 

ofhcial stood by his side holding a golden plate filled 

with betel. The Zamorin was arrayed in white cotton, 
flowered with gold.^ He wore Jewels in his ears, bracelets 
on his arms, bangles on his legs, and was crowned with a 
diadem of pearls. He assumed the grave, stolid demeanour 
which eastern princes display under like circumstances ; but 
the letter and presents were received, and the ambassador 
was promised a speedy answer. 

Muliam- The Muhammadan traders at Calicut soon learnt all 
madam that was going on. They knew that the Portuguese were 
waders their enemies in religion, and likely to be their rivals in 

They bribed the officials of the Zamorin. They 

Portu- whispered that the Portuguese were not ambassadors ; that 
guese. the presents were not such as a king would send, or the 
Zamorin could receive; that the so-called ambassadors 
were dangerous pirates and kidnappers, who had already 
committed outrages on the coast of Africa. 

Threat- Vasco de Gama soon saw that the Moors were bent on 
ened ^ mischief. He had landed his goods, and the Zamorin gave 

mischief, him a house; but the factor placed in the house could 

neither sell nor buy, and was soon treated as a prisoner. 
Return of Vasco de Gama seized some fishermen by way of re- 
Vasco de prisals. The Zamorin was alarmed, and the factor was 

Gama. released. The ambassador then released most of the 

fishermen, but kept back a few in order to carry them to 

^ This simple fact has a significance. It shows that the audienc© 
was regarded as a great State ceremony. On such occasions the Zamorin 
wore a white vestment, hut never otherwise. None of his Nairs were 
allowed to wear a vestment at any time. 


Chap, in.] PORTUGUESE EMPIRE : MALABAR. lo'^ 

Portugal. This last proceeding awakened the suspicions a.d. 
of the natives. They believed the story of the Moors that ^98*1520 
the Portuguese were pirates and slave-dealers. The alarm ‘ 
spread along the coast, and ships began to assemble at the 
neighbouring ports for the destruction of the strangers. 

Vasco de Gama found that the country was against him. 

He left Calicut with his ships, steered out in the Indian 
Ocean, and returned to Portugal by the way he came. 

The King of Portugal next sent a fleet of thirteen ships Expcdi- 
with the fishermen on board, under the command of Alvarez of 
Cabral. More than half the ships foundered during the 
voyage, and only six anchored off Calicut. The fishermen 
were put on shore, and left to tell their own story. The 
Zamorin became better disposed towards the Portuguese. 

He again made over a house at Calicut ; and a factor was 
placed in the house with goods and money under the 
protection of sixty chosen Portuguese. 

But the Moors were soon at their old tricks. The Portu- Violence 
guese could not obtain a cargo ; and the few goods they the 
were permitted to buy, were purchased at very advanced 
rates. All this while they saw that the Moors were pro- 
curing cargoes with the utmost ease, and loading their own 
ships very rapidly. The Portuguese admiral was so exas- 
perated that he boarded a Moorish vessel, and transferred 
the cargo to his own ship. 

This violent proceeding stirred up the Nairs. The cry Slaughter 
went forth that the Portuguese were pirates. All the Nairs 
in Calicut gathered round the factory, and assailed the 
inmates with darts and javelins. The Portuguese fought caimonad- 
for their lives, but were overwhelmed by numbers. At last ing of 
a portion of the wall was broken down, and the Nairs Calicut, 
rushed in. Forty Portuguese were slaughtered on the 
spot; the survivors escaped to the shore and swam to the 
ships. The factory was plundered by the Nairs, and Cabral 
was told that the Zamorin shared the plunder. The admiral 
was so angry that he burnt fifteen native ships that 
were lying in the harbour, and cannonaded the city of 
Calicut for two days. 

The cannon worked a great change. It inspired theAIliafice 
Rajas round about with respect for the Portuguese, and 'w-'itli the 
hopes of revenge against the Zamorin. The Raja 
Cochin, further south, had a special feud against the 


104 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


A.D. 

1498-1520 


Portu- 
guese 
atrocities 
oil Mu- 
hammadan 
traders. 


Inter- 
ference of 
the Sultan 
of Egypt. 


Founda- 
tion of 
Goa by 
Albu- 
querque. 


Zamorin, and was 'anxious for the friendship of the power- 
ful strangers. The Raja concluded a treaty with the Portu- 
guese, supplied them with cargoes, and permitted them to 
build a fort within his territory. 

But nothing could allay the bitter opposition of the 
Moors. Hostilities broke out between Christians and Mu- 
hammadans which might be described as war to the knife. 
Cruelties were perpetrated which are too horrible to con- 
template. One atrocity may serve as a type of the whole. 
A Muhammadan ship was captured by the Portuguese, 
whilst carrying two hundred and sixty Mecca pilgrims to 
the Red Sea. Twenty children were saved and baptized ; 
the remainder, to the number of two hundred and forty 
souls, were thrust into the hold without mercy, and the 
ship was scuttled and set on fire.^ 

After some years the Sultan of Egypt raised a turmoil 
The Portuguese had absorbed the Indian trade, and diverted 
it from Egypt round the Cape of Good Hope. The 
Sultan was angry at the loss of transit duties in Egypt, 
and he was driven to fury by the atrocities of the Portuguese, 
the capture of Muhammadan ships and drowning of Mecca 
pilgrims. He sent letters to the Pope threatening to destroy 
all the holy places in Palestine unless the Portuguese aban- 
doned the eastern seas. After gi'eat preparations he sent a 
fleet down the Red Sea ; but it was defeated by the Portuguese 
off Guzerat, and the shipping was plundered and destroyed. 

The real founder of the Portuguese empire in the east 
was Alfonso de Albuquerque, the Viceroy of the Portuguese 
possessions in India from 1509 to 1515. He selected the 
island of Goa, nearly half way down the western coast of 
India, between Konkan and Kanara, to be the metropolis of 
the Portuguese empire, and the emporium of eastern trade. 
This island had been originally a nest of pirates, but had 
been captured and cleared by a Muhammadan Sultan of the 
Dekhan. Albuquerque seized and conquered the island, 
and founded the city of Goa, which was destined to become 
the Venice of the east. In like manner he founded the city 
of Malacca on the Malay peninsula opposite the island of 
Sumatra. Albuquerque died at the bar of Goa in December 

^ This stoiy, and many other tales of horror, are told by the Portu- 
giiese historian, Faria y Sousa, who was Secretary for India to the 
Iving of Spain and Portugal. 


Ghap. IIT.] PORTUGUESE EMPIRE : MALABA 


m 


1519, at the age of sixty-three, just as he was about to return a.p. 
to his native land. 1520-1550 

Meanwhile the policy pursued by the Portuguese at Cochin PoUcy of- 
was repeated by the Viceroy of Goa. Permission was the pLtu- 
obtained to build forts at various points along the coast ;guese : 
and when a fort was defended by cannon, and manned by 
Europeans, it was impregnable to Asiatics. A Raja or a 
Sultan might repent of iiis alliance with the strangers, and Chaul, ’ 
try to turn them out of the fort, but the task was beyond his Babul, 
power. In this manner the Portuguese built one fort at 
Diu in an island off the southern coast of Guzerat; another 
at Bassein in Konkan to the north of Bombay ; ^ others Cochin, 
at Chaul and Dabul in Konkan to the south of Bombay; 
others at Onore and Mangalore in Kanara ; whilst another, 
as already seen, was built at Cochin, in Malabar. Churches 
and houses were built within these forts ; priests were ap- 
pointed, and monasteries were often endowed ; and Roman 
Catholic Christianity began to make a stir in Western India. 

In 1538 the Viceroy of Goa proposed to open up a trade Mission to 
with Bengal, and sent a Portuguese mission to Chittagong. 

At that time the Sultan of Bengal was an Arab in mortal * 
fear of his life ; and he ordered the strangers to be sent as 
prisoners to Gour. The orders were obeyed, and the Portu- 
guese would probably have been murdered ; but the Sultan 
was slain by an Afghan, and the prisoners were released and 
permitted to return to Goa. 

According to the Portuguese historian, the government at Muham- 
Bengal was at this period of the worst possible kind. A madau 
series of low-born adventurers, favourites or slaves, arose in 
turn, murdered the reigning Sultan, and obtained the king- 
dom. Sultan after Sultan cut his way to the throne by 
treachery and assassination, and after a brief reign of self- 
indulgence and terror, was slaughtered in his turn. The 
new comer might be an Arab, or an Afghan, or even a black 
Abyssinian slave ; but the people of Bengal were too timid 
and effeminate to throw off the yoke, or even to interfere. 

If the intruder held the throne for three days, the popula- 
tion accepted him as their sovereign. 

1 The Portuguese ultimately built a fort at Bombay, but it was 
a weak affair ; and Bombay played no part in history until it was ceded 
by Spain to the English in 1661, as tlie dowry of the Infanta who 
married Charles the Second. 


I 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 



A.D. About this time the Sultan of Turkey once again played a 
J5 20-15 5Q part in the affairs of India. The Sultan of Guzerat sent 
Sultan of i^essengers to implore the Porte to help him to drive the 
Turkey Portuguese out of Diu. The Porte sent an armament from 
makes war Egypt, ^ to capture Diu, but the expedition proved a failure. 
Vonli Muhammadan prince would join the Turks except the 

guese" Sultan of Guzerat, and he was soon tired of his new allies. 
153s/ The Portuguese garrison at Diu fought with the utmost bravery 
and repelled every assault. At last the Muhammadan forces 
united in a general charge, and were repulsed with great 
slaughter. But the Portuguese were nearly starved out, and 
suffered the most horrible privations. They were on the 
point of surrendering, when the Turkish fleet sailed away 
and was never seen again in the eastern seas. The Sultan 
of Guzerat had got rid of his Turkish allies, by telling them 
that a great fleet was coming out from Portugal and would 
destroy them all 

Kepiilse of The news of the repulse of the Great Turk was hailed 
the Great Uv the Portuguese nation with enthusiastic joy. ’ The com- 
lurk. mandant of Diu returned to Lisbon, and was received with 
acclamation. All the nobles thronged to the Tagus to wel- 
come him. All the foreign ambassadors strove to do him 
honour. The French ambassador ordered a painting to be 
made of the brave man who had defeated the Great Turk in 
the Indian seas. 

Triumph- In J545 there was another war about Diu. The Portu- 
ant proces- g^ese Viceroy relieved the fort in person, and on his return 
Goa^^ to Goa was received with the honours of a Roman triumph. 

His head was crowned with laurel, and he was accompanied 
through the streets of Goa by a procession of prisoners and 
captured guns and arms. Salutes were fired, bands of 
music were playing, the houses were adorned with silks, and 
fair women threw flowers and perfumes from the verandahs. 
When the Queen of Portugal heard the story she declared 
that the Viceroy had conquered like a Christian and 
triumphed like a pagan. 

Goa In the A picture of Goa during the latter half of the sixteenth 
sixteenth century, is furnished by a Dutch traveller named Linschoten. 
cen ury. situated on the northern side of the island, facing 

an arm of the sea. The shore was covered with eountry- 

^ The Sultan of Turkey conquered Egypt in 1517. 


Chap, in.] PORTUGUESE EMPIRE; MALABAR. 107 

houses and gardens, and adorned with forts and churches, a.d. 
The Viceroy’s palace was built over the city gate. It was 
a splendid building, and portraits of every Viceroy of 
India were hung in the Council-hall. Passing through the 
gateway, the visitor entered a fine broad street, half a 
mile long, leading from the palace to a church. In front 
of this church was the Exchange. 

Every morning, except Sundays and Saints days, the The 
Exchange at Goa was the great centre of attraction. It Exchange, 
began at sunrise, and was generally over by nine o’clock. 

It resembled the old Fairs of Europe, except that gentlemen 
of noble birth bought and speculated like common dealers. 

It was a kind of auction at which goods' were sold at public 
outcry by men specially appointed. Some criers ran about, 
hung with costly chains, jewels, pearls, rings, and precious 
stones, which were thus offered for sale. Others disposed 
of bales of damasks, velvets, silks, satins, spices, drugs, 
pepper, and porcelain. Others sold the goods of deceased 
persons ; for according to the law of Goa, whenever a man 
died, from the Viceroy downwards, his goods were sold at 
the Exchange for the benefit of his heirs. Slaves were also 
sold, male and female. Men were bought to serve as 
menial servants ; others to be hired out to different masters. 

Women slaves were taught to make sweetmeats and con- 
fections, or to embroider pocket-handkerchiefs ; and the 
youngest and fairest were sent into the streets to offer such 
commodities for sale. 

The social life at Goa was not healthy. The city was Social life 
often overrun by Portuguese adventurers, who came out to 
India under the name of soldiers, and affected to- be nobles 
and gentlemen. These men were often required to garrison 
forts, or to serve as soldiers on board the ships in different 
expeditions ; but when not on service their presence was an 
intolerable evil. They were often reduced to poverty, living 
ten or twelve in one house, with perhaps only one or two 
suits of silk clothes amongst them, which they wore in 
turns. At the same time they were so touchy as regards 
etiquette, the return of salutations, and other points of 
honour, that they often filled the city with brawls and blood- 
shed. Their dissolute lives led to other disorders, Portu- 
guese householders shut up their wives and daughters in 
Oriental seclusion; but this only aggravated the evil. The 


loS 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II 


Great 

wealth, 


Expendi- 
ture ill 
Goa. 


A.B. ladies became demoralised by their female slaves, and often 
15 50-J^^ QQ intrigued with the soldiers, causing more jealousies and 
bloodshed, as well as poisonings, assassinations, and other 
secret crimes. 

Meanwhile there was no lack of wealth at Goa. Trade 
was the main business of the city; and the arrival and 
departure of ships in the river added to the excitement of 
the daily exchange. Ventures on board ships were exposed 
to the risks- of capture or wreck, but the profits of a success- 
ful voyage were often three or four hundred per cent. 
Again, profits from thirty to forty per cent, were often to 
be made by money-changing alone, without any risk what- 
ever. Every September, Portuguese ships arrived at Goa, 
and sought to exchange their reals for Persian money for 
the purchase of pepper and spices at Cochin, Every April 
the ships went to China, and were glad to give Persian 
money for reals, which were required for the purchase of 
silks and porcelain. 

During the sixteenth century the Portuguese monopolised 
the whole trade between Europe and the east ; and a large 
share of the accumulated wealth was spent in Goa. The 
Viceroy returned to Portugal every three years with a 
splendid fortune; leaving a successor to amass riches in 
like manner. The commandants of forts, and a few dis- 
appointed soldiers, may in like manner have returned to 
their native country after a term of years. But gentlemen 
traders married and settled in Goa, and adopted it as their 
home. They built country-houses with secluded gardens. 
They made splendid shows of gold and silver plate. They 
adorned their wives and daughters with rings, chains, 
bracelets, and jewels of every description. They endowed 
churches, monasteries, colleges, and schools. Missionaries 
from Goa, chiefly Jesuits, were sent out to convert, not only 
the natives of the surrounding country, but the people of 
remote regions, such as those of China and Japan. 

The Viceroy and Council were at the supreme head of 
nient, civil affairs. There were also Secretariats, a Court of Chancery, 
and eccle- and Other public officers. A large ecclesiastical authority 
was exercised by the Archbishop and his Secretaries. There 
was an Inquisition with authority superior to that of the 
Archbishop; and religious offenders were arrested, im- 
prisoned, condemned, tortured or executed, by this tribunal, 


Govern* 


siastical. 


Cha?. III.] PORTUGUESE EMPIRE : MALABAR. 


109 


witliout any control whatever, beyond what might be a.d. 
involved in its correspondence with Rome. No Hindu ^^^3-^25 
rite was permitted within the island of Goa. No Muham- 
madan was allowed to perform his devotions in public, or 
to call believers to prayers. But otherwise the Inquisition 
rarely interfered with Hindu or Muhammadan, and generally 
confined its attention to Portuguese and native converts. 

If once a native, Hindu or Muhammadan, embraced 
Christianity, he was a slave to the Inquisition, and was 
punished for acts of apostacy as if he had committed the 
gravest crimes. 

Between the years 1623 and 1625, a Roman Catholic Visit of 
gentleman, named Pietro della Valle, visited Goa. He has Pella 
left graphic descriptions of the country, when the fortunes 
of Goa were on the turn. The surroundings were still as ^ ^ 3 * 25 - 
imposing as ever. As Della Valle entered the arm of the sea, 
known as the river of Goa, he saw a beautiful city stretched 
out on his right hand. The churches were the finest build- 
ings in Goa. Many belonged to religious orders, such as 
the Augustines, Dominicans, Franciscans, Carmelites, and 
Jesuits. Already, however, there were too many priests in 
Goa, and half the number would have sufficed for a much 
larger city. 

The native inhabitants formed the bulk of the population. Inhabi- 
They were a black generation, mostly slaves. The Portu- 
guese were few in number, and had lost their wealth through 
the invasions of the Dutch and English. But they were very tuguese. 
proud, and made what show they could, for all wished to be 
accounted gentlemen and soldiers. 

The religious processions at Goa were very remarkable. Strange ' 
Della Valle saw a procession of the Holy Sacrament made religious 
by the whole clergy, with a greater show of green boughs 
than clothes. Mysteries were represented by persons in 
disguise, accompanied by fictitious animals, dances, and 
masquerades. Della Valle remarked that in Italy such 
scenes would be confined to villages, and would not have 
been witnessed in great cities. 

Subsequently the order of Carmelites celebrated the Canonisa- 
canonisation of Saint Teresa. Two boys, clad as couriers, tion of 
announced the canonisation to the Viceroy of Goa in appro- St. Teresa, 
priate verses, and then proclaimed it with the sound of a 
trumpet through the streets of Goa. At night there were 


no 

A.D. 

1623-1625 


Kanarese 

Christian 

soldiers. 


Splendid 

religious 

shows. 


Ecclesias- 
tical in- 
fluences. 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. [Part TI. 

displays of fireworks throughout the city ; and all the 
Portuguese gentlemen of note paraded the city in various 
disguises, after the manner of a masquerade. 

At the feast of John the Baptist, the Viceroy and other 
Portuguese gentlemen rode through the streets in masque- 
rading habits, but without masks. They next attended Mass, 
and then went to the large street of St. Paul. Many com- 
panies of Kanarese Christian soldiers went through their 
exercises in this street, marching past with ensigns, drums, 
and arms, and then leaping and playing along the street 
with drawn swords. 

Shortly afterwards the canonisation of Ignatius and Xavier 
was celebrated by the Jesuits of the college of St. Paul. 
All the collegians came forth in a great cavalcade, divided 
into three squadrons, under three banners. One squadron 
represented Europe, the second Asia, and the third Africa. 
The men of each squadron were dressed in the costumes 
of the nations of their respective continents. Before the 
cavalcade went a chariot of clouds, with Fame on the top, 
who sounded her trumpet to the accompaniment of other 
music, and proclaimed the canonisation of the two saints. 
Two other chariots followed; one represented Faith, or the 
Church; the other was a Mount Parnassus, carrying Apollo 
and the Muses as representatives of the sciences taught in 
the college. Five great pyramids, covered with pictures, 
were also drawn along the streets on wheels by men on 
foot. The first was painted with all the martyrs of the 
order of the Jesuits. The second was painted with doctors 
and authors belonging to the same order. The third 
was painted with figures of every nation to whom the 
Jesuits had sent missions, and thus represented the various 
languages in which the Jesuits preached and taught. 
The fourth p3nramid was painted with devices showing the 
provinces of the said religion. The fifth displayed all 
the miracles which had been performed by the two saints, 
Ignatius and Xavier. These pyramids were drawm through 
the principal streets, and then placed as monuments in 
different parts of the city. 

There was no city in the world where there were so 
many religious processions as in Goa. Delia Valle remarked 
that such shows were right and proper when kept within 
bounds, but in Goa they were much too frequent. The 


Chap. IIL] PORTUGUESE EMPIRE: MALABAR. in 

crowds of monks and ecclesiastics were burdensome to 

the state and prejudicial to the military. Goa was a city ^^ ^3- ^^^ -5 

bordering on enemies ; the metropolis of a kingdom lying 

in the midst of barbarians. Under such circumstances 

the utmost attention should have been given to fleets and 

armies. 

Delia Valle accompanied a Portuguese ambassador on a Mission to 
mission to the so-called king of Kanara, named Venk-tapa ^h*^ 

Naik, Sixty years had passed away, since the battle of Tali- 
kota was fought in 1565. The predecessors of Venk-tapa had 
been Naiks or governors of the province of Kanara under 
the old Mahdrajas of Vijayanagar ; and Venk-tapa still re- 
tained the name of Naik, although he ruled Kanara as an 
independent Raja, and added to his dominions by the 
conquest of less powerful neighbours. 

There had been some difliculty between the Viceroy of Pepper 
Goa and Venk-tapa Naik, which the embassy was intended 
to clear up. The Naik had been drawn into hostilities with 
the Portuguese, but was anxious for peace. His country guese. 
produced much pepper, and the Portuguese were accustomed 
to buy it, but they had not come for the pepper of the 
current year, and they had not paid for the pepper of the 
previous year. The Portuguese were equally anxious to 
keep on good terms with the Naik, for their cash was low, 
and they were afraid lest the Naik should sell his pepper 
to the English or Dutch. 

The capital of Venk-tapa Naik was at Ikkeri, a city in the Voyage 
interior, about fifty miles from Onore. The journey might horn Goa 
have been made by land, but the Sultan of Bijapur was in 
possession of the intervening territory, and his officers were 
not always courteous towards the Portuguese. Accordingly 
it was determined to go by sea to the Portuguese port at 
Onore, ^ and then to proceed by land to the city of Ikkeri. 

Onore was a type of a Portuguese settlement. A few Onore, a 
of the Portuguese dwelt outside the fort, where there was a type of a 
native bazar. But the commandant and all the niarried 
Portuguese dwelt inside the fort, which was laid out in streets ^ 
of houses with wells and gardens. There was also a piazza 
within the fort, which would contain all the inhabitants in 
the event of a siege. 

^ Onore appears in modern maps under the name of Honahwar. 


112 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


A.D, 

1623-1625 

Kanara, a 
type of a 
Hindu 
Raj. 


City of 
Ikkeri. 


Public 
audience 
at the 
palace of 
Venk-tapa 
Naik. 


Scenes in 
a Hindu 
city. 


The kingdom of Kanara was in like manner a type of a 
Hindu Raj in Southern India, In the journey to Ikkeri 
Della Valle climbed the Ghdt.^ The mountain in that place 
was not so high as the Apennines, and the ascent was easier, 
but the woods were more dense. On the top of the moun- 
tain was a fortress belonging to Venk-tapa Naik, and a 
temple to the god Hanuman, the famous monkey who helped 
Rdma. 

The city of Ikkeri was surrounded by three lines of de- 
fences. The two outer ones were mere fences of bamboo, 
intended to keep out horse and foot. The third enclo- 
sure was a wall, but weak and inconsiderable. The houses 
were scattered and ill-built, especially outside the wall, where 
they were diversified with groves of trees and ponds of 
water. 

After a day or two^s delay, the Portuguese ambassador 
obtained an audience with Venk-tapa Naik. The party rode 
to the palace in procession, accompanied with drums and 
music. The palace stood in a large fortress, environed with 
a ditch and some badly built bastions. Venk-tapa Naik 
received the Portuguese ambassador and party in a small 
court. He w^as seated on a raised pavement at the upper 
end of the court, under a wooden canopy covered with gild- 
ing. Several courtiers stood at his right hand, and one of 
them fanned him to drive away the flies. He chewed betel 
leaves throughout the audience. He asked the ambassador 
why the Portuguese ships were so late this year. The am- 
bassador replied in a long rhodomontade. A Portuguese 
fleet was coming to India with a great army. The King of 
Spain and Portugal had formed an alliance with England. 
Prince Charles of England was on a visit to the court of 
Madrid. To this he added other bits of news which could 
have but little interest for the Hindu prince, and were only 
intended to glorify the Portuguese. 

Della Valle saw other sights at Ikkeri which are common 
to Hindu cities in the south, There were companies of 
young girls in figured silks and linen jackets, with diadems 
of white and yellow flowers, who danced in circles with 
painted sticks in their hands, and sang songs in honour of 

^ ^ The ruins of Ikkeri are still to be seen in Western Mysore, about 
eighteen miles to the north of Bednore, The Raj of Kanara appears 
to have occupied a considerable area in Western Mysore, 


Chap. IIL] PORTUGUESE EMPIRE : MALABAR. 


their goddess. There were wooden beams set up with ropes a.d. 
and hooks on which devotees were accustomed to swing 
themselves at certain festivals. There were large chariots ^ 
in which, on certain days, the gods were carried in grand 
processions. There were Indian friars smeared with 
ashes, known as Jangamas, who led the lives of mendicants, 
and were worshipped as holy men. 

One night Della Valle met a procession which is no longer Procession 
to be seen in India. A woman had lost her husband and of a Hindu 
was bent on burning herself. She rode on horseback with 
open face, holding a looking-glass in one hand and a lemon 
in the other. She went along singing and chanting her 
farewell to the world with such passionate language as moved 
all who heard her. She was followed by many men and 
women, and some carried an umbrella or canopy over her to 
do her honour. Drums were sounded before her, and she 
never ceased to accompany the noise with her sad songs. 

D ella V alie was told that she would ride in procession through 
the streets for a certain number of days, and then go out of 
the city and be burned with great solemnities. 

At Ikkeri Della Valle was a close observer of Hindu Hindu 
worship. There were several temples in the city, but the worship at 
greatest of all was dedicated to the god Aghoresvara.^ The ^ ^ 
idol was in the form of a man with one head and sixteen 
arms. 

One evening tapers were lit in all the temples in Ikkeri. Proces- 
A great noise was made with drums and pipes, whilst priests of 
began to dance before the gates of the temples. Della 
Valle went off to the temple of Aghoresvara. The people i^g g{ris. 
were called together by the sound of trumpets. The priests 
formed a procession, carrying two idols in a palanquin decked 
with flowers and ornaments. The procession was accom- 
panied by music, torches, lances, streamers, and umbrellas. 

There was a long train of dancing-girls two by two, decked 
in gold and jewels. There were other women, marching on 
either side of the palanquin, carrying little staves with long 
white horse-tails with which they fanned away the flies from 
the idols. Many priests accompanied the idols. In this 

^ The ruins of this temple are still to be seen. The god was a form 
of Esvara or Siva; also Icnown as Mahadeva, or the ** great god.’^ 

The idol was a representative of the Supreme Being, See ante^ pages 
63 and 65. 


114 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


A.D, 

1623-1625 

Saluting 
the idols. 


Conclud- 
ing cere- 
monies. 


Celebra- 
tion of the 
New 
Moon. 


Della 
Valle's 
views on 
Hindu 
worship. 


manner the procession entered the piazza of the temple, and 
made a large ring or circle, and the dancing began. 

Two women, from either side of the circle, advanced 
three steps forward and then fell three steps backward, but 
always with their faces towards the idols ; and this they did 
several times by way of saluting the idols. Two others 
then joined them, and after that two others. 

After the salutations were over, the dancing began with 
leaping, fencing, and many mad gestures. When the danc- 
ing was over, the procession moved outside the temple round 
the outer enclosure, halting at intervals to repeat the saluta- 
tions and dancing. At last the procession re-entered the 
temple and the ceremonies were brought to a close. 

The next night was the new moon. All the temples in 
Ikkeri were illuminated with candies and torches ; so were 
all the streets, houses, and shops. Every temple had its 
idol, and in some temples the idol was a serpent. The outer 
porches were illuminated with lights, and adorned with 
transparencies of painted horsemen, elephants, people fight- 
ing, and other odd figures. A great concourse of men and 
women went about the city visiting all the temples in Ikkeri. 
Late at night Venk-tapa came to the temple of Aghoresvara 
with his two nephews,^ attended by a large train of soldiers 
and servants. He stayed in the temple for about an hour, 
during which he was entertained with music and dancing, 
and then returned to his palace. 

Della Valle remarked that the Hindu worship of the gods 
chiefly consisted in music, songs, and dances ; and in serv- 
ing the idols as though they were living beings. Thus the 
priests presented the idols with things to eat, washed them, 
perfumed them, gave them betel leaves, dyed them with 
sandal, and carried them abroad in processions. Della 
Valle was undoubtedly correct To this day the temple 

^ Throughout the countries of Kanara and Malabar, nephews of 
Nairs, when born of sisters, were treated as sons, and inherited the 
property to the exclusion of sons. The causes of this extraordinary 
usage are fully treated in the larger History of India. It will suffice to 
state here that Rajas, and other members of the military class of Nairs, 
were not regularly married, but lived such irregular lives that no one 
knew who w^as the father of a child. There was, however, a certainty 
about a blood relationship between a man and the son of a sister ; and 
accordingly the son of the sister inherited the property or throne as the 
nearest of the blood lineage. 


Chap. III.] PORTUGUESE EMPIRE : MALABAR. 



services in the worship of Krishna, Jagganath, and other a.d. 
similar idols, is of the same materialistic character. 1623-1625 

Della Valle left Ikkeri and proceeded to the Portuguese 
port of Mangalore. He was anxious to see the Queen of of travel- 
Olaza, a little kingdom bordering on Mangalore. He found lers in 
that travelling in Hindu countries was difficult on the score 
of diet The Hindus would not furnish him with hsh 03. 
flesh ; they would only supply him with rice, butter, milk, ; 

and other inanimate things ; this they would only do as a 
I great favour. The people lived by cultivating rice, which ; 

was done by overflowing the soil with water ; but they ! 

complained of the large tribute they were obliged to pay to 1 

Venk-tapa, which reduced them to great poverty notwith- ? 

standing their hard labour. i 

Della Valle heard that the Queen of Olaza was staying at Meeting 
a neighbouring town named Manel. He went to Manel, ac- with the - 

companiedby a Brahman interpreter. On going to the bazar j 

to procure a lodging in some house, he saw the Queen coming * | 

on foot the same way. She was not attended by women, but 
only by soldiers. Six soldiers walked before her with swords 
and bucklers, but without any covering save a cloth about 
their loins, and a kind of scarf over the shoulder. Other 
soldiers walked behind her in the same fashion, and one 
of them carried an umbrella of palm -leaves to shade her 
from the sun. 

The Queen of Olaza was as black as an Ethiopian. - She A princess 
was corpulent and gross, but not heavy, for she walked of 
nimbly enough. She was about forty years of age. She 
wore a plain piece of cotton cloth from her waist downwards, 
but nothing at all from her waist upwards, except a cloth 
I about her head, which hung down a little upon her breast 

and shoulders. She went bare-footed, but that was the cus- 
tom of all Hindu women, high and low, at home and abroad. 

Most of the men went unshod in like manner. A few of the 
graver sort wore sandals, but very few wore shoes. The 
Queen was more like a kitchen-maid or a washerwoman than 
a noble princess y but her voice was graceful, and she spoke 
like a woman, of judgment. 

The Queen spoke a few words to Della Valle through his Thecon- 
Brahman interpreter, asking what had brought him to those ferencc. j 

woods of hers. She was going into the fields about a mile 
off, to see some trenches which were being dug for conveying 

I. 2 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. [Part II. 

i62-^°i62k returned from the fields 

i ^ she was busied m administering justice amongst her people’ 

She said, however, that she would send for Della Valle in 
the evening. Della Valle procured a house in Manel, belono-- 
mg to a Moor ; and was thus enabled to procure animal food. 
He waited however in vain for a message from the Queen' 
She was heard praising the liberality of Della Valle in paying 
for poultry and other necessaries. She said, “ Do we in 
India toil and moil for a fanam,i whilst this stranger spends 
money in this fashion ? ” But for some unknown reason she 
never invited Della Valle to come and see her. 

Sodal life The early life of the Queen of Olaza reveals somethino' of 

m Kanara. social life in Kanara. The Raja of Olaza had died leaving 
neither son nor nephew. Accordingly his wife succeeded to 
the Raj. The wife died, and was succeeded by her sister, the 
present Queen. The new female sovereign married the Raja 
of a neighbourmg territory, called Banghel; but the husband 
and wife only met at intervals. The Raja had other wives 
a^nd the Queen was said to have other lovers. After a while 
toey quarrelled, and the Queen returned all the jewels the 
Raja had given her. The Raja was so offended that he 
made war upon her, and called in the aid of the Portuguese 
The Queen appealed to Venk-tapa Naik to help her. In the 
end Venk-tapa annexed the Raj of Banghel, defeated the 
Portuguese, and pompelled the Queen of Olaza to cede a 
considerable territory. The Portuguese embassy was sent 
to\enk-tapaNaikat Ikkeri to protest against the annex- 
ation of Banghel, on the ground that the Raja was an ally 
of the King of Portugal. ^ 

S”y.Ss 1, Della Valle paid a visit to a 

S • holy man dwelling m a neighbouring hermitage. He was 
mown as the King of the Yogis; a sect of wandering 
rnendicants, who were supposed to abstract themselves from 
all the cares of the world.^ The so-called King was lord of 
a little circle of land, comprising a hermitage, a temple, and 

pennt. ^ twopeuce-half- 

The Yogis are dying out of India. They were common enou«rh in 
San dHSon“‘ “i? the advancing tide of Euro- 



j Chap. III.] I'ORTUGUESE EMPIRE: MALABAR. u; 

certain habitations for Yogis, together with a few country- a.d. 
houses and villages. The territory had been given to the 1^23-1625 
Yogis by a former Raja of. Banghel ; and as the Yogis had ~~ 
no wives, the dominion of the hermitage and adjacent lands 
went by elective succession. The Yogis were not subject 
to their King in the way of obedience, but only paid him 
reverence and honour. They went where they listed, and 
were dispersed amongst different temples ; but at certain 
solemn times they assembled at the hermitage in great 
^ numbers, and were supplied with victuals by their King. 

Many servants and labourers of the King lived at the 
hermitage, and cultivated the land for his maintenance. It 
yielded a yearly revenue of about five or six thousand 
pagodas, or nearly three thousand pounds sterling. Most 
of the money was spent on feasts ; the remainder was 
devoted to the service of the temple and idols. 

Della Valle found the King of the Yogis employed in i-^is ap- 
business of a mean sort, like a peasant or villager. He pearance. 
was an old man with a long white beard, but strong and 
lusty. He had a golden bead hanging from his ear as big 
as a musket-bullet ; and had a little red cap like those worn 
by Italian galley-slaves. He seemed a man of judgment, 
but was without learning. He told Della Valle that formerly 
he had horses, elephants, and a great equipage; but Venk- 
tapa Naik had taken all away, so that he had very little 
left.i 

About this time the Portuguese were sending a fleet from Portu- 
Mangalore to the Zamorin of Calicut. There was a ques- 
tion of peace between the Portuguese and the Zamorin. 

The Zamorin had sued for peace ; but the Viceroy would rin of 
^ not come to terms unless the Raja of Cochin was in- Calicut, 

eluded in the treaty. Accordingly a fleet was sent to 
Calicut with the Viceroy^s ultimatum. 

The better sort of the people of Malabar were Hindus, People of 
especially those inland. They mostly belonged to the 
caste of Nairs, or hereditary soldiers. The sea-coasts 
were inhabited by Malabar Muhammadans, who lived 
among the Hindus, and spoke their language, although 
they differed in religion. The Malabar Muhammadans 
were corsairs, who had infested the coast, and had been 

^ A representative of the King of the Yogis is living in Mysore to 
this day, and is still complaining of his loss of wealth and power. 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


A.D. 

1623-1625 

Malabar 

pirates. 


Message ■ 
to the 
Zaraorin. 


Troubles 
of the 
Zamorin. 


City and 
bazar of 
Calicut. 


the terror of merchant vessels since the days of Plinyb 
and probably for ages before.^ 

Della Valle went on board the Portuguese fleet with 
the view of seeing Calicut During the voyage the Portu- 
guese had two encounters with Malabar corsairs. On each 
occasion the light vessels of the corsairs escaped to the 
creeks and mouths of rivers which were scattered along 
that coast. The Portuguese would not attack them by land, 
as it belonged to the Zamorin; and they were anxious 
to respect his territories whilst the peace was in agitation. 

On arriving at Calicut, messengers were sent to the 
Zamorin at early morning with the ultimatum of the Viceroy. 
If he wanted to make peace with the Portuguese, he must 
immediately send an ambassador on board the fleet, pledged 
to conclude a treaty with the Viceroy at Goa, in which the 
Cochin Raja would be a party. 

The proposal was a bitter pill for the Zamorin. His 
feud with the Raja of Cochin had been handed down for 
many generations ; and he could not bring himself to come 
to terms with his hereditary enemy. But he was forced to 
take some action. He had ships with rich cargoes coming 
from the Red Sea ; and unless he made peace with the 
Viceroy, the Portuguese would capture the ships. Accord- 
ingly he sent messengers to the admiral of the fleet. He 
proposed to make a treaty with the Viceroy first, and then 
to make a treaty with the Raja of Cochin. Under any 
circumstances he requested that the fleet would stop at 
Calicut until he had sufficient time to deliberate with his 
ministers respecting the proposed treaty. In reply he was 
told that the fleet would return to Goa at nightfall, whether 
the ambassador came on board or no. 

Meanwhile Della Valle, with the captain of the ship he 
was in, and some others, went ashore to see the town of 
Calicut. The streets were long and narrow. The houses 
were mere cottages built of mud and palm-leaves. The 
bazar was filled with provisions and other necessaries, but 
there was not much cloth. Indeed there could have been 


^ Of course the pirates could not have been Muhammadans in the 
days of Pliny, as their prophet was not bora until A.D. 570. Pro- 
bably during the sixteenth century the pirates had been recruited by the 
Moors, who had lost their trade with the Red Sea and Persian Gulf 
after the arrival of the Portuguese. 


I 


Chap, III.] PORTUGUESE EMPIRE : MALABAR. 



little demand for clothes •, for men and women wore nothing 


but a piece of cotton or silk, hanging from their girdles to ^623-1625 
their knees. Della Valle and his party also saw much of 
the plunder of the Malabar pirates in the bazar ; such as 
Portuguese swords, arms, books, and clothes, which had 
been taken from Portuguese vessels. No Christian could 
buy such articles under pain of excommunication. 

When Della Valle and his companions were tired of invitation 
wandering about the bazar, they walked towards the palace, to the 
To their great surprise some persons of quality came up and 
invited them to enter and see the Zamorin. They accepted 
the invitation, and entered a large court where they found 
a number of courtiers. 

After a while Della Valle and his party were conducted Malabar 
into a smaller court, and told to sit down on a raised pave- princesses, 
ment. Suddenly two girls, about twelve years of age, entered 
the court. They wore no covering of any kind except a blue 
cloth about their loins ; but their arms, ears, and necks, were 
covered with ornaments of gold and precious stones. Their 
complexion was swarthy but clear enough ; their shape was 
well proportioned and comely ; and their aspect was hand- 
some and well favoured. They were both daughters of the 
Queen ; that is, not of the Zamorin, but of his sister, who 
was styled the Queen, and was so in effect. These two 
girls were in fact Infantas of the kingdom of Calicut. 

Upon their entrance all the courtiers paid them great rever- 
ence ; and Della Valle and his companions rose from their 
seats, and saluted them, and then stood before them bare- 
headed. The girls talked together respecting the strangers ; 
and one of them approached Della Valle, and touched the 
sleeve of his coat with her hand, and expressed wonder at 
his attire. Indeed they were as surprised at the dress of 
the strangers, as the strangers were at the strange appearance 
of the girls. 

Presently the Zamorin came in accompanied by more Appear- 
courtiers. He was a young man of thirty years of age, of anceof the 
large bulk of body, and a handsome presence. He had a 
long beard, and wore nothing except the cloth hanging from 
his girdle,^ He had bracelets on his arms, pendants at his 

* This was not a state occasion like that on which a Zamorin had 
received Vasco de Gama, more than a hundred and twenty years 
previously. The absence of the vestment shows that it was only 
an ordinary reception, page 102, note. 



A,D. 

1623-1625 


The coti 
ference. 


Rajas 
sacred in 
battle. 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. [Part II. 

ears, and other ornaments with jewels and rubies of value. 
In his hand he carried a stick like a shepherd's staff. He 
received the salutations of the strangers with smiles and 
courtesy, standing all the while and leaning on the staff. 
Many courtiers came in and saluted the Zamorin with joined 
hands. There were higher cloisters round the court" filled 
with women, who had come to behold the strangers. The 
Queen sister stood apart in the most prominent place, 
with no more clothing than her daughters, but abundantly 
adorned with jewels. 

The secret now transpired ; the Zamorin wanted to sound 
the party as to the intentions of the admiral of the fleet. 
The captain declared that he was only a private soldier, 
and knew nothing of the admiral or his business ; whilst all 
the others were absolutely ignorant of the state of affairs. 
Finally, after a long interview, the Zamorin requested the 
captain ^to persuade the admiral to stop at Calicut until the 
deliberations were over ; and then he dismissed the party. 
The fleet remained at Calicut all night, and sailed away 
next morning without any ambassador. 

In Malabar the persons of Rajas were sacred in battle. 
The Nairs fought on either side, but no one fought a Raja, 
or even struck the royal umbrella. To shed the blood of a 
Raja was regarded as a heinous sin, and would be followed 
by a terrible revenge. The Zamorin was of a lower caste 
than the Raja of Cochin.^ If the Zamorin was killed, his 
subjects devoted three days to revenge; they ran “amok," 
as it was called, killing all they met until they were killed 
themselves. If the Raja of Cochin was killed, his subjects 
ran “ amok " for the rest of their lives.^ 

^ The question of caste between the Zamorin of Calicut and the Raja 
of Cochin was the cause of the feud. According to a religious myth the 
land of Malabar had been given to the Brahmans by the god Parasii Rama. 
The Brahmans called in the Nairs for their protection. The Rajas then 
ruled Malabar as deputies of the Brahmans. The Zamorin affected 
a superiority over the Brahmans, and ruled as a deputy of the gods. 
In revenge the Brahmans affected to regard the Zamorin as a Sudra, 
inferior in caste to the Raja of Cochin. Such a quarrel could not 
possibly be settled by a treaty with the Portuguese. For more than a 
century there must have been constant deliberations between the 
Zamorin and his ministers upon this difficult and delicate question. 

2 This was the origin of the English phrase “running a muck.’^ It 
prevails amongst Rajputs, Malays, and other cognate races. 



^ of 



VJJ. 




CHAPTER IV. 


MOGHUL EMPIRE : BABER, HUMAYUN, AKBAPv. 

A.D. 1535 TO 1605. 

During the sixteenth century, whilst the Portuguese were a.d. 
establishing their maritiine empire in the eastern seas, two 1525-1530 
races were contending for the empire of Hindustan, namely, 
the Afghans and the Moghuls. Both races were associated ^nd 
with a remote past ; both have played important parts in Moghuls, 
the modern history of India. 

To all appearance the Afghans are of Jewish origin; not Jewish 
Jews of the orthodox type, the outcome of Jerusalem and origin of 
the temple worship ; but Jews of the old turbulent stiff- 
necked type, who revolted at Shechem against Rehoboam, 
and set up golden calves at Bethel and Dan. The Afghans 
claim to be descendants of Saul the son of Kish.^ They 
are divided into tribes, clans, and families. They distri- 
bute conquered lands by lot ; perform the ceremony of the 
scapegoat, and build shrines on high places. Their features 
are unmistakably Jewish ; but their language is not Hebrew, 
nor anything akin to Hebrew. It is conjectured that they 
are the descendants of the Ten Tribes, whom the king of 
Assyria carried away to the city of the Medes ; but the loss 
of all traces of the Hebrew language militates against the 
theory, and it is impossible to verify the identity.^ In 

■ ff 

^ This tradition helps to identify the Afghans with the children of 
the men who fought against the house of David. 

^ The Jewish features of the Afghans outweighs, to the author's 
mind, the evidence of language. The face of Shere Ali Khan, the 
late Amir of Afghanistan, revealed not only the Jewish features but 
the melancholy mania that belongs to the character of Saul. 


122 


A,D. 

1525 - 153 '^ 

Early 
Afghan 
conquests 
in India, 
1200-1290. 


Invasion 
of Timur 
the Tartar, 
139S-99. 


Afghan 
Sultans of 
Delhi, 
1450-1525. 


Lawless- 
ness of 
Afghan 
rule. 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. [Part 11. 

modern times they are Muhammadans of the Sunni religion, 
and traditional foes of the Persians or Shiahs. 

The early conquests of the Afghans in India are obscure. 
In the thirteenth century a dynasty of Afghan Sultans was 
reigning at Delhi under the name of Patans ; and this 
name is said to have been derived from an earlier Afghan 
dominion at Patna.^ Towards the end of the century the 
Afghan dynasty was ousted by a Turkish djmasty ; and for 
a century and a half the Afghans fade away from history. 

In 1398-99 Hindustan was invaded by Timur the Tartar. 
After his departure the affairs of Hindustan are veiled in 
darkness. Pie left officers at Delhi to rule in his name, or 
rather to collect tribute in his name ; and accordingly four 
princes reigned in succession at Delhi in his name, but 
nothing is known of them of any moment. The last was 
swept away by the tide of Afghan invasion. 

In 1450 the Afghans were overrunning the Punjab and 
Hindustan. They established a dynasty at Delhi, known as 
the Lodi dynasty. They were bitter persecutors of the 
Hindus and their religion. They broke down temples and 
built mosques in their room, as in the days of Mahmiid of 
Ghazni. A Brahman was put to death by a Sultan of this 
dynasty for maintaining that the religions of Hindus and 
Muhammadans were equally acceptable in the eyes of 
God. 

Afghan dominion is always divided and unsettled, except- 
ing at rare intervals, when a man of energy and genius is at 
the head of affairs. The Afghan Sultans of Delhi had no 
firm hold on their empire. Lawless Afghans had spread 
over Hindustan, and some of their leaders had established 
themselves as independent princes. They occupied fort- 
resses, exercised local dominion, and levied tribute and 
blackmail, especially in the outlying provinces of Bihar and 
Bengal. They were often in revolt against the Sultans of 
Delhi, and often at war amongst themselves. They bore a 
strong family likeness to their reputed forefathers, who 
rebelled against the house of David; and they bore an 
equally strong likeness to their descendants, who have^g^o 
often rebelled and fought in Herat and Kandahar. 

^ The old capital of Bengal at Gonr seems to have been named 
after the ancient Afghan stronghold of Ghor between Ghazni and 
Herat. 


Chap. IV.] MOGHUL EMPIRE: BABER. 


123 


The Afghans have left a bad name in India. Their a,d. 
passion for revenge has become a proverb. No man is said 
to be safe from the revenge of an elephant, a cobra, or an ^fgh^ 
Afghan. _ revenge. 

The Moghuls are men of a different stamp. In history Tartar 
they are associated with the great Tartar invasions under origin of 
Chenghiz Khan and Timdr. Their so-called annals are . 
bewildering stories of evanescent dynasties. Sometimes ' 
they founded a dominion as vast as the empires of Darius 
and Ahasuerus; and then, after a few generations, it 
crumbled into fragments, and provinces were transmuted 
into independent kingdoms. 

Father Rubruquis, who travelled through the greater part of Moghuls, 
Asia shortly after the death of Chenghiz Khan, says that>}’^ing 
the Moghuls were the ruling tribe amongst the Tartars. 

This statement is a clue to their history. The Tartars are 
barbarous nornades, who have wandered over the vast 
steppes of Asia, from pasture to pasture, from an unknown 
antiquity. They have no settled habitations, and dwell in 
huts which they carry about on carts. They probably 
represent the ancient Scythians ; and if so, the Moghuls 
may represent the Royal Scythians.^ 

The Moghuls were proud and arrogant; but they were Religious 
inquisitive and tolerant, especially in matters of religion, toleration. 
Indeed it was one of the laws of Chenghiz Khan that 
every priest was to be reverenced who taught the belief in 
one God. Many became Muhammadans, but they were very 
lax observers of the Koran, and had none of the bigotry 
which characterised the Afghans. Marco Polo the Venetian, 
who was entertained at the court of the great Khan, is 
loud in praising the Moghuls. Father Rubruquis, who 
excited their suspicions, complains bitterly of their deceit- 
ful w^ays and coarse mode of life. 

In the sixteenth century the Moghuls had lost many of Moglmls 
their Tartar features and much of their Tartar manners. , 
The yellow complexioiis, high cheek bones, and ugly mouths ceuSry ^ 

1 The Royal Scythians are an interesting but obscure tribe described 
by Herodotus. Their religion, like that of the Scythians generally, 
was undoubtedly Vaidik, and Sir Henry Rawlinsoa has proved that 
their language was Aryan. Philologists may deny that there is any 
identity between the terms and Kshatriya, but there are other 

similarities which may help to solve the problem as regards the origin 
of the Vaidik Aryans* 


124 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


A.p. 

1525-1530 

approxi- 
mate to 
Persians, 

Early life 
of Baber, 
1482-1525. 


Character 
of Baber. 


Conquers 

the 

Afghans 
of Delhi, 

^525. 


had disappeared; and the Moghuls who conquered Hindu- 
stan bore a general resemblance to Persians. These changes 
have led to confusion. The people of India often include 
Persians under the general name of Moghuls; but they 
always mark the distinction between Moghul and Afghan. 

The founder of the Moghul empire in India was a chief- 
tain named Baber. The career of Baber is a romance. 

He was born in 1482 ; and claims descent from Timdr 
and Chenghiz Khan. At the age of twelve he inherited 
the kingdom of KJiokand on the Jaxartes. Whilst still a youth 
he conquered the whole of Bokhara from the Jaxartes to the I 
Oxus. Subsequently, after years of fighting, he was driven 
out of Bokhara by the Uzbegs, and founded a kingdom 
in Afghanistan. 

The character of Bdber is revealed in his memoirs, which 
are said to have been written by himself Sometimes he 
was storming a city or defending a stronghold ; at other 
times he was an exile in the desert broken down by wounds 
and privations ; but on all occasions be had an easy 
temper, and an affectionate regard for the playmates of his 
boyhood, his mother and female relatives, and for all old 
friends. He was fond of a drinking bout with gay com- 
panions. He freely describes the temptations which led to 
these excesses, — the shady wood, the Mil with a fine prospect, 
or the idleness of a boat floating down a river. He also 
tells the amusements which accompanied them, — extempore 
verses, recitations in Turki and Persian, sometimes a song, 
and often a contest of repartee.^ 

For years B£ber had contemplated the conquest of Hin- 
dustan. In 1525 he was encouraged to make the attempt. 

The reigning Sultan of Delhi was weak and fickle. The 
whole Afghan empire was disaffected. The Afghan governor 
of the Punjab invited Baber to invade the country. At the 
same time the suzerain of the E.ajpdt princes, the Rana of 
Chitdr, sent messengers to Bdber promising to attack Agra 
if the Moghuls would attack Delhi. Baber obeyed the 
call. In the winter of 1525-26 he crossed the Indus at the 
head of ten thousand men. The Afghan Sultan marched 
against him with an immense army, but was defeated and 
slain, : . , „ 

Bdber occupied Delhi and then marched to Agra. As 
^ Erskine’s translation of Baber's Memoirs^ 


Chap. IV.] MOGHUL EMPIRE ; HUMAYUN. 

he advanced the Hindus fled from the villages, and he fell 
short of supplies. To crown all, he found the whole army 
of the Rajput league arrayed against him, not as a friend 
and ally, but as an enemy resolved to drive him out of 
Hindustan. 

The proceedings of the Rana of Chitor were treacherous 
but intelligible. He expected Baber to invade Hindustan 
as Timflr had done; that is, to sack Delhi and then go 
away, leaving him, the Rana, to re-establish the ancient 
empire of the Rajpdts over Hindustan and the Punjab. 
When Bdber defeated the Afghan Sultan, the Rana made 
no advance to Agra but waited for events. When Biber 
captured Delhi and marched to Agra, the Rana felt aggrieved 
and went out to fight the invaders. 

The battle between the Moghuls and the Rajpiits w’'as 
desperate but decisive. Baber aroused the enthusiasm of 
his Muhammadan troops against the idolaters. He broke 
up his drinking vessels on the field, and swore that hence- 
forth he would never taste wine. The battle was fought at 
Sikri, a few miles from Agra. Baber gained the victory, 
and the Rajpiits fled back to their hills. From that 
day to this the Rajpiits have never attempted to re-conquer 
Hindustan. 

Baber reigned four years afterwards, but was chiefly 
occupied in rooting' the Afghans out of their strongholds. 
He died in 1530, and was succeeded by his son Humdyun. 

Bdber was a bad Muhammadan, inasmuch as he drank 
wine and allied with the idolatrous Rana of Chitor against 
Afghan believers. His son Humayun was a worse Muham- 
madan, for he relapsed into the old nature worship of the 
Moghuls. He divided his household affairs according to 
the four elements of fire, air, water, and earth. He built a 
pavilion with seven apartments of different colours to repre- 
sent the sun, moon, and planets ; and he sat each day in 
a different apartment, and transacted business or took his 
pleasure according to the reigning luminary. 

Humdyun was engaged like his father in rooting Afghans 
out of their strongholds ; but he lacked his fathers 
energy and decision. An; Afghan, named Sher Khan, 
was in possession of Ghunar, an important fortress on the 
south bank of the Ganges, which commanded the line of 
communication between Hindustan and Bengal. Humiyun 


125. 

A.D. 

1525-1530 

Advance 
to Agra. 

Hostility 
of the 
Rana of 
Chitor. 


Victory 
of the 
Moghuls. 


Death of 
Baber, 

1530- 

Baber and 
Humayun, 
bad Mu- 
hamma- 
dans. 


Humayun 
gulled by 
Sher 
Khan, 


126 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


a.d. demanded the surrender of the fortress, and might easily 
t5 3Q-;^5 55 have dislodged the Afghan ; but Slier Khan affected entire 
submission, sent his son with a troop of horse to fight in 
the army of the Moghul, and begged to be allowed to hold 
the fortress in the name of Humayun. In a word Humayun 
was cajoled into leaving Sher Khan in possession of 
Chunar. 

I^ajput About this time Humayun interfered in Rajpdt affairs, 

affairs. Sultan of Guzerat, the very man who invited the Sultan 

of Turkey to drive out the Portuguese, had invaded the 
territory of the E.ana of Chitdr. The city was invested 
by the Muhammadans, as it had been in the reign of 
Ala-ud-din. The women performed another Johur; amongst 
them was the widow of the Rana who fought against Baber. 
Before the princess joined the sacrifice, she provided for 
the escape of her infant son, and sent her bracelet to 
Humayun. 

Gift of the The gift of the bracelet is a relic of the days of Rajpiit 
bracelet, chivalry. Whenever a Kajput lady is in peril, be she wife 
or maiden, she may select a protector by sending him her 
bracelet. She thus adopts him as her brother. He may 
never see her, but he is flattered by the mystery and honour. 
Humdyun accepted the bracelet and obeyed the summons. 
Muhammadan historians say that Humdyun was a follower 
of the Prophet; but his conduct is at variance with the 
statement. He went to war against a brother Muhammadan 
on account of a Rajput princess, and drove the Sultan of 
Guzerat out of Chitor. 

Defeat and When Humayun returned to Agra, he found that Sher 
flight of Khan the Afghan had taken possession of Bengal. He 
Humayun, 1^3^^ reason to curse his folly in leaving the fortress of 
Chunar in the hands of Sher Khan. He was obliged to 
capture the fortress before he could enter Bengal ; and six 
months were wasted before the walls before it was starved 
into surrendering. Next he was blocked up by the Afghans 
in the narrow defile between the Ganges and the Rajmahal 
Hills, which is the only opening into Bengal. Finally he 
entered Bengal at the beginning of the rains, and lost a 
large portion of his army by fever and dysentery. When 
the rains were over he tried to return to Agra, but was 
attacked and routed by Sher Khan. His affairs were so 
desperate that he had no alternative but to fly to Persia; 


Ghap. IV.] MOGHUL EMPIRE ; AKBAR. 


127 


and there lie remained in exile for a period of fifteen a.d. 
years. ^53^^35 

The Afghan rule of Sher Khan and his successors is a 
break in the history. It is a strange fact that the Afghans, rule in 
the bigoted enemies of the Hindus and their religion, should Hindus- 
have maintained an empire over the Punjab and Hindustan ^54o- 
for fifteen years. Stranger still, the last Sultan of this 
Afghan dynasty favoured the Hindus and lost his throne in 
consequence. He appointed a Hindu, named Hemu, to be 
his minister, and advanced Hindus to rank and power. 
Accordingly his own nobles rebelled against him, and thus 
opened a way for the return of Humdyun. 

The adventures of Humdyun during this interval have Return of 
little bearing on the history. During his flight to Persia, Humayun 
his favourite wife gave birth to the celebrated Akbar. During 
his residence in Persia he is said to have cast aside the Sunni 
religion and become a Shiah out of deference to the Shah, 

In 1555 he raised a force and returned to Hindustan and 
recovered possession of Delhi and Agra. 

A final struggle was pending between Moghul and Afghan, Death of 
when Humdyun was killed by an accident. He was ascend- Humayun. 
ing the stone steps outside the palace in order to say his 
evening prayers on the roof, when his foot slipped and he fell 
lifeless on the pavement below. 

The Afghan conquest of Hindustan between 1540 and Obsolete 
1555 has never been forgotten by the Afghan people. In claims of 
their eyes it gives them a traditional claim to the posscission 
of Hindustan. Baber claimed Hindustan by virtue of the 
conquest of Timdr ; and in after years the Afghans affected 
to claim Hindustan by virtue of the conquest of Sher Khan. 

Such assumptions are mere phantoms of oriental imagi- 
nations, but nevertheless they often have a bearing upon the 
current of oriental history. 

Akbar, the son and successor of Humdyun, was the real Akbar, tbc 
founder of the Moghul empire in India. By wise policy founder 
and consummate craft he put an end to the conflict between 
Afghan and Moghul, and brought about a reconciliation 
between Muhammadan and Hindu. The annals of his reign 
open up a new era in the history of India. 

Akbar, the contemporary of Queen Elizabeth, succeeded Reign of 
Ms father in 1556. He was only a boy of fourteen; and 
when Humayun was dying at Delhi, the young prince was 


•128 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part IL 


A.D. 

1530-1605 


Empire la 
peril. 


Defeat of 
the 

Afghans. 


Alibar 

discards 

his 

guardian 
death of 
Bairam 
IChan, 


Wars of 
Akbar. 


away in the Punjab fighting the Afghans. His guardian was 
an experienced general named Bairam Khan, and when the 
boy became Padishah the guardian became regent.^ 

The Moghul empire was in sore peril A host of Afghans 
had advanced up the valley of the Jumna under the leader- 
ship of Hemu, and recovered the cities of Agra and Delhi, 
and was now marching on to the Punjab.^ The Moghul 
officers were in such a panic of fear that they counselled 
a retreat to Kdbul. 

Akbar and his guardian resolved on battle. A bloody 
action was fought, and the Moghuls gained the victory. 
Hemu was wounded in the eye and taken prisoner. Bairam 
Khan exhorted Akbar to kill the Hindu and win the title of 
Ghazi-ud-din, or “champion of the faith.” Akbar refused 
to slaughter a helpless warrior, and Bairam Khan beheaded 
the Hindu with his own sword. 

During the four years that followed there were constant 
wars between Moghuls and Afghans. Meanwhile Akbar 
reached his eighteenth year, and resolved to throw off the 
control of his guardian. He left the camp under the plea 
of a visit to his mother. He next proclaimed that he had 
assumed the sovereign authority of Padishah, and that no 
orders were to be obeyed but his own. Bairam Khan saw 
that he had lost his power. He tried to cajole Akbar into 
appointing him minister, but the young Padishah was resolved 
to be his own master. Akbar offered his old guardian any 
post he pleased excepting that of minister. But Bairam 
Khan would be minister or nothing, and prepared to go on 
a pilgrimage to Mecca, He was about to depart when he 
was assassinated by an Afghan. It was the old story of 
Afghan revenge. Bairam Khan had killed the father of the 
assassin in some battle, and was stabbed to death by the son. 

The wars of Akbar are of small interest. He had to 
restore order in Hindustan after two centuries of anarchy 

^ The term Padishah was the Moghul equivalent for Emperor. The 
second syllable is the well-known Persian “ Shah,” signifying origin or 
lord. “Pad” signified stability and possession. See Abul Fazl’s 
preface to the Ain-i-Akbarif translated by Mr. Blochmann. : 

^ The history of this crisis is a mystery. Possibly the facts have 
been misrepresented by Muhammadan historians j but in the absence of 
other contemporary authorities it is impossible to test their statements. 
The march of an Afghan army under a Hindu general is opposed to ail 
Asiatic experiences. 


Chap, IV.] 


MOGHUI. EMPIRE : AKBAR. 


129 


and misrule. To efTect this object it was necessary to cap- a.u. 
ture fortresses in the hands of Afghans, and to stamp out 
disaffection and revolt amongst his own turbulent chieftains. 

It was also necessary to subdue and dethrone dynasties of 
independent Sultans who had built up kingdoms in Guzerat, 

Mai wa, and Bengal, out of the ruins of the old Delhi 
empire of the Tughlaks. In all .these wars he displayed the 
energy and skill of a practised commander, and the bodily 
strength of a warrior familiar from his boyhood with the toils 
of war and the sports of. the field. 

But though the wars are of small interest, some traditions Energy of 
have been preserved which serve to bring out the character Akbar. 
of Akbar, and illustrate the lawlessness against which he had 
to contend. An officer named Adham Khan was sent to 
reduce a Sultan of Malwa. The Sultan tied at his approach 
and left his treasures behind. Adham Khan took pos- 
session of Malwa, but kept back the Padishah’s share of the 
spoil, and only sent a few elephants to Agra. Suddenly he 
learnt that Akbar was at hand with a strong force and 
hastened to make submission and reparation. Akbar 
feigned to be satisfied and returned to Agra. Adham Khan 
was soon recalled to Agra and another governor sent in his 
room. Adham Khan found that no command was given to 
him, and thought that the minister was his enemy ; he went 
to the palace and stabbed the minister to death in the hall 
of audience. Akbar heard the uproar and rushed to the 
place. The murderer begged for mercy, but was thrown 
over the parapet by Akbar’s orders, and perished on the 
spot. 

Another officer in Bihar kept back the Padishah’s share in Bravery of 
like manner, and soon found that Akbar was upon him. Akbar.' 
He, too, made submission and reparation, but then fled 
from Bihdr and joined some rebels in Oude. At that mo- 
ment Akbar was called away to the Punjab by an invasion 
of Afghans. Meanwhile the whole region to the north of the 
Ganges broke out in open revolt. Akbar disposed of the 
Afghans and then marched back to Allahabad in the middle 
of the rainy season. He reached the Ganges with hisbody- 
guard whilst the rebel army was encamped in perfect security 
on the opposite shore. At night he swam the river with his 
body-guard, and fell upon the enemy at daybreak. The 
thunder of the imperial kettle-drums sufficed to scare away 


130 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


race and 
religion. 


A.D. the rebels. The flight was a stampede. Some of the ring- 
1556-1605 leaders were slain in the pursuit ; the greater number were 
taken prisoners and trampled to death by elephants, after 
the barbarous custom of Moghul times. 

Decay of The rebellion was crushed out in Oude, but it was soon 
Miiham- followed by others. The truth seems to be that the Mu- 
madan hammadan religion had lost its force. The brotherhood of 
cominion. could not bind Moghul, Turk, and Afghan into one 

united mass as it had united the Arab tribes in the old wars 
of the Khalifat. The dismemberment of the iMuhammadan 
empire in India had begun two centuries before, at the fall 
of the Tnghlak dynasty and revolt of the Dekhan. Under 
such circumstances Akbar called in the aid of a new power 
to restore peace in Hindustan and consolidate anew empire; 
and the policy which he pursued forms the most important 
and interesting event in the history of his reign. 

Policy of Akbar "was not a man of culture like the Muhammadan 
equality of Sultans of olden time. If he had gone with his father to 
race and Persia he might have received a schooling; but he stayed 
redgioii. ^ uncle in Kabul and learnt nothing but %var. He 
could not read or write, ^ but he had listened to histones, and 
seems to have formed ideas. He w^as not a zealous Miiliam- 
madan, and he certainly did not share in the Muhammadan 
hatred of idolaters. On the contrary, he was imbued with 
the religious toleration of Chenghiz Khan, and inclined to 
regard all religions as equal. He resolved to amalgamate 
Hindus and Muhammadans into an imperial system, in 
which the one should be a check on the other. In a word, 
he foreshadowed that policy of equality of race and religion, 
which maintained the integrity of the Moghul empire for 
more than a centu^, and since then has been the mainstay 
of the British empire in India. 

The first step in the work of amalgamation was the con- 
quest and pacification of the princes of Rajpiitana. The 
Rajpilt league, under the suzerainty of the Kama of Chitdr, 
was bound together by a system of intermarriages. Hindus 
marry but one wife, but polygamy has always been the prac- 
tice of Rajas. The Rana of Chitdr was supposed to be the 
descendant of Rama and the old Raj as of Ayodhya, the noblest 

^ Akbar made up for some of his deficiencies in after years. His 
Spelling-book was preserved as a curiosity down to modern times. 


Chap. IV.] MOGHUL EMPIRE: AKBAR. 131 

of the children of the siin.^ Every Raja considered it a high a.d. 
honour to receive a daughter of the Rana in marriage. In 1556-1605 
like manner every Raja deemed it an honour to give a 
daughter in marriage to the Rana. 

By this time the old ceremony of the Swa5'amvara had Relic of 
died out of India. A Rajpdt princess no longer appeared the Sway- 
in her father’s hall, to signify her choice of a husband by 
the gift of a garland. But the fiction of self-choice ” had 
been preserved, and continues to this day, A gilded cocoa- 
nut is still formally sent to a Raja in the name of a princess 
as symbolical of choice. It is but an empty compliment, 
for the girl has no voice in the matter ; but the cocoa-nut is 
a relic of a civilization which has passed away. 

The policy of Akbar was to put the Padishah in the room Rajput, 
of the Rana ; to become himself the suzerain of the Rajpdt aiarriages. 
league, and the commander of all the Rajpiit armies. To 
carryout this object it was necessary that he should take 
the daughters of the Rajas to be his waves, and give them 
daughters in return. The idea was repulsive alike to Rajpdt 
and Muhammadan ; it was contrary to caste laws ; it was 
contrary to the religion of the Koran unless the bride 
became a convert to Islam. In a word, the policy could 
only be carried out by a barbarian and a despot; and such a 
man was Akbar. 

The wars of Akbar in Rajpdtana may be forgotten.^ It Submis- 
will suffice to say that after bitter struggles Jaipur and sion of 
Jodhpur yielded to their fate, and each gave a daughter in Rajput 
marriage to Akbar, and paid him homage as their suzerain. 

In return he added to their territories, raised them to high 
rank in his court, loaded them with honours, and took their 
armies into his pay.. Other Rajas followed the example 
and were rewarded in like manner. Akbar thus brought a 
new political element into existence ; and the support 
which he derived from tne princes of Rajpdtana enabled 
him to establish and consolidate an empire. 

** Of course there are rival families, but the superior claims of the 
Raua are pretty generally acknowledged. 

2 It is important to bear in mind the relative positions of Rajputana 
and Mai wa, between the Jumna and the Nei'budd a rivers. Rajputana 
lies to the west of the river Chambal, and extends to the neighbour- 
hood of the Indus. Malwa lies to the east of the Chambal, and 
extends in a southerly direction to the Nerbudda river. 


K 2 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


of Chitdr however held out ao'ainqt ^ 

~~ temptations. ^ He preferred death to dishonour. In i r 57 
Resistance “e aty of Chitor was environed by the army of Akbm 
of the The Rajputs saw that there was no hope of deliverance nnH 

Ind da- of Johur. The women threw them 

■struction burning piles, rvhilst the men put on saffhon 

of Chitor. and perished sword in hand. Chitdr was reduced 

0 a rum. Sir Thomas Roe saw it fifty years aftenvarHc 

but^notTh*^^ hundred temples and innumerable houses' 
_ _ but not a human inhabitant was there. ’ 

tion o/' i,- °f Chitor was blotted out of the after 

Udaipur: |^®‘ory of RajpUtana. The Rana was named Udai Sin<rh 
theRana-s Sought a refuge in the Aravulli hills, ^vhere he found^ed 

iana“ ^f he was knowh as the 

Rana of Udaipur, or Oodeypore. But Chitdr was npv^r 

^ie Chitdr was a widowed city, the Rana 

bound himself and his successors never to twist their beards 

orgeat from gold or silver, or sleep upon anySfbut sSt' 

of the interdict is Reserved in the 
palace at Udaipur. The Rana never twists his beard Wo 

straw belw! ^ ^ scattering of 

Sement the RajpUt princes, who had been hated as 

fn the ™ce the days of Mahmdd, were Lated Z 

P T- |’°?°"ted and valued friends. The marriages of 
empire. Padishah with their daughters converted them into 

especially employed the 
ascendency over the AWans the 
bigoted and inveterate foes of the Hindus. The\istorv is 

BmTIs Srteinihat^o“‘^p^^-^“ been purposely obscmd. 

Viceroy of the Puniab”^ Rajput kinsman was appointed 
^ pt tlm Punjab; another commanded the Rainut 
army against the Afghans of Kdbul ; whilst one Rajpdt Raia 

Two aiis- PO^*ey, beyond the bare fact that he 

ocrades the Rajpdts to Overawe the Afghans. 

nd two Henceforth there were two aristocracies in the Moo-IutI 

rmies. empire, and two armies „ in ttie Moghul 

1 , a.uu two armies. Rach was distinct from the other, 


Two aris- 
tocracies 
and two 
armies. 



Chap. IV.] MOGHUL EMPIRE : AKBAR. 


133 


and acted as a balance against 'the other. The one was a.d. 
Moghul and Muhammadan; the other was Rajput and * 556* 1605 
Hindu. “ ' 

The Moghul aristocracy was one of white-complexion ed Moghul 
foreigners, chiefly Persians, who went by the common name 
of Moghuls. The Moghuls had no hereditary nobility out- nobles?^ 
side the royal family. The Padishah was the sole fountain 
of honour, and the fountain of all honour. He gave rank 
at will, and all rank was military rank. He gave titles at 
will, and every title was associated with the idea of loyalty. 

The emoluments took the form of military pay* Every 
grandee , was appointed to command a certain number of 
horse; but he rarely maintained more than a third of the 
number, and received payment for the whole. Rank and 
title might be given in a moment, and in a moment they 
might be swept away. 

Every Moghul noble and officer was entirely dependent on Bepend- 
the Padishah. Their lives and property were at his disposal, 

He was the heir to the wealth of evtvy one of his grandees, pa^shah 
and wives and families of men of the highest rank were 
sometimes reduced to beggary. Hereditary nobility was 
thus unknown to the Moghuls. In one generation an Amir, 
or grandee of the first order, might hold a high command, 
an(i enjoy a princely income. His grandsons might be 
brown-complexioned men serving in the ranks as common 
soldiers. 

The Amirs were the highest class of nobles, the grandees Amirs, 
of the empire.^ They might be made governors, viceroys, M^u^ub- 
or ministers. A second class was known as Mansiibdars, 
and a third class as Ahadis ; but these were military officers. 

One and all were little better than slaves of the Padishah. 

The Rajpfits formed a hereditary aristocracy on a feudal Rajput 
basis. They held their lands in return for military service, Rajas, 
and all commands were hereditary. The vassal served his h^gditary 
lord, the lord his Raja, and the Raja his suzerain. When 
Akbar became suzerain in the room of the Rana, he raised 
the Rajas to the rank of Amfrs, and sometimes conferred 
the title of Raja on his gran dees .2 

1 In old hooks of travel the Amirs are called Umrahs and Omrahs. 

2 It is not quite certain that thetitle of Raja was conferred by Alcbar ; 
it was certainly conferred by his successors. 


isniiE. J-<s.-«oa^s»‘A3 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


1556-1605 

Political 
advantage 
of religious 
antagon- 


Personal 
character- 
istics of 
Akbar. 


Akbar, a 
Muham- 
madan : 
his Hindu 



The religious antagonism between Muhammadan and 
Hindu was a positive gain to Akbar. Muhammadans 
could not always be trusted in a war against Muhammadan 
rebels ; and any scruples about fighting fellow-Muhammadans 
were a hindrance to Akbar in the suppression of a revolt. 
But no such scruples existed between Muhammadans and 
Hindus. Muhammadans were always ready to fight idolatrous 
Rajas. The Rajp-dts, on the other hand, were always ready 
to fight Muhammadan rebels ; and they gloried especially in 
fighting their hereditary enemies, the bigoted Afghans, who 
had driven their forefathers from their ancient thrones on 
the Ganges and Jumna. 

Akbar has often been described by contemporaries. He 
•was proud and arrogant like all Moghuls, but clement and 
affable. He was tall and handsome, broad in the chest 
and long in the arms. His complexion was ruddy and nut- 
brown. He had a good appetite and digestion, but was 
sparing as regards wine and flesh meat. He was remarkable 
for strength and courage. He would spring on the backs of 
elephants who had killed their keepers, and compel them to 
do his bidding. He delighted in every kind of sport ; in 
fights between buffaloes, cocks, harts, rams and elephants; 
in the performances of wrestlers, fencers, dancers, and actors 
of comedies, as well as in those of trained elephants. He 
often despatched serious business in the midst of these 
spectacles. He was very fond of hunting. He had no 
hunting dogs, but kept tame antelopes with nets fastened to 
their horns to entangle wild ones ; also tame panthers to 
take other wild beasts. He surrounded a whole wood with 
hunters, and then sent beaters into the jungle to drive out 
the game. 

All this while Akbar was outwardly a Muhammadan. 
Thus he made a vow that on the birth of a son he would 
walk on foot to the shrine of a Muhammadan saint at 
Ajmir. In 1570 a son was born, who was named Selim, 
but afterwards succeeded to the throne under the title of 
Jehangfr. Akbar accordingly walked on pilgrimage to the 
shrine, and paid his devotions to the saint, and built a 
mosque at Ajmir. Even his Rajput brides were required to 
say the formula of Islam as they entered the zenana, — 
“ There is no God but Allah, and Muhammad is the pro- 
phet of Allah.^' But having thus made a show of being 






Chap; IV.] MOGHUL EMPIRE : AKBAR. 135 

converted, the Hindu princesses did as they pleased. They a.d. 
introduced idols and Brahmans into the zenana, and offered ^55^-1605 
sacrifices to their idols ; and at last Akbar joined in the 
idol worship of his wives, like Solomon of old. 

In process of time Akbar came in collision with orthodox Ulama, a 
Muhammadan doctors. In Muhammadan states, the laws collective 
are supposed to be based on the Koran. Thus law and 
religion are blended together, and eminent lawyers are madan 
often eminent divines. This class is always numerous at doctors, 
the capital! for judges, magistrates, and law officers in 
general are chosen from amongst these learned doctors. The 
whole body is known by the collective name of Ulam£ , 
and occasionally they assemble and discuss points of law. 

The opinions of the Ulama have great weight in a Muhamma- 
dan court, and will often influence the decisions of the Sultan. 

About 1675 an ambitious young scholar, named Abul Rise of tHe 
Fazl, was introduced to Akbar, and soon found favour in nunister, 
the eyes of the Padishah. He was a born courtier, and by AbulPazl. 
steadily administering to the vanity of Akbar, he became his 
minister and confidant. He was anxious to master all reli- 
gions. To use his own language, he longed to study the 
great religions of the world at their fountain heads ; to sit at 
the 'feet of the ‘'Christian padres of Goa, the Buddhist monks 
of Thibet, and the Parsf priests who were learned in the Zen- 
davesta. He imbued the mind of Akbar with a like curiosity. 

At the same time he had good reasons for hating the Ulamd ; 
they had persecuted his father and driven him into exile; 
they would have persecuted himself in like manner, had they 
not been afraid of Akbar. They w^ere ignorant, bigoted, 
and puffed up with pride and orthodoxy. 

Akbar, like other oriental sovereigns, was fond of listening Religious 
to religious controversies. He held assemblies on Thursday contro- 
evenings especially to hear different members of the Ulamd 
dispute in his presence. At first the proceedings were con- 
ducted with the utmost decorum. After a while the dispu- 
tants became accustomed to the Padishah, and spoke with 
more freedom and greater warmth. At last one evening 
there was an uproar, and learned men reviled one another in 
the very presence of their sovereign. 

Abul Fazl was at the bottom of all the mischief. He Degrada- 
was anxious to degrade the Ularn^ in the eyes of Akbar ; tion of the 
and no mode was so effective as that of involving them in Ulama. 


136 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part 11 . 


a.d. religious controversy. He introduced subjects which he 
i i5 5^-^^Q 5 knew could only end in wrangling. He introduced others, like 
Akbar's marriages, which placed the learned doctors on the 
horns of a dilemma. If they sought to please the Padishah 
they sinned against the Koran; and if they stuck to the 
Koran they o&nded the Padishah. One orthodox magis- 
trate spoke out conscientiously against the marriages, and 
was removed from his post. In this way the Ulamd were 
ruined in the eyes of Akbar; they drifted into disgrace and 
ruin; they had cursed one another in their speech, and 
probably in their hearts they were all agreed in cursing 
Abul FazL 

Ahbar, the Meanwhile Akbar was led by Abul Fazl to believe that he 
arbiter. was a far better judge in religious matters, and especially in 
religious controversies, than the bigoted body of doctors 
that made up the Ulama. Akbar eagerly caught at the idea. 
He was anxious to throw off the influence of the Ulama, who 
would have persuaded him to persecute heretics and Hindus. 
Pie was resolved, like Henry the Eighth, to become himself 
the supreme authority in all religious matters. 

Akbar’s The result of all these experiences was that Akbar became 
apostasy, hostile to the Muhammadan religion. He broke up the 
power of the Ulamd, and banished all refractory professors 
to the remote regions of Central Asia. He conversed with 
teachers of other religions, — Brahmans, Buddhists, and 
Parsis. He sent a letter to the Portuguese viceroy at 
Goa, requesting that Christian fathers might be sent to 
Agra to teach him the tenets of Christianity. The religious 
world at Goa was thrown into a ferment at the idea of 
converting the Great Moghul. Three fathers duly arrived 
at Agra, and were permitted to build a church and perforin 
Christian rites without molestation; privileges which would 
have been accorded, perhaps, in no other Muhammadan 
city. Both Akbar and his minister Abul Fazl professed 
the utmost respect for Christianity ; Akbar even entered the 
church and prostrated before the image of the Saviour ; but 
neither the Padishah nor his minister were sufficiently im- 
Expecta- pressed with the truths of Christianity to become baptized, 
tions of a ^ Akbar indulged in religious experiences until he believed 
himself to be a representative of deity. The sixteenth cem 
mUien. ^ period of great excitement throughout the Muham- 

nium. madan world. It was currently believed that at the end of a 




Ghap. IV.] MOGHUL EMPIRE : AKBAR. 137 

thousand years from the Hijra, or flight of Muhammad, a a,i). 
new prophet would appear to convert the world and usher in 
a new millennium. The Lord of the period,” as he was ~ ' 
called, was expected to appear in 1591-92; and many 
pious Muhammadans prepared for his coming by fasting and 
prayer.^ 

In the first instance Akbar was induced by Abul Fazl to Religion 
believe that he himself was the “ Lord of the period.” Subse- Akbar. 
quently, when his faith in Islam had died out, the idea took 
another form. He founded a new religion known as the 
Divine Faith. ■ He permitted himself to be worshipped as a 
type of royalty emanating from God ; or, to use the symbolical 
language of Abul Fazl, to be adored as n ray of the divine 
suUj, the supreme soul, that animated the universe. Every 
morning he worshipped the sun in public. At the same 
time he was himself worshipped by the ignorant multitude, 
who were induced to believe that he could work miracles 
and cure diseases. 

All this while, however, Akbar sought to better his subjects Ordi- 
by measures of toleration, as well as by improved social nances of 
laws. He permitted the use of wine, but punished intoxi- 
cation. He gratified his Hindu subjects by prohibiting the 
slaughter of cows. He forbade the marriage of boys before 
they were sixteen, and of girls before they were fourteen. 

He permitted the marriage of Hindu widows, and did his 
best to put a stop to widow burning. In after life he tried to 
check the practice of polygamy amongst the Muhammadans. 

But the character of Akbar had a dark side. He was Cruelty of 
sometimes harsh and cruel. He was jealous of his authority ; Akbar, 
suspicious of plots and rebellions; and resorted to strong 
measures which are revolting to civilization. His persecu- 
tion of Muhammadan doctofs was unpardonable. He is, 
moreover, charged with keeping a poisoner and getting rid 
of his enemies in this manner without remorse. Such prac- 
tices are known to have been common to his successors ; and 
there are strong grounds for believing that they were equally 
common during the reign of Akbar. 

The daily life of Akbar and his court may be gathered Daily life 
from three institutions of Moghul origin. They were known of Akbar. 
as the Jharokha, the Durbar, and the Ghusal-khana ; in 

^ For a further account of this remarkable movement, the reader is 
referred to the larger ^ vol. iv. chap iv. 


I3S 

A.D. 

1556-1605 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part li. 


Public 

window. 


Hall of 
audience. 


Evening 

assem- 

blies. 


f Division 
of lands ; 
Khalisa 
and 

. Jaghir. 


English parlance they would be known as the window the 
audience hall, and the dressing-room.^ Details of these 
institutions will appear in the after history ; for the present 
it will suffice to describe their general character. 

The Jharokha was a window at the back of the palace 
which overlooked a plain below. Every morning Akbar 
appeared at this window and worshipped the sun, whilst the 
multitude thronged the plain below and worshipped Akbar 
Later in the morning, generally about noon, Akbar appeared 
at the window, and was entertained with the combats of 
^imals in the plain below.^ Sometimes he inspected troops 
horses, elephants, and camels, from this window. ’ 

The Durbar was the hall of audience, situated in a large 
court at the entrance to the palace. Every afternoon Akbar 
sat upon his throne at the back of the Durbar hall, and gave 
audience to all comers. Here he disposed of petitions 
administered justice, and received Rajas, Amfrs, and ambas- 
^dors. All the grandees at court were bound to attend the 
Padishah at the Jharokha and Durbar. 

The Ghusal-khana was a private assembly held in the 
evening in a pavilion behind the Durbar court. None were 
admitted excepting the ministers and such grandees as re- 
ceived special invitations. Sometimes the gathering resem- 
bled a pnvy council ; at other times it was an assembly of 
grandees and learned men. The assembly of die Ularad 
on Thursday evenings would, probably, have been held in 
this pvihon, but it was not large enough. Consequently 
another pavilion was prepared expressly for their reception 
_ Attar IS famous for having introduced a land settlement 
into his dominions. It should be explained that under 

0 u T.™ ® all lands were treated as the property of the 
Pachshah They were dmdedinto two classes, Khalisaand 

Jaghir. The Khalisa lands were those held by the Padishah 

as his own demesnes, and paid a yearly rent to him. The 
Jaghirs were estates given in lieu of salaries. In this way 

1 \'^®.®”«al-khalra was literally the bath-room, and contained a 
large bath decorated with jewels. The idea of enteitaining vi-itors in 

a bath-room IS apparently peculiar to Moghuls. ■ ' 

iheJ fndia_ among the wealthier classes to perform 
then deTOtions at early morning, and then to take a breakfast and a 

~ kept ^ Ivelg 



Chap. IV.] 


MOGHUL EMPIRE : AICBAR. 


Jagliirs were given to governors, ministers and grandees ; a.d. 
they were also given to queens and princesses in the imperial ^55^- 1605 
harem. Every Jaghir paid a fixed yearly rent to the Padi- 
shah ; and all that could be collected above this amount 
belonged to the Jaghirdar, or holder of the Jaghir.^ 

Akbar employed a Hindu, named Todar Mai, to make a Revenue 
revenue settlement ; in other words to fix the yearly pay- settle- 
ments to be made by holders of the land. All lands were 
measured, whether cultivated or uncultivated. Every piece 
of land yielding a yearly income of twenty-five thousand 
rupees, was placed under the charge of an officer known as 
a Krori ; the object being to bring uncultivated lands into 
cultivation. The Krories are charged with every kind of 
rapacity and oppression ; but the settlement of Todar Mai 
is lauded to this day. It was the one thing to which land- 
holders and cultivators could appeal against the rapacity of 
revenue collectors. 

Towards the end of his reign Akbar conquered Kabul and Conquest . 
Kashmir. Kabul, however, was a dangerous acquisition of Kabul , 
from the lawlessness of the people ; and on one occasion ' 

Akbar lost an army there, but the details are imperfectly ' 1 

known. Kashmir proved a more acceptable conquest ; and 
Akbar and his successors occasionally resorted to a retreat 
amongst the mountains of Kashmir, as a pleasant change 
from the heats of Hindustan. 

Akbar was always anxious to establish his sovereignty over Embassy 
the Muhammadan Sultans of the Dekhan. The battle of to the 
Talikota, in which the Sultans defeated the Maharaja of ^^kans of 
Vijayanagar, was fought in 1565, being the ninth year of the Bekhan, 
reign of Akbar. Some years afterwards the Padishah sent 
ambassadors to the Sultans of the Dekhan, inviting them to 
accept him as their suzerain, and promising to uphold them 
on their thrones and prevent all internecine wars. One and 
all, however, refused to pay allegiance to the Moghul. 

^ Land tenures in the Moghul empire involve contradictions not 
easily explained. The husbandman often possessed a few fields, and 
had the power of selling and bequeathing them, at the same time that 
the district in which those fields were included was annually let out by 
the government to a renter, who paid a certain sum of money to the 
lord of the country, and received from the cultivator a certain part of 
his harvests. To seize such lands was regarded as the height of injus- 
tice. The Moghul was only anxious to keep down the Amirs, not to 
deprive the smaller landowners of their hereditary rights. 



■ 140 

A,D. 

1556^1605 

Conquest 
of Ahmad- 
nsgar and 
Berar, 

Rebellion 

of 

Jehangir ; 
death of 
Akbar, 
1605. 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[PartII. 


Dunng the latter part of his reign Akbar conquered the 
northern half of the Dekhan, including Ahmadnagar and 
Berar, and would probably have conquered the remaininn- 
kingdoms of Bijapur and_ Golkonda, when he was called 
away by the rebellion of his eldest son. 

The rebellion of Prince Selim, better known in after years 
by the name of Jehangir, was apparently a Muhammadan 
insurrecUon against the apostasy of Akbar. It was marked 
by the assassination of Abul Faal. The rebellion was sup- 
pressed, and Akbar became outwardly reconciled to his 
son ; but he was apparently a changed man. He aban- 
doned scepticism and heresy, and returned to the Muham- 
madan faith. He died in October 1605, aged sixty-four- 
but there are strong grounds for believing that he was 
poisoned at the instigation of Jehangir.i 

oflndia, vol. iy. 


CHAPTER V. 


MOGHUL EMPIRE : JEHANGIR AND SHAH JEHAN. 

A.D. 1605 TO 1658. 

jEHANGfR succeeded Akbar at the age of tliirty~live. He 1605-1637. 
inherited his father’s vices, but had none of his virtues. He Jehangir. 
was; not only harsh and cruel, but took pleasure in the 
sufferings of his victims. He drank wine like a Scythian, 
and was especially fond of drinking bouts at his evening 
assemblies. Above all, he was the slave of a crafty intriguing 
woman, named Ndr Mahal. 

Jehangir had ndt been the favourite of his father. He Breach 
seems to have joined the Muhammadan party against his l>etween 
father. Akbar’s favourite was his grandson Khuzra, the 
eldest son of Jehangir, and he had intended that Khuzru 
should succeed him on the throne. Khuzru was a young 
prince of Akbar’s way of thinking, inclined to Christianity, 
and a great friend of the Rajpdts. Jehangir had always 
been jealous of Khuzru ; and it was this jealousy of Khuzru 
that led him to rebel during the lifetime of Akbar. 

From the day that Jehangir ascended the throne, Khuzra Pevcit of 
was in mortal fear. He expected to be strangled, or Khuzru, 
poisoned, or at any rate to be deprived of sight, so as to son <^f ^ 
be cut off from all hopes of the throne. At last he fled in 
a panic from the palace at Agra, and hurried to Lahore. 

On the way he was joined by large numbers of Rajpiits, but 
was hotly pursued by Jehangir. He tried to escape into 
Persia, as tlum^yun had done ; but he was cruelly betrayed 
and sent in fetters to his father. 

The re%^enge of Jehangir upon the rebels was horrible and 
sickening. It resembled those cruel scenes of slaughter 


142 


MUIiAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


A.D. 

1605-1627 

Kcveiige 

of 

Jehangir 
on the 
rebels. 

Story of 

Nur 

Mahal. 


Appear- 
ance of 
the 

English 
at Surat, 

4 


Portu- 

guese 

hostility. 


which are to be seen on Assyrian monuments. Hundreds 
were flayed alive after Moghul fashion. Hundreds were 
impaled on sharp stakes, and left to die in lingering torture. 
The wretched Khuzru was conducted through the lines of 
victims, and forced to hear the shrieks of his followers, and 
witness their d>ing agonies. His life was spared, but he was 
doomed to years of captivity and suffering. 

Meanwhile Jehangir became the slave of Niir Mahal. 
Various stories are told of the early adventures of this 
celebrated princess. According to general rumour, she was 
a Persian girl of low birth, and Jehangir fell in love with her 
during the lifetime of his father. Akbar objected to such 
connections 3 and the girl was given in marriage to a Persian, 
and went with her husband into Bengal. When Jehangir 
came to the throne he sent for the girl; but her husband 
raised some natural objections, and was murdered in a fray. 
The widow was conducted to Agra, and for a long time 
refused to listen to Jehangir. At last she consented to 
become his queen ; and her brother Asof Khan was ap- 
pointed minister. She herself is best known by the title 
of Ndr Mahal, or the “light of the harem.’^ 

During the early years of the reign of Jehangir, the 
English began to appear in the Indian seas. The East 
India Company had been formed in 1599, in the lifetime 
of Akbar. It obtained its first charter from Queen Elizabeth 
in 1600, under which the Company were to monopolise all 
the English trade in the Indian seas. English ships sailed 
round the Cape as the Portuguese had done; but they could 
do nothing in Malabar, for the ports were in the hands of 
the Portuguese. They sailed northward to Surat within the 
Moghul’s territory. Surat was situated near the mouth of 
the river Tapti, about a hundred and eighty miles to the 
north of Bombay. 

The English, however, could do but little business at 
Surat. The Portuguese thwarted them in everyway ; bribed 
the Moghul governor of Surat to prevent the English from 
buying cargoes ; jeered at James I. as a king of fishermen, 
and scoffed at Great Britain as a contemptible island. In 
fact the Portuguese treated the English at Surat much in the 
same way as they themselves had been treated a century 
before by the Moors of Malabar. The result was that for 
years the English and Portuguese were natural enemies, and 




Chap. V.] MOGHUL empire : JEHANGfR. 143 

fouglit one another to the death whenever their ships met a,d. 
on the high seas. 1605-1627 

A sea captain, named Hawkins, managed to make his 
way from Surat to Agra on a sort of mission to the Padi- cap^dn ^ 
shah. Jehangir took a fancy to the Englishman ; pro- Hawkins 
moted him to the rank of commander of four hundred to Agra, 
horse ; and drank wine with him every night in the Ghusal- 
khana, and asked him a thousand questions about Europe 
and its princes. In the first instance the head of Hawkins 
was turned by the favour shown to him by the Great Moghul ; 
but his very success created numerous enemies. The 
Portuguese had friends in the Moghul court, and managed 
to excite the suspicions of Jehangir against the Englishman, 

The Moghul governor of Surat raised an outcry against 
Hawkins ; he had bought many things of Hawkins and had 
refused to pay for them. One Amir portentously declared 
in the Durbar hall, that if once the English got a footing in 
India they would soon become masters. Hawkins found 
that he could get no redress and no favours, and soon made 
his escape from Agra. 

The English were anxious to buy goods, and willing to Early 
pay for them ; but the Moghul merchants were afraid to sell quarrels 
lest the Portuguese should seize their ships on the high 
seas j and for a long time they refused to deal with the 
English traders. At last the English were provoked to 
take the law into their own hands. They did not plunder 
Muhammadan ships and scuttle theih, as the Portuguese 
had done a century before ; but they attacked Moghul ships 
in the Red Sea, seized the cargoes, and paid for them at the 
market rates which prevailed at Surat. In fact, there was 
lawless fighting on alT sides; and to make matters worse, 
other English ships appeared in the eastern seas in defiance 
of the Company's charter; and these interlopers committed 
acts of piracy on Moghul ships, which gave the English a 
bad name in the court of Jehangir. 

Two or three years afterwards an English ambassador, Embassy 
named Sir Thomas Roe, was sent to the Great Moghul by pf Sir 
James the First. Roe was a far greater man than Hawkins; 
he was a lord ambassador, and had a secretary, a chaplain, 
and a retinue; He landed at Surat in 1615, attended by a 
guard of honour made up of captains, merchants, and sailors. 

The English ships in the river were decked with flags and 


144 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II, 


A.D. 

1605-1627 


Annoy- 
ances at 
Surat. 


Desolate 

country. 


War in the 
Dekhan. 


Prince 
Parwiz 
and the 
Khan 
Khanan. 


streamers, and welcomed the lord ambassador with a salute 
of forty-eight guns. Sir Thomas Roe was to make a treaty 
with Jehangir, to explain the difference between the ships 
of the East India Company and those of interlopers, and to 
establish the Company’s trade on a sound footing. 

Sir Thomas Roe experienced some rudeness at landing 
from the Moghul officials at the Custom-house. They had 
little respect for his character as ambassador, and persisted 
in searching all his servants and opening all his boxes, in- 
cluding those which contained the presents for Jehangir. At 
length, after a month’s delay at Surat, Roe procured carriage 
and escort as far as Burhanpur, about two hundred and 
twenty miles due east of Surat. Burhanpur was the head- 
quarters of the Moghul army of the Dekhan ; and here Roe 
expected to secure fresh carriage and escort to enable him 
to go as far as the imperial camp, which had been recently 
removed from Agra to Ajrair. 

Roe was disgusted with what he saw during his journey from 
Surat to Burhanpur. The country was desolate ; the towns 
and villages were built of mud ; and there was not a house fit 
to lodge in. At one place he was guarded with thirty horse- 
men and twenty musketeers because of highwaymen. In 
fact he was travelling through Kandeish, a province partly 
in Hindustan and partly in the Dekhan, which has been in- 
fested by Bhils and brigands down to modern times. 

At this period the Great Moghul was carrying on a war 
in the Dekhan. A black Abyssinian, named Malik Amber, 
had risen to power in Ahmadnagar. Abyssinians, in spite 
of their colour, were respected on account of their strength 
and bravery, and often played important parts in political 
revolutions in India. Malik Amber set up a prince of the 
fallen house of Ahmadnagar, secured help from Bijapur and 
Golkonda, and compelled the Moghul army to retreat north- 
wards to Burhanpur. 

The Moghul army of the Dekhan was under the com- 
mand of Parwiz, the second son of Jehangir. Parwiz was a 
drunken prince, and left the army in the hands of an officer 
known as the Khan Khandn, or Khan of Khans. Meanwhile 
the Khan Khandn took bribes from the different Sultans 
of the Dekhan, and did nothing. At times he tried to , 
deceive Jehangir by feigning to attack Ahmadnagar ; but , 
his treachery was already suspected by the Padishah. 


Ghap. V.] MOGHUL empire : JEHANGIR 145 

At Burhanpur Sir Thomas Roe was received with some A.n. 
show by the head of the police, known as the Kotwal. He 1605-1627 
paid a visit 6f ceremony to Parwiz, who was haughty and 
arrogant as regards ceremony, but otherwise good-natured, Parwiz. 
E-oe found him sitting in a gallery under a canopy, with a 
platform below him, railed in for his grandees. 

Roe ascended the platform and saw the grandees stand- Public 
ing below the prince with joined hands, like so many slaves audience 
or suppliants. He made a bow, and Parwiz bowed in 
return. He would have ascended the gallery to speak to 
the prince, but was stopped by a secretary. Parwiz, how- 
ever, was ready to grant every request as fast as Roe could 
make it. He allowed the English to establish a factory at 
Burhanpur, and promised to supply carriage and escort to 
enable Roe to get on to Agra. He received Roe’s presents 
very graciously, especially a case of strong liquors. He left 
the gallery, and said he would send for Roe presently, and 
speak to him in a private chamber. Roe waited for a while, 
and was then told 'that he might leave the palace. He 
learnt afterwards that Parwiz had opened the liquor bottles, 
and had rapidly become too drunk to speak to anybody. 

The road from Burhanpur to Ajmfr runs through the heart Journey to 
of Rajpiltana ; yet Roe had few adventures on the way 
beyond a sharp attack of fever. He paid a visit to the 
ruins of Chitdr ; and he met a crack-brained Englishman, ^ 
named Tom Coryat, who had undertaken a walking tour 
through Asia. Coryat was one of the most wonderful 
travellers of his time. He had gone on foot from Jerusalem, 
through Asiatic Turkey, Persia, and Afghanistan, to the cities 
of Delhi and Agra, at a cost of about a penny a day ; and 
being regarded as a madman, no one interfered with him. 

When he met Roe he was going to Surat, where he subse- 
quently died from drinking too much sack, and was buried 
in the outskirts of the city. 

In January 1616 Sir Thomas Roe had his first audience Inipenal 
with Jehangir. He describes the Durbar hall as resembling 
a London theatre. The Padishah was sitting on his throne 
at one end. The grandees were standing on a platform ^ 
before him like actors on a stage ; they were railed off in 
three rows according to their respective grades. The com- 
mon people formed the audience or groundlings, who looked 
on from behind the third rail, 


146 

A.D. 

1605-1627 

Gracious 
reception 
of Roe by 
Jehangir, 


MUHAl\^MADA]Sr INDIA. 


[Part Uy 


Childisb 

demon- 

strations 

of 

Jehangir. 


P ailure of 
R oe’s 
mission. 


JehangiVs 
suspicions 
of the 
Khan 
Khanan, 


There was at first a question of prostration, but 
refused to do anything of the kind, and the point 
waived. He passed the three rails, making a profound hnw 
at each ; and was ^admitted amongst the grLdees ouZ 
first grade. Jehangir received the English ambassador with 
pnncely_ condescension. He accepted the presents, conSf 
mg of vi^ina s, knives, an embroidered scarf, a rich sS 
and an English coach. He wanted some one to play ?he 

^rginals, and one of Roe’s retinue complied with his S 

The coach was too large to be brought into the Durbar hall' 
but Jehangir sent persons to look at it. The Padishah then 
spoke veiy graciously to the ambassador, hoped he had ^ 
rid of his fever, and offered to send him his own physic4s 
Altogether Roe went away charmed with his receptiL 

When the Dmbar was over Jehangir showed himself to be 
an inquisitive MoghuL He went out and examined the 
Goach^ and even got into it and ordered his servants to dmw 
it. He made Roe’s Enghsh servant array him in the scS 
and sword, English fashion ; and then strutted about Sd 
drew his sword and brandished it. But he complained to 
the bystanders that the presents were very poor and 
jewels the King of England ought to hJve^St hTm 

Roes negotiations proved a failure throughout He 
wanted too much from the Padishah. JehangiV was willing 
to issue firmdns or orders to all local officers to grant certain 
pnvileges to the ..English; and a few bribes fo ffie S 
officers would have ensured attention to these privileg^ 
until by long custom they had hardened into rights But 
Roewas smtten with an Englishman’s passion for tmati" 
He wanted a treaty signed and sealed, which would bind 

nothiW successors for ever, whilst he had 

nothing to pve in return but a few paltry presents. As it 

^ng LyoJl fiSnr" “ got any- 

The histoiy of ffie Moghul rule at this period is very 
suggestwe. ^^3,ngfr was growing more and more suspicious 
of ffie Khan Khanan. Twice he tried to poison but 
^ recaUed Parwiz from the Dekhan, and sent 

son appointed his third 

command the army of the 
Dekhan. Hehesitated to recaUthe Khan KhanJ, lest the 


CHAP. V.] MOGHUL EMPIRE : JEH ANGIE. ^ 147 

latter should break out into rebellion with the army of the aj>. 

Dekhan at his heels. 1605 1627 

A. kinswoman of the Khan Khanan was in the imperial ^ 
zenana, and Jehangir consulted her on the subject 
proposed sending a dress of honour to the Khan Khanin ings. 
as a token of forgiveness. She replied that Khan Khanin 
would suspect the dress to have been poisoned; that the 
Khan Khandn was already aware that, Jehangir had on two 
several occasions tried to poison him. Jehangir made no 
attempt to deny the charge ; he only suggested that he 
should wear the dress for an hour, and that the kinswoman 
should inform the Khan Khandn accordingly. She replied 
that the Khan Khanan would trust neither of them. Accord- 
ingly Jehangir determined to go in person to the Dekhan.^ 

Sir Thomas Eoe saw much of the Moghul court during Mogliul 
his stay at Ajmir. He was present at the Nau-roz, or festivals, 
feast of the new year, when the Padishah sat upon his 
throne in the Durbar, and received presents of great value 
from all his grandees. He was present at the celebration of 
Jehangir' s birthday on the 2nd of September, 1616. In 
the morning the Padishah was weighed six times against 
gold and silver, silks and stuffs, grain and butter ; and all 
the things that were weighed against him w^ere given to the 
poor. In the afternoon there was a grand procession of 
elephants before the Durbar. 

On the evening of the birthday there was a drinking Drinking 
bout in the Ghusal-kliana. Koe was sent for at ten o' clock bout on the 
at night after he had gone to bed. He found Jehangir 
sitting cross-legged on a little throne, arrayed in his Jewels. 

There was ^ a large company of grandees, and numerous 
gold and silver flagons, and ail present were ordered to 
drink. Every one got drunk excepting Prince Shah Jehan, the 
minister Asof Khan, and the English ambassador. Jehangir 
scattered rupees to the multitude below. He threw about 
gold and silver almonds for which the nobles scrambled like 
schoolboys. At last he dropped off to sleep, on which all 
the lights were put out, and the company were left to grope 
their way out of the Ghusal-khana in the best way they could. 

^ All that Roe tells about the court of Jehangir rnay be accepted as 
tnith, as nearly everything that goes on in the zenana of a Moghul sove- 
reign is soon known outside. Nothing is concealed but thoughts or 
emotions, and even they are often betrayed. 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


A,D, : '■ 

1605-1627 

Wiiolesale 

executions. 


Wine 
drinkers 
flogged in 
the 

Durbar. 


warnings 
to the 
Company, 


Jehangfr’s 

progress 

towards 

the 

Dekhan* 


On one occasion a hundred thieves were brou^^ht hpfnr« 
^ Jehangir in the Durbar hall, and condemned to d“eath thh 
e out further trial. They were butchered and exposed in th^ 
5. different streets of Ajmi'r; the head thief being torn to 
pieces by dogs m front of Roe’s house. ° 

^ terrible scene in the Durbai- 
court. Whenever the Padishah commanded his noblesTo 
drink wine, they were bound to obey ; and such had been the 
case on the evenmg of the birthday. If, however JehJ^^ 
beard that a grmdee had been drinking on any other occf 
Sion without his order, the offender was scourged in hk 
presence. One night Jehangir gave a feast to the Persian 
ambassador, and ordered all present to drink wine. Accord 
ingly, every man drank to the health of the Padishah 
tanrne mted in a regiattr accordingM^tJ”'* 
But Jehangir was r so drunk that he forgot ail that 
payed Nm day there an allusion “to tS Skw 
fw had given the order. He was told 

that the paymaster had given it ; an answer that was alwavs 
returned when the Padishah thought proper to forSt Wk 
own orders. Jehangfr at once called for the reo-iste“r and 
began to punish the offenders. They were flo^aed In 

mercifully that some were left for de Id 

a man at court, not even a father or a son, that dared to 

speak a word in behalf of the sufferers. aaied to 

About this time Roe reported to London that Shah Tehan 
was plotting the death of his elder brother Xhuzri-^ He 
mentioned the fact as a warning to the East India Comply 
not to push their trade too far into the interior. Thestrugo-le 
Between the two princes might tlirow all Hindustan into a 
ferment If Khuzru prevailed the English would be eainers 

prevdled Christianity. IfShah Jehan 

prevailed the English would be losers, because he hated 
Chnstonity, was proud, subtle, fals4 aud tyrannical 

Jehangfr left Ajmfr and began the 
journey towards the south. The denarture w;,=i n 
procession of elephants and palanquins, radiant with SeL 
and c oths of gold and silver. At setting out feri wa 
hisS“'— stopped at'the doortwhlro 

for him to come 

out Khuzru appeared and made his reverence He had 
a sword and buckler in his hand, and his be “d hunfdo^ 



Chap. V.l MOGHUL EMPIRE : JEHANGIr. I49 

to Ms waist as a mark of disfavour. He accompanied the a.u. 
imperial camp during its progress through. Rajpdtana, and 1605-1627 
hopes were expressed that he might yet succeed to the — ^ 

throne of his father. 

The camp of the Great Moghul was like a moving city. Camp of 
The imperial pavilions formed a vast palace of scarlet can- 
vas, surrounded by scarlet screens or walls of arras. The^*^^^^ * 
pavilions of the grandees were canvas' mansions of white, 
green, and mixed colours ; all were encompassed by screens, 

^ and were as orderly as houses. There were also long streets 
of shops, like the iDazar of a metropolis. There was no con- 
fusion of any kind, for all the tents and pavilions were laid 
out and set up in the same order day by day. This regu- 
larity, however, disappeared as the camp moved through 
Rajpiltana ; for the country was only half conquered, and 
was infested by robbers, whilst the road sometimes lay 
through forests and over mountains. 

As the imperial camp advanced further south some alarm Triumph- 
was expressed. It had been expected that the Sultans of ant pioHcy 
the Dekhan would have sent in their submission directly 
they heard that Jehangir was appjroaching the frontier. But 
the Sultans did nothing of the kind, and Ndr Mahal proposed 
that the Padishah should return to Agra under pretence 
of hunting. But Jehangir declared that his honour was at 
stake. He continued to advance, but sent on reinforce- 
ments to Shah Jehan, who had gone before to take com- 
mand of the Moghul army of the Dekhan. Suddenly the news 
anived of a great triumph of policy. The Sultans of Bijdpur 
and Golkonda had been detached from the cause of Malik 
Amber; the Abyssinian had been defeated, and Ahmad- 
P n agar was restored to the Moghul. 

Sir Thomas Roe left India in 1618. Jehangir went tojehan^ds 
Guzerat ; subsequently he visited Agra and Delhi. In his^^^^^^hs. 
memoirs written by himself, Jehangir offers certain obser- . 

vations on the country and people, which may be summed ■ 

up in a few words, and serve as a reflex of his character. 1; 

‘‘ Guzerat,^" says Jehangir, “is infested with thieves and Massacres I 

vagabonds. I have occasionally executed two or three of hrig- ? 

hundred in one day, but I could not suppress the brigand- j 
age. From Guzerat I went to Agra, where I becam e recon- 
ciled to my eldest son Khuzru. I next went to Delhi, ! 

where I heard of a rebellion in Kanouj, and sent a force to ■ 


I' 


!50 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part IL 


A. D. 

1605-1627 


Head 
quarters 
at Lahore. 


Four sons 
of 

Jehaugir : 
prospects 
of Shah 
Jehan. 


Intrigues 
of Nur 
Mahal. 


Intrigues 
of Shah 
Jehan, 


put it down. Thirty thousand rebels were slain ; i:en thou- 
sand heads were sent to Delhi ; ten thousand bodies were 
hung on trees with their heads downwards along the several 
highways. Notwithstanding repeated massacres there are 
frequent rebellions in Hindustan. There is not a province 
in the empire in which half a million of people have not 
been slaughtered during my own reign and that of my 
father. Ever and anon some accursed miscreant springs 
up to unfurl the standard of rebellion. In Hindustan there 
has never existed a period of complete repose.” 

Subsequently Jehangir proceeded to the Punjab. He 
made Lahore his capital, but spent the hot months of 
every year amongst the cool mountains of Kashmir. Mean- 
while Ndr Mahal engaged in various intrigues respecting 
the succession to the throne, which led to tragical con- 
sequences. 

Jehangir had four sons, — Khuzru, Parwiz, Shah Jehan, 
and Shahrydr. Shah Jehan, the victor in the Dekhan, stood 
the fairest chance of the throne. For a long time he 
enjoyed the favour of Ndr Mahal ; and he had married her 
niece, a daughter of her brother Asof Khan. Subsequently 
he excited her wrath by another marriage, and she resolved 
to work his destruction. 

Nur Mahal had a daughter by her previous husband, and 
she was ambitious for this daughter. She resolved to give 
her in marriage to Khuzru. This prince was already recon- 
ciled to his father Jehangir, and she purposed securing his 
succession to the throne. But Khuzru was not a Muham- 
madan, and was averse to polygamy. He was already married 
to one wife, and he refused to marry a second. Nur Mahal 
was bitterly angry with Khuzru, and betrothed her daughter 
to his youngest brother Shahrydr, Henceforth she laboured 
hard to secure the succession for Shahryar. 

About this time fresh disturbances broke out in the Dekhan. 
Shah Jehan was again ordered to take the command of the 
army of the Dekhan ; but he was fearful that Jehangir might 
die in his absence, and that Khuzru might obtain the 
throne. He refused to go to the Dekhan unless Khuzru 
was placed in his charge. Ndr Mahal raised no objection ; 
Khuzru would probably be murdered by his unscrupulous 
brother, but such a catastrophe would forward her own 
schemes as regards Shahrydr. Jehangir was getting old and 


Chap. V.] MOGHUL EMPIRE : JEHAN £51 

stupid, and was induced to make over his eldest son to the A.n. 
charge of Shah Jehan. 1605-1627 

Months passed away. Shah Jehan was again at Burhan- . T 
pur in charge of his brother Khuzru. Suddenly news tio^of 
arrived at Buranpur that Jehangfr was dying. One night Khuzru : 
Khuzru was strangled to death in his chamber. No one P^'o^otion 
doubted that the murder was instigated by Shah Jehan. 

Shortly afterwards Jehangir recovered his health. He was 
so angry at the murder of . Khuzru, that he sent for his 
grandson Buldki, the son of Khuzru, and raised him to the 
rank of ten thousand horse, the highest rank in the empire. 

He then declared BuMki to be his successor to the throne 
of Hindustan. 

Shah Jehan was driven to desperation by this turn of Despera- 
affairs. The murder of Khuzru, which was to have placed tion of 
him on the throne, had elevated his nephew Buldki. To 
crown all, he was deprived of the bulk of his army. An ^ * 
army was despatched from Lahore against Persia under the 
command of Shahryar; and Shah Jehan was ordered to 
send a large force to join it ; whilst his officers received 
direct orders from the Padishah to quit the Dekhan and 
join the army of Shahryar. 

At this crisis a secret plot was hatched between Shah Plot of 
Jehan and his father-in-law Asof Khan. The idea was to Sliali 
seize the imperial treasures at Agra. The court had re- 
moved from Agra to Lahore, and Asof Khan persuaded 
Jehangir to remove the treasure in like manner. Asof 
Khan proceeded to Agra to conduct the removal ; and 
Shah Jehan was to march his forces with the utmost secresy 
from the Dekhan and surround the convoy. The plan had 
nearly succeeded. The treasurer at Agra, much against his 
will, had loaded the camels with the precious store, when 
he heard that Shah Jehan was coming up from the Dekhan 
by forced marches. He saw through the plot in a moment. 

He unloaded the camels, and lodged the treasure once again 
in the fortress, and reported the coming of Shah Jehan to 
the Padishah. 

Shah Jehan arrived at Agra, but the treasure was beyond Sack of 
his reach. During three weeks he made repeated attacks Ag^a : 
on the fortress, but failed to capture it. He wreaked 
vengeance on the city, plundering and torturing the citi- 
zens, and committing cruel outrages on their 'wives and 


152 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part IT. 


A.r>. 

1605-1627 


Ravages 
in Bengal 
flight to 
the south. 


Rajputs 

av:d 

Muham- 

madans. 


Capture < 
T ehangir 
by the 
Rajputs. 


Death of 

Jebanglr, 

1627. 

Short 

reign of 

Bulaki. 


daughters. Meanwhile Jehangfr was marching from La- 
hore with a large army. Shah Jehan left Agra to encounter 
his father. A battle was fought at Delhi between father 
and son; and Shah Jehan was defeated, and compelled to 
fly to the mountains. 

The further movements of Shah Jehan are startling from 
their audacity. His marches resemble the flying raids of 
Aia-ud-din and Malik Kafiir. He resolved to plunder 
Bengal; and he took the city of Dacca by surprise, and 
ravaged the country, until the robberies and outrages of his 
followers were a terror to the Bengalis. At last he was 
again attacked and defeated by the imperial army. He 
now fled to the Dekhan, and found an asylum in the courts 
of Bfjapur and Golkonda, like an exiled prince of the olden 
time. 

All this while there were antagonisms between the Raj- 
piit and Muhammadan armies in the service of the 
Moghul. Niir Mahal was bitter against the Rajpilts, espe- 
cially against a Rajpflt general who had been converted to 
Islam, and was known by the name of Mahabat Khan. 
This general had commanded a Rajput army in the Dek- 
han, but was recalled at the instance of Nilr Mahal. 
Subsequently through her instrumentality Mahdbat Khan 
was insulted and degraded ; and at last in a fit of despe- 
ration he carried off Jehangfr, and kept him as a state 
prisoner under his immediate charge. 

: For a brief interval Nilr Mahal was baffled ; her power was 
gone, for Jehangfr, in spite of his detention, was still per- 
mitted to exercise the authority of Padishah. Mahabat 
Khan treated liis sovereign with every mark of respect ; 
and for some time Jehangfr expressed thankfulness for 
his deliverance from the toils of Nflr Mahal; but after 
a while he fled back to his beloved Niir Mahal. Mahdbat 
Khan and his Rajputs were now in extreme peril. Mahabat 
Khan would have joined Parwfz with his Rajpflt army, but 
Parwfz was dead. At last he fled to the Dekhan and espoused 
the cause of Shah Jehan. 

Jehangfr died suddenly, in October, 1627. Before he 
died he again nominated his grandson Bul£ki, the son of 
Khuzru, to succeed him as Padishah. 

Asof Khan, the minister, installed BuIdH on the throne 
at Delhi. His object was to checkmate his sister Nur 


Chap. V.] MOGHUL EMPIRE : SHAH JEHAN. 153 

MaLal, and to gain time for furthering the designs of his a.d. 
sondn-law, Shah Jehan. Shahrydr was taken prisoner 1627-1658 
and deprived of sight. The only remaining claimants to ~~ 

the throne were Shah Jehan, the third son of Jehangir, 
and his nephew BuMki, son of Khuzru. 

The critical state of affairs was brought to a close by one Sham 
of those strange farces which are peculiar to oriental 
tory. It was given out that Shah Jehan was dangerously ‘ 
ill, and then that he was dead. Permission was readily oh- jehan pro- 
tained from Bulaki for burying the remains of his uncle and claimed 
rival in the tomb of Akban Mahabat Khan and his Raj- Radishah. 
pilts conducted an empty bier in sad procession to Agra. 

Bulaki was persuaded to go out with a small escort to con- 
duct his uncle’s remains to the tomb of Akbar. He saw 
a vast procession of Rajputs, and then suspected a plot and 
stole away to Lahore. At that moment the trumpets were 
sounded, and Shah Jehan was proclaimed Padishah, and 
entered the fortress of Agra amidst universal acclamations. 

What followed is one of the mysteries of Moghul history. Massacre 
There certainly was a massacre of princes at Lahore ; and ' 

their bodies were buried in a garden, whilst their heads 
were sent to Shah Jehan. But the fate of Bulaki is un- 
certain.' It was said that he was strangled ; but the Duke 
of liolstein’s ambassadors saw the prince in. Persia ten 
years afterwards- Whether he was an impostor wall never 
be known. Shah Jehan sent ambassadors to Persia to de- 
mand the surrender of the pseudo-Padishah, but the Shah 
of Persia refused to deliver up the exile; and henceforth 
the latter personage lived on a pension which he re- 
ceived from the court of Persia. 


The reign of Shah Jehan is obscure. Whilst alive his Sha^ 
inordinate love of flattery led to fulsome praises of 
administration, which find expression in history; whilst 
the misfortunes of his later years excited the sympathy 
of European residents in India, and blinded them to the 
scandals which stain his life and reign.^ 

Shortly after the accession of Shah Jehan he manifested Spite 
his hatred against the Portuguese. Goa was beyond his against the 
reach, but the Portuguese had been permitted by Akbar 
to establish a settlement at Hughli, in Bengal, about twenty 

^ For details, see larger History of India^ vol. iv. chap. vi. 


154 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


A.D. 

1627-165S 


Doom of 
the Portu- 
guese of 
Huglili. 


Dangerous 
antagon- 
ism be- 
tween 
Rajputs 
and 

Muham- 

madans. 


Dis- 

affected 

Rajputs. 


miles from the present site of Calcutta. Shah Jehan had a 
special spite against the Portuguese of Hilghli. They had 
refused to help him in the rebellion against his father Jehan- 
gir j and they had joined the imperial army with men and 
guns, and taken a part in the battle against the rebel son. 

The fate of the Portuguese of Hdghli is one of the 
saddest stories in the history of India; it has been likened 
to the Babylonian captivity of the Jews. The settlement 
was captured in 1632. The Portuguese were carried away 
captive to Agra, and threatened and tortured to become 
Muhammadans. Many held out and suffered martyrdom. 
The flower of the women and . children were sent to the 
imperial zenana ; the remainder were distributed amongst 
the Amirs of the Moghul court; and the veil of oblivion 
may well be thrown over the unhappy doom of all. 

The antagonisms between Rajpiits and Muhammadans 
had risen to a dangerous height during the reign of Jehan- 
gir, but during the reign of Shah Jehan they became still 
more alarming. The race hostility between Moghul and 
Afghan was disappearing, and they were making common 
cause against the Hindu. A Rajpilt army under a R.ajpdt 
general had been found necessary in acting against the 
Muhammadan Sultans of the Dekhan, When, however, 
Mah^bat Khan was recalled from the Dekhan, an Afghan 
army was sent under an Afghan general named Khan Jehan. 
The Afghans were Sunnis ; so was Malik Amber the Abys- 
sinian. Intrigues naturally followed between the Afghan 
and the Abyssinian; and Khan Jehan discovered in time 
that his life was in danger from Shah Jehan, and broke 
out into rebellion. Then it was found that the Muham- 
madan army in the service of the Padishah would not fight 
against the rebel Khan Jehan and his Afghans. The Raj- 
put army was brought into play, and soon defeated and slew 
the rebel, and carried off his head to Shah Jehan. 

But whilst the Rajputs fought bravely against the Af- 
ghans, they were disafected towards the Padishah. They 
had helped Shah Jehan to obtain the throne, out of hatred 
to Niir Mahal ; but they had no respect for the new sove- 
reign ; and an incident occurred at this time, which reveals 
some of the dangers which were beginning to threaten the 
imperial throne. 

A prince of Marwar (Jodhpur) named Umra Singh, had 


Chap. V.] MOGHUL EMPIRE : SHAH JEHAN. 


155 


entered the Moghul’s service with all his retainers. It was a.d. 
the custom for the Rajpiit generals to mount guard in turns 1627-1658 
before the palace, whilst the Muhammadan Amirs mounted 
guard inside the palace. Umra Singh had a strong aversion of Umra^ 
to the guard duty. On one occasion he was away for a Singh, 
fortnight without leave, and when he returned he excused 
himself by saying that he had been hunting. He was fined, 
but refused to pay the fine. He was summoned to the 
Durbar hall, and made his appearance whilst Shah Jehan 
was sitting on his throne. He pressed towards the front 
as if to speak to the Padishah, and then suddenly drew a 
dagger from his sleeve and stabbed the minister to the 
heart. Having thus committed himself to the work of 
murder, he struck out at those around him ; in a word, he 
ran ^^amok” until he was overpowered and slain. 

The turmoil filled the Durbar hall with consternation, General 
Shah J ehan was in such a fright that he left the throne and ran • 

into the zenana. The retainers of Umra Singh heard that 
their master was dead, and ran ‘‘amok” in the old Rajput 
fashion. They put on saffron clothes and rushed to the 
palace, killing all they met. They threatened to plunder 
Agra unless the dead body of their prince was given to 
them. Shah Jehan was forced to comply. The dead body 
was made over to the Rajpdts ; the funeral pile was pre- 
pared, and thirteen women perished in the flames. 

The Raj pdt princes outside the Moghul’s service were Tributary 
still more refractory. They were called tributary Rajas, Rajas, 
but rarely paid tribute unless they were forced. They were 
protected by forests and mountains. They often desolated 
the dominions of the Moghul, harassed his subjects, hin- 
dered trade, and plundered caravans. Fortunately they 
were at constant feud with each other ; whereas, could they 
have united in one national uprising, they might possibly have 
contended successfully against a sovereign like Shah Jehan. 

Shah Jehan carried out two great works which have served Taj Maba^ 
to perpetuate his name. He built the famous Taj Mahal and Shah 
at Agra. He also founded the present city of Delhi, which 
to this day is known to Muhammadans by the name of Shah 
Jehanabad, or “ the city of Shah Jehan.” 

The Taj Mahal is a mausoleum of white marble; a lofty Descrip- 
dome supported by four arches. Seen from the outside, tion of 
the structure is of plain but dazzling whiteness. Inside the 


^55 

1627-1651 


Feminine 

architec- 

ture. 


The 

peacock 

throne. 


Obsolete 
wars, ■ 


Zenana 

influences. 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. jj 

walls are inlaid with precious stones of various caIa 
representing birds and flowers. The marbir^r^ ’ 
pquisitely perforated so as to resemble lace. The^S.^f ® 
IS built in the midst of gardens and terraces whilst ^ m 

about are lofty pavilions with galleries and’ arched wal^ 
The whole must have cost millions sterling. Twenty tho^n 
sand men are said to have laboured at it for twenty^? 

This mausoleum was built in honour of Shah Tehan’s 
and favourite wife Mumtaz Mahal, the dauo-hter of r 
Khan, and niece of Nur Mahal. The spirit Sf the olaw?^ 

ps" £arb‘“‘.i;eTo„t 

beauty are lingering there. The walls are like^muslb 
dresses, radiant with flowers and jewels. The perfonterl 
marble gates are like the lace veils of a bride ^ ^ ^ ^ 

oliah Jehan never lived at Delhi- he rmfiA a™ i.- 
capital, but sometimes snent the hot’months in 
climate of Kashmir. Th^ new city and paSS of ^ 
fterefore chiefly associated with the reigns of his succesLTs^ 

But he constructed a peacock of gold and jewels o ver rS 
impenal throne at Delhi, that has been Counted one ^f 
Ae wonders of the world. Some have attempted to esh”l?e 
its value. But the historical importance of &e peacoS 
in the fact that it proves Shah Jehan to hayrhS^Sear 

Tha°?lS 

S.rrfaesm“?h?‘'“r » s*.h‘: 

10 the direct injunidons of”tte Ko^tS^'tat The '’’’•’"“f 
was the ensign of the old Mehdtaj.s of Vij»ana4'’ind^o 

Ih'S' IT kin£ o? bS;,“'* “ 

Shah Jehan earned on several wars on the frontier hm 
they are of small importance. On the north weet Fn'i '^i 
was a bone of contention with the Uzbegs. Further south 
Kandahar was a bone of contention with Persia ’ 

n the reign of Shah Jehan is little better than a 

arrative of zenana influences and intrigues. Every <rovernor 
of a province was expected to send, not only a 


Chap. V.] MOGHUL EMPIRE ; SHAH JEHAN. 


157 


sum as the Padishah’s share of the revenue, but costly presents a. i\ 
to Shah Jehan and the favourite queens. No governor could 1^27-1658 
expect to keep his province except by presents, which were ~ 
nothing but bribes ; and such bribes, if liberally bestowed, 
would often cover or excuse tyranny and oppression, and 
secure promotion and titles of honour for the lavish donor. 

The crowning event of the reign was the fratricidal war Four sons 
between the four sons of Shah Jehan for the succession to of Sliah 
the throne. Each of these four sons had a distinctive 
character ; tlieir names were Dara, Shuja, Aurangzeb, and 
Murdd. Dara, the eldest, resided with the court at Agra; 

Shuja was Viceroy of Bengal, Aurangzeb was Viceroy of 
the Moghul Dekhan, and Murdd waS Viceroy of Guzerat. 

Dara was attached to Europeans, and inclined to Christ- 
ianity, but he treated the Rajpiit princes with arrogance 
and scorn. Shuja was a Shiah, and friendly towards the 
Raj pdt princes. Aurangzeb was a strict Sunni, and Murad 
professed to be a Sunni like Aurangzeb. 

The old antagonism between Sunni and Shiah was about Sunnis and 
to break out in India. The original quarrel between the Shiahs, 
two hostile camps lies in a nutshell. The Sunnis say that 
the four Khalifs, who reigned in succession after the death 
of Muhammad, are the rightful successors of the prophet by 
virtue of their being elected by the congregation at Medina. 

The Shiahs declare that the three first Khalifs — Abubakr, 

Omar, and Othman — are usurpers ; that Ali, the fourth 
Khalif, is the only rightful successor of Muhammad by virtue 
of his kinship with the prophet ; Ali being the husband of 
Fatima, the prophet’s daughter, and the father of Hasan 
and Husain, the prophet’s grandsons. To this day the 
disputants are cursing and reviling each other, and often 
resort to fisticuffs, cudgels, and swords, in the vague hope of 
settling the tontroversy by force of arms. 

But there is something more in the controversy than meets Conflict- 
the eye. The Sunni is a puritan of a democratic type, whof 
hates idolaters and unbelievers of every kind, and 
but little speculation in matters of religion. The Shiah, on ^ * 
the other hand, believes in a kind of apostolic succession, 
and speculates as to how far Muhammad and his son-in-law, 

All, and his grand-sons Hasan and Husain, are emanations 
of the godhead ; and he is certainly neither as puritanical 
nor as intolerant as the strict SunmV ^ ^ 



I 



I5S 


A.D. 

1627-1658 

Aurang- 
zeb, the 
Sunni 
fanatic. 


Viceroy 
of the 
Moghul 
Dekhan. 


Reported 
death 
of Shah 
Jehan : 
empire in 
a ferment. 


Revolt of 
Shuja : it 
defeat. 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. [Part 11. 

The early Padishahs were lusty men, sensual and jovial. 
Aiirangzeb was a lean spare fanatic, abstaining from wine 
and flesh meat, and living only on fruit and vegetables. 
His face was pale and livid; his eyes were bright and 
piercing, but sunk in his head. At one time he is said to 
have lived as a fakir in the company of fakirs. He always 
carried a Koran under his arm, prayed often in public, and 
expressed a great zeal for Muhammad and the law. 

Aurangzeb, as already said, was Viceroy of the Moghul 
Dekhan. He had resided many years in the province, and 
founded the city of Aurangabad, which was called after his 
name. He hated the Shiah Sultans of Bij£piir and Gol- 
konda, and was anxious to annex their kingdoms to the 
empire of the Moghul. He formed a close alliance with 
Amir Jumla, a rebel minister of Golkonda, and projected 
the conquest of the two kingdoms ; but his projects were 
thwarted by Dara, and were suddenly brought to a close by 
reports that Shah Jehan was dying, followed up by rumours 
that he was dead. 

The whole empire was in a ferment. It was known on all 
sides that the four brothers would engage in a bloody contest 
for the throne ; and every Amir and Raja was weighing the 
character and prospects of each of the four. Dara was the 
eldest son, and was on the spot to assert his rights ; but he 
had alienated the Rajpflts by his insolence ; he was disliked 
by the Muhammadans as a heretic ; and he was especially 
hated by the Sunnis as an infidel and unbeliever. Shuja, 
as a Shiah, could rely on the support of the Rajpilts, and 
on the help of all those nominal Muhammadans, who were 
followers of the Koran from family associations, but detested 
the Puritanism and fanaticism of the Sunnis, Aurangzeb, 
on the other hand, was a strict Sunni, and relied on the 
support of all sincere Muhammadans, who mourned over 
the decay of religion and morals, and yearned after a 
thorough reformation. His main difficulty was to reconcile 
his ambitious schemes with his religious %dews. But craft 
and fanaticism removed every difficulty, and enabled him 
to perpetrate the most atrocious crimes out of professed zeal 
for the prophet and his law. 

Shuja, Viceroy of Bengal, was the first to take the field 
s and march an army towards Agra. An imperial force was 
sent against him, consisting of a Muhammadan army under 


Ghap. V.] MOGHUL EMPIRE : SHAH JEHAN. 


Sulaiman, tlie eldest son of Dara, and a Rajpiit army under a.d. 
the command of Jai Singh, Raja of Jaipur.^ Jai Singh had 1627-1658 
no desire to act against Shuja. He hated Dara, who had 
grievously insulted him by calling him a musician. ^ He 
assured Shuja that Shah Jehan was still alive, and tried to 
persuade him to return to Bengal. But Shuja was self- 
willed, and a battle was the result; but though Shuja was 
defeated, Jai Singh hung back from a pursuit. Shuja retired 
with the wreck of his army into Bengal; and the imperial 
forces saved appearances by following, slowly behind. 

Meanwhile Aurangzeb was playing an artful game. He Aurang- 
knew that his younger brother Murdd had begun to march 
an anny from Guzerat towards Agra. He wrote to Murid Murad, 

proposing that they should make common cause against 
Dara. All that he wanted, he said, was to prevent an 
infidel like Dara, or a heretic like Shuja, from succeeding to 
the throne of Hindustan. He was satisfied that Murid was 
an orthodox Sunni, and he would gladly help Murid to win 
the throne ; and then he himself would retire from the cares 
and business of the world, and devote his remaining years 
to penitence and prayer at the prophet’s tomb. 

Murid was overjoyed at the proposal. The two armies plot 
were soon united, and marching through Rajputana towards thickens. 
Agra. Aurangzeb continued to observe a studied subser- 
vience to his younger brother. He treated Murad as the 
Padishah, took his orders as regards the movements of the 
army, and even prostrated himself before him. Murid was 
completely gulled. He was anything but a fervent Muham- 
madan, and certainly had none of the fanaticism of Aur- 
angzeb. He professed himself a Sunni for political pui'poses ; 
and he rejoiced at the blind zeal which had driven Aurangzeb 
to help him to the throne. 

Dara was a doomed man from the beginning of the war. Victory of 
He sent an imperial force against the two brothers. The Aurangzeb 
Raj pit army waS commanded by Jaswant Singh of Marwar ; 
and this Raja was staunch to the imperial cause, for he had 
married a daughter of Shah Jehan by a Rajpiit wife. The 
Muhammadan army was commanded by a general, who had 

^ Jai Singh, Raja of Jaipur (Jeypore), is famous in the after history. 

So also is Jaswant Singh, Raja of Marw^ar (Jodhpur), 

® To call a man a musician is a grave offence in oriental ears. To 
call a woman a dancing-girl is an equally opprobrious epithet. 


i6o MUHAMMADAN INDIA. [Part IL 

A,D. been insulted by Dara, and was burning for revenge. A 
1627-1658 battle was fought near Ujain (Oojein), but the Muliam- 
" madans would not fire a gun, partly through the treachery 
of their general, and possibly out of respect for the vaunted 
piety of Aurangzeb. The whole brunt of the battle fell 
upon the Rajpdts, and they were cut to pieces. The Raja 
of Marwar fled with a handful of followers to the city of 
Jodhpur, only to encounter the fury of his Rani. The prin- 
cess, though a daughter of Shah Jehan, had Rajpilt blood in 
her veins. She cried out, with the spirit of a Spartan, that 
the Raja ought to have conquered Aurangzeb or perished on 
the field of battle. She threatened to burn herself on the 
funeral pile, since her husband was dead to shame ; and she 
only relented on his making a solemn vow to be revenged 
on Aurangzeb. 

Crushing Dara was frantic at the defeat. He sent expresses calling 
^feat of Sulaiman from Bengal, but Jai Singh persuaded Sulaiman 
tbrcham- where he was. He raised an immense army of 

bal river, levies ; and refusing to wait any longer, he led it against 
his two brothers. The Rajpilts in Dara’s army were staunch, 
but the commander of the Muhammadans was burning to 
be revenged on Shah Jehan ; for like other grandees, his wife 
had been dishonoured by the Padishah. A battle was 
fought on the banks of the Chambal river. The Rajpilt leader 
was slain, and his men fled in a panic. The Muhammadan 
troops were persuaded by the wrathful husband that Dara 
was also slain, and they fled in like manner. Dara saw that 
all was lost, and galloped off to Agra with a handful of 
followers ; but he dared not remain there, and made his 
way to the Punjab. He hoped to escape to Persia, as 
H urn dyun had done more than a century before. 

Captivity The victorious army of Aurangzeb and Murid* marched on 
of Shah to Agra, and shut up Shah Jehan in his owm palace. There 
Jehan, Amir or a Raja to strike a blow in defence of 

the old Padishah, or interfere in his behalf. All were 
thunderstruck at the revolution, and paralysed with fear. 
Shah Jehan tried to inveigle Aurangzeb into a private m" 
terview; but the latter was warned that he would be 
murdered by the Tartar women who formed the body-guard 
to the Padishah, and was thus able to avoid the snare. ^ 

^ An imperial body-guard of Tartar women is an ancient institution 
in India, Megasthenes tells ns that Sandrokottos had such a body- 


Chap.V.] MOGHUL EMPIRE: shah JEHAN, i6i 

Aurangzeb next feigned to prepare for the coronation of a.d. 
Miirdd. Suddenly it was noised abroad that Murad had been 1627-165S 
found by his brother in a state of intoxication, had been de- 
clared unfit to reign, and had been sent as a state prisoner Murad, 
for life to the fortress of Gwalior. Meanwhile Aurangzeb 
was proclaimed Padishah amidst the acclamations of his 
soldiers. The whole affair is a Moghul mystery. It is said 
that Murdd was tempted to excess by Aurangzeb himself, 
and the circumstances confirm the suspicion. Mur£d was 
not likely to have indulged in wine, much less to have fallen 
into a state of intoxication, in the company of his strict 
brother, without some peculiar temptation. Again, though a 
zealous Muhammadan might maintain that a drunkard was 
unfit to reign, yet the fact that Aurangzeb made his brother’s 
drunkenness a plea for seizing the throne, will excite sus- 
picions until the end of time. 

The conclusion of the fratricidal war may be briefly Triumph 
told. The fortunes of the contending brothers really 
depended upon the two Rajpiit Rajas, Jai Singh ^^.nd 
Jaswant Singh; and both were won over for the time by » ^ ' 

the cajoleries of Aurangzeb, who forgot his religious 
scruples whilst seeking the support of Hindu idolaters. 

In the end Shuja was defeated by Amir Jumla, the 
staunch ally of Aurangzeb ; and was forced to fly with his 
family and treasures to Arakan, where he is supposed to 
have perished miserably. Dara was encouraged by Jaswant 
Singh to hazard another battle, but was abandoned by the 
Raja, and ruined by the disaffection of his own officers, 
who were all in collusion with Aurangzeb. Again he fled 
tovVards Persia, but was betrayed by an Afghan, and sent in 
fetters to Delhi; and there he was murdered by hired 
assassins in the pay of Aurang/zeb. His son Sulaiman 
escaped to Kashmir, but was betrayed by the Raja of 
Kashmir, and spent the remainder of his days as a state 
prisoner in the fortress of Gwalior. Shah Jehan was im- 
prisoned for life in his own palace at Agra. Aurangzeb, 
who had made religion a stepping-stone to the throne, had 
overcome his brethren mainly by the support of two heathen 
Rajas. He was installed as Padishah in the city of Delhi, 
and was accepted as sovereign by the people of Hindustan, 

guard j and Raja Dashyanta appears with the same kind of body-guard 
5*> in the drama of Sakuntala. 



M 


CHAPTER VL 


MOGHUL empire: aurangzeb. 

A.D. 1658 TO 1707. 

a.d.' Aurangzeb had gained the empire of Hindustan, but he 
16 58-17 07 oppressed by fears and worn by anxieties. He may 
Fears and remorse at the fate of his brethren ; but 

anxieties, he was in constant alarm lest his father Shah J ehan should 
escape from Agra, or his brother Shiija should turn up in 
Hindustan. The Sherif of Mecca refused to receive his 
envoys, although they brought him money presents ; he 
told the pilgrims at Mecca that he knew of no sovereign 
of Hindustan excepting Shah J ehan. 

Religions Meanwhile Aurangzeb was obliged to dissemble his reli- 
trimming, gious views ; to trim between Muhammadans and Hindus. 

He tried to conciliate strict Muhammadans by enforcing 
the law against wine, by prohibiting music and singing, 
and by banishing dancing-girls. He is said to have con- 
ciliated the Rajas by magnificent feasts, at which he offered 
up prayers in the presence of a burning brazier/ as if he 
were performing sacrifices. But he could not, or would 
not, conciliate Shiahs. He issued an edict compelling them 
to cut the long mustachios which they wore in memory of 
the prophet Ali ; and he deprived many Persian Shiahs of 
the lands which had been specially granted to their families 
by the tolerant Akbar. 

^ Hindus say their prayers, and read the sacred boohs, in the presence 
of a lamp or fire as a representative of deity. Sir William Jones was 
much censured in bygone days because he yielded to the prejudice of 
his Brahman pundits, and burnt a lamp v/hilst studying the laws of 
Mann. ■ . ■ ■ ■ 


Chap. VI.] MOGHUL EMPIRE: AURANGZEB. 


163 


Aiiraiigzeb ;vas not an amiable man. On the contrary, a.d. 
he was sour, reserved, and resentful, and sfeemed to de- 165S-1707 
light in wounding the feelings of others. Although he was g , — U 
more than forty years of age, he cherished a ^udge against AuSng- 
his old tutor, and was mean enough to resent it by stopping zeb. ^ 
his pension. The tutor thought there must be some mis- 
take, and went to Delhi and secured a public audience with 
the Padishah in the Durbar hall. He expected to be treated 
with some show of warmth ; but to his utter surprise Aii- 
rangzeb delivered a long tirade on the poorness of his 
education. *^This tutor,” said the Padishah, “ taught me 
the Koran, and wearied me with the rules of Arabic gram- 
mar j but he told me nothing at all of foreign countries. I 
learnt nothing of the Ottoman empire in Africa, nor of the 
Tartar empire in China. I was made to believe that Hol- 
land was a great empire, and that England was larger than 
France. Meanwhile I was taught nothing of the arts of 
government and war, and but very little of the towns and 
provinces of Hindustan.” • ^ 

The set speech of Aurangzeb was promulgated through- 
out the empire, and lauded to the skies by all the 
parasites and courtiers ‘ but wiser men saw the malignity 
which dictated it. The tutor had probably taught Au- 
rangzeb all he knew, and certainly could not have been 
expected to teach him the arts of government and war. 

What became of the tutor is unknown. 

For some years Aurangzeb made Delhi his capital. This 
city stood about a hundred miles to the north of Agra, 
where Shah Jehan was kept prisoner. It presented an im- 
posing appearance in those days, but in reality was little 
better than a camp. When the court was at Delhi the city 
was crowded with people ; but when the court removed to 
Kashmir or elsewhere, the city was nearly empty. Only a 
few houses in all Delhi were built of stone or brick ; many 
were built of clay and whitened with lime j but the greater 
number were mere hovels of mud and straw; and when 
the court and army went into camp these huts were left 
to crumble to pieces, beneath the sun and rain. 

The city, properly so called, consisted of one broad Streets 
street, lined with shops and arcades, which was known as 
the Chandni Chouk, There was also another broad street, 
without shops, where the grandees dwelt in their several 


164 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


1 


■ ,A.D* 

1658*1707 


The great 
square. 


Delhi as- 
trologers. 


Imperial 
palace : 
shops and 
arsenals. 


mansions. These streets were intersected by long narrow 
lanes, peopled with the miscellaneous multitude of soldiers, 
servants, followers, artisans, bazar dealers, coolies, and all 
the strange varieties of human beings that make up an 
Indian capital. • 

The city of Delhi was separated from the palace by a 
great square ; and when the Padishah was at Delhi this 
square was a vast bazar, the centre of city life, its gossip, 
and its news. Here the Rajpiits mounted guard before 
the entrance gate of the palace. Here horses and ele-, 
phants of the Padishah were paraded and mustered. Here 
the unfortunate Dara was conducted with every mark of 
contumely before he was doomed to death, in order that 
the people of Delhi might know that he was captured, 
and. might not be seduced afterwards by any impostor who 
assumed his name. Here wares of every kind were ex- 
posed for sale ; mountebanks and jugglers performed before 
idle multitudes ; and astrologers calculated fortunate and 
unfortunate days and hours. 

Astrologers were an institution at Delhi, as indeed they 
are in most oriental cities. Every grandee kept an astrologer, 
and treated him with the respect due to an eminent doctor. 
But there was always a number of poor impostors sitting in 
the bazar ready to tell the fortune of any man or woman 
for a penny. They sat cross-legged on pieces of carpet, and 
handled mathematical instruments, turned over the leaves 
of a large book which showed the signs of the zodiac, and 
then feigned to calculate a fortunate time for beginning any 
business or journey. Women, especially, covered themselves 
from* head to foot in white calico, and flocked to the astro- 
logers, whispering the secrets of their lives with the frankness 
of penitents at confession. Bernier describes one ridiculous 
pretender, a Portuguese half-caste, whose only instrument 
was a mariner’s compass, and w^hose astrological lore con- 
sisted of two old Catholic prayer-books, with pictures of the 
Apostles which he passed off for European zodiacal signs. 

The palace at Delhi was on the same plan as all the Mog- 
hul palaces. In front, within the entrance gate, were streets 
of shops and public offices. There also were quarters for 
the Amirs, who mounted guard in turns within the palace ;^ 

^ Muhammadan Amirs mounted guard within the palace gates; 
Rajput Rajas mounted guard in the public square outside. The reason 


Chap. VL] MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 


the arsenals for arms and accoutrements; and the work- a.d. 
shops for all the artisans employed by the ladies of the 
zenana, — embroiderers, goldsmiths, painters, tailors, shoe- 
makers, and dressmakers. 

At the inner end of the palace streets was the Durbar Durbar 
court, which was surrounded by arcades, and enclosed the court and 
hail of audience, and other pavilions. Beyond the Durbar jharokha 
court was the zenana and gardens. At the extremity of the 
gardens was the Jharokha window, looking out on an open 
plain which stretched to the river Jumna. This was the 
plain where the multitude assembled every morning to 
salam the Padishah ; whilst later in the day, animal fights 
and other performances were carried on beneath the window 
for the amusement of the Padishah and his ladies. 

Shortly after the accession of Aurangzeb, his attention was Affairs of 
drawn to the state of affairs in the Dekhan. The northern the 
Dekhan was Moghul territory; further south were the two 
Muhammadan kingdoms of Bijdpur and Golkonda. The 
western region near the sea, known as the mountains of the 
Konkan, had never been conquered by the Muhammadans, 
and was still held by the Hindus in a state of rude indepen- 
dence. The consequence was that the territories of the 
Moghul and those of the Sultan of Bfj^pur were alike 
harassed by a lawless chief of the Konkan, known as Sivaji 
the Mahratta. This man appeared in the twofold character 
of a rebel against the Sultan of Bijdpur, and a freebooting 
Esau whose hand was against every man. 

The mountains of the Konkan, the cradle of Sivaji, form the Mahrattas 
northern section of the Western Gh£ts.^ They stretch south- of the 
wards from Surat, past Bombay towards the neighbourhood 
of Goa. The political geography of the Konkan thus bore 
a close resemblance to that of Wales; and the chiefs or 
.Rajas of the Konkan main tained a rude independence in 
these mountains, like that which was maintained by the 
Welsh princes against the early English kings. 

The father of Sivaji was a vassal of the Sultan of Bfj^pur ; 
as such he held the two fortresses of Joonere and Poona, Poona. 

for this was that the Rajput Rajas were always suspicious of treachery, 
and would not enter gates or walls unless accompanied by the whole of 
their retainers. 

^ The western coast of India, as already stated, was divided into 
three sections ; — Konkan, Kanara, and Malabar, 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


1 66 

A.D. about seventy miles to the eastward of Bombay* The re- 
S65S-1707 g^on encloses fertile valleys, but otherwise might be described 
as a land of precipices and jungles. For an unknown period 
it had been the home of chieftains, who were sometimes 
vassals of the Sultan of Bfjapur, and sometimes rebels against 
his suzerainty. 

Sivaji, the Sivaji was born at Joonere in 1627, and bred in the 
Mahratta. mountains between Joonere and Poona. Whilst yet a child, 
his father had gone away south into the Mysore country ; 
nominally to conquer territory for the Sultan, but practically 
to carve out a Baj for himself amongst the dismembered 
provinces of the Vijayanagar empire. Meanwhile Sivaji 
grew up to be a rebel and a freebooter. He was a short 
tawny mountaineer, with long arms, quick eyes, and a lithe 
and active frame. He was a rude uncultivated Hindu, 
cunning and crafty beyond his fellows, and fertile in artful 
devices and disguises. He boasted of a Rajput origin ; was 
a constant worshipper of Siva and Bhowani;^ and was 
especially imbued with a superstitious reverence for Bralv 
mans. But in one way the tinge of Rajpilt blood showed 
itself. Sivaji always treated women with respect, and never 
insulted the religion of his Muhammadan enemies. 

Genius of Sivaji was born with a genius for sovereignty. He was 
Sivaji. endowed with that mysterious instinct which enables some 
ignorant barbarian to convert shepherds or cultivators into 
soldiers, and drill them into submission and obedience. 
He succeeded in forming the mountaineers of the Konkan 
into loose but organised armies of horsemen ; levying plun- 
der and blackmail on a regular system ; devastating the 
plains during the dry season, but returning at the beginning 
of the rains to their natural fortresses in the hills. 

Exploit Long before Aurangzeb obtained the throne, and when 
with the he was simply Viceroy of the Moghul Dekhan, he heard 
“tiger’s Qf the exploits of Sivaji. Indeed the Mahratta performed 
caws. ^ period, a deed of treachery and audacity, 

which rendered him notorious far and wide. The Sultan 
of Bijapur sent a general against Sivaji at the head of a 
large army. Sivaji feigned to be in great trepidation, and 
tendered the most humble offers of service. He inveigled 
the Muhammadan general into a private meeting, without 

^ Bhowani was a form of the goddess Diirga, also known as Parvati 
and Kali, who was supposed to be the wife of Siva* 


Chap. VI.] MOGHUL EMPIRE: AURANGZEB. 


followers on either side, at which he was to do homage as a.i). 
a faithful feudatory of Bijdpur, and take the commands of 
the Sultan.^ Sivaji went to the appointed spot with a secret 
weapon concealed in his hand ; a treacherous and murder- 
ous contrivance which reveals the savage instincts of the 
Mahratta. It consisted . of steel blades curled at the points 
to resemble claws ; and the whole was fastened to the fingers 
with rings, and Imown as tiger’s claws. 

The Muhammadan general approached the Hindu with Assassina- 
dignified satisfaction. Before he left Eijapur he had boasted hon of a 
that he would bring the Mahratta rebel from his lair, and 
cast him in chains at the foot of the throne. Sivaji fell at general 
his feet like an abject suppliant. The Muhammadan told 
him to rise, and he obeyed with every show of humiliation 
and submission. At this moment, when the Muhammadan 
was off his guard, the Mahratta rushed at him like a tiger, 
tore him down with the horrible claws, and killed him on 
the spot. 

It is difficult to describe the turmoil which followed. The Flight 
surrounding jungle seems to have been alive with Mahrattas. ^ 
The Bijapur army discovered that their general was dead, 
and fled in all directions, whilst the Mahrattas plundered 
the camp and slaughtered the flying soldiery. 

This exploit seems to have been after Aurangzeb’s own Aurang- 
heart. It reached his ears at a time when he was planning at- 
the conquest of Bijdpur, and brooding over the approaching 
struggle with his brothers for the throne of Hindustan. He 
saw that Sivaji might prove a useful ally in the coming 
wars, and that in the event of defeat or disaster the moun- 
tains of the Konkan might offer a secure asylum. Accord- 
ingly, he is said to have forgiven all the aggressions of 
Sivaji on Moghul territory ; to have ceded him a certain 
border territory ; and to have come to some sort of treaty 
or understanding with him. But the Mahratta alliance 
came to nothing. The fratricidal wars were brought to a 
close without any appeal to Sivaji. Aurangzeb ascended 
the tlirone of Hindustan, and for some years Sivaji was 
forgotten. 

Meanwhile Sivaji was engaged in aggressions on Bijipur. 

The government of Bfjdpur was weakened by domestic 



^ According to some stories both Sivaji and the Muhammadan general 
were each accompanied by a few followers. 




MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


i6S 

A.D. 

1658-1707 

Peace 

with 

Bijapur 

Ag^gres- 
sions on 
the 

Moghuls. 


Moghuls 

capture 

Poona. 


Night 
attack on 
Shaista 
K-han. 


Disaffec- 
tion of the 
Raja of 
Marwar. 


•Sivajl 

captures 

Surat, 

1664. 


troubles, and anxious to make peace with the refractory 
Mahratta. At last there appears to have been some kind 
of understanding or compromise. Sivaji was to abstain 
from all further depredations on Bijipur, and in return 
was to be left in possession of certain territories and 
fortresses. 

But it was impossible for a restless spirit like Sivaji to 
settle down to a quiet life. Having come to terms with 
Bijdpur he began to harass the territories of the Moghul. 
He worked so much mischief as to attract the attention of 
Aurangzeb, and at last the Padishah took effectual measures 
for stopping all further depredations. 

Aurangzeb appointed his uncle, Shaista Khan, to be 
Viceroy of the Moghul Dekhan. He sent his uncle with a 
large force to capture the fortresses of Sivaji and breakup the 
power of the Mahratta. Shaista Khan was accompanied by 
a Rajpdt army under Jaswant Singh, of Marwar, Aurangzeb 
had reason to be very suspicious of the Raja of Marwar. 
Jaswant Singh had married a daughter of Shah Jehan, and 
might form some plan for the liberation of his captive 
father-in-law. At any rate it -was considered more politic to 
employ Jaswant Singh in the Dekhan, than to permit him to 
remain in Hindustan, where he might carry on secret plots 
and intrigues for the restoration of Shah Jehan to the 
throne. 

In 1662 Shaista Khan captured the town and fortress of 
Poona, and made it his head-quarters during the rains. 
One night Sivaji penetrated the Moghul camp and suddenly 
attacked the quarters of the Moghul general, Shaista 
Khan escaped with the loss of a finger ; his eldest son was 
slaughtered on the spot. A Mahratta army suddenly fell 
upon the Moghul camp, and all was uproar and confusion, 
In the end Sivaji stole away with considerable booty. 

Shaista Khan strongly suspected Jaswant Singh of being 
concerned in this disaster; and there is every reason to 
believe that there was a secret alliance between the Rajpiit 
and the Mahratta. If so, it was the first sign of that Hindu 
movement against Aurangzeb which forms a distinguished 
feature of the reign. 

Sivaji was soon revenged on the Moghul for the invasion 
of Shaista Khan. The Moghul port of Surat was separated 
from Sivaji’s territories in the Konkan by a tract of hill and 


Chap. VI.] MOGHUL EMPIRE: AURANGZEB. 


169 


jungle inhabited by Bhils, and other wild tribes, under the a.d. 
rule of sonae obsciine Raja. Sivaji made an alliance with 1658-1707 
this Raja and marched a Mahratta army through the Bhil “ 
country. The town of Surat was taken by surprise. Most 
of the inhabitants fled into the country out of sheer terror 
“^of the Mahrattas. The Moghul governor of Surat made no 
resistance, but threw himself into the fortress, and sent out 
messengers for succour. 

Meanwhile the Mahrattas plundered and burnt the houses Plunder 
of Surat at their leisure. They attacked the English and . 
Dutch factories, but both were fortified with cannon ; 
and the European merchants in both houses succeeded in 
beating off the brigands. The Mahrattas arrested all 
the inhabitants they could find in the streets or houses, and 
carried them off as prisoners to Sivaji, who remained in his 
tent outside the towm. One Englishman, named Smith, was 
also taken prisoner. He saw Sivaji in his tent ordering 
heads and hands to be chopped off, whenever he suspected 
that the trembling wretches had hidden away their money 
or jewels in some secret hoard. 

For years afterwards the name of Sivaji was a terror to Surat, tlie 
Surat He often threatened to repeat the pillage, and treasury 
forced large contributions from the inhabitants as the price Sivaji. 
of his forbearance. He called Surat his treasury. He 
annexed the intervening Bhfl country on the plea that he 
could not trust the Bhil Raja with the key of his 
treasury. 

About 1665, Shah Jehan died in the palace at Agra, not Aitrangzeb 
without suspicions of foul play.^ Aurangzeb had been in Kash- 
suffering from serious sickness, but after his father’s death 
he was sufficiently recovered to proceed to Kashmir, where ^ 

he recruited his health in the cool air of the mountains. At 
Kashmir he attempted to form a fleet which should rival the 
navies of European countries. Two ships were built by 
the help of an Italian, and were launched on the lake of 
Kashmir ; but Aurangzeb found that it would be difficult to 
man them efficiently. No amount of teaching would im- 
part the necessary quickness, nerve, and energy to his own 
subjects ; and if he engaged the services of Europeans, they 

The question of whether Aurangzeb was implicated in the death of 
his father Shah Jehan is treated in the larger Azifziz, Yoi. iv, 

chap, vii. 




170 

A.E>. 

1658-1707 

Tlireat- 
ened by 
Persia. 


Designs 

against 

Sivaji, 

1666. 


Plot and 
counter- 
plot. 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. [Part II. 

might sail away with his ships, and he might never see them 
again. 

About the same time, Anrangzeb was threatened by the 
Shah of Persia. Shah Abbas the Second was a warlike 
prince, and was suspicious of Aurangzeb's journey to Kash- 
mir. He thought it portended some design upon Kandahar, 
which at this time was Persian territory. Anrangzeb sent 
an ambassador to the Shah, but the envoy was badly re- 
ceived, and publicly insulted. The Shah hated Anrangzeb 
for being a Sunni, and severely condemned him for his 
treatment of his father and brethren. He scoffed at the 
title which Aurangzeb had assumed of Conqueror of the 
World”; and he threatened to march an army to Delhi. 
Aurangzeb was in the utmost alarm, when the news suddenly 
arrived that Shah Abbas had died of a quinsy brought on 
by excessive drinking. 

Meantime Aurangzeb returned to Delhi. In 1666 he 
resolved to be avenged on Sivaji for the plunder of Surat, 
and he planned a scheme for entrapping the “mountain 
rat.-” He professed to be an admirer of Sivaji, and publicly 
praised his exploits. He declared that if the Mahratta 
would enter his service, he should be appointed Viceroy of 
the Moghul Dekhan. Jai Singh of Jaipur was induced to 
believe that Aurangzeb was sincere, and was empowered to 
make the offer to Sivaji ; but he was required to leave his 
son at Delhi as a hostage for his good faith in dealing with 
the Mahratta. 

Vanity is a weakness with Orientals. The pride of Sivaji 
w’-as flattered with the offer of the Great Moghul. In the 
reign of Akbar, Rajpilt princes had been appointed Viceroys 
in Kdbul and Bengal ; and Sivaji may have asked himself— 
Wliy should not a Mahratta prince be appointed Viceroy 
of the Moghul Dekhan ? It never crossed the mind of 
Sivaji that possibly he had been deceived; and he under- 
took the journey to Delhi in the utmost confidence that he 
would be appointed Viceroy of the Dekhan. But the 
suspicions of Jai Singh were awakened ; he began to fear 
that Aurangzeb meditated some treachery ; and, as he had 
pledged his faith to Sivaji, he wrote to his son at Delhi to 
look after the safety of the Mahratta. 

When Sivaji reached Delhi, he soon discovered that he 
had been deluded. Instead of being praised and petted, 


Chap. VI.] MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 


r 


I 


9 




171 


he found himself neglected ; and a long time elapsed before a.d. 
he was admitted to an audience, At last a day was fixed, 165S-1707 
and every one about the palace saw that unusual prepara- 
tions 'were being made to astonish and overawe the Mahratta. 
Aurangzeb usually appeared in Durbar in white attire, deco- Durbar 
rated with a single jewel; and on such occasions he tookfia.ll. 
his seat upon an ordinary throne,^ But on the day that 
Sivaji was to be introduced to his notice, the Padishah 
entered the hall in a blaze of jewels, and took his seat on 
the peacock throne of Shah Jehan. 

The Amirs and Rajas were railed off as usual in three Wrath of 
compartments on three platforms, according to grades. The Sivaji 
highest was of gold, the second of silver, and the third of 
marble.^ Sivaji was admitted within the golden rail, but 
directed to take the lowest place on the platform. He saw 
that he was refused the rank of a Viceroy of the Dekhan, 
and could not contain his wrath and indignation. In spite 
of the pomp and ceremonial of the Durbar hall, and the 
barbaric pearls and gold of the Great Moghul, he loudly 
charged the Padishah with breach of faith, called the grandees 
above him cowards and women, and then left the platform 
and stalked out of the palace. 

Every looker-on was expecting that Sivaji would be Com po* 
arrested and beheaded on the spot ; but Aurangzeb listened sure of 
to his tirade with perfect tranquillity ; and nothing was to 
be seen upon his countenance except a malignant smile ^ ’ 
that played upon his lips when the Mahratta charged the 
grandees with cowardice. He sent one of his ministers to 
tell the wrathful prince that new comers were never placed 
in the front row ; that he had not as yet been invested with 
the insignia of Viceroy of the Dekhan; and that the inves- 
titure would follow in due course, after which he would take 
the rank of his appointment. . 

Sivaji feigned to be satisfied, but his eyes were opened Flight of 
to a new peril : he found himself a prisoner ; a guard was Sivaji. 

^ It is reasonable to suppose that Aurangzeb had religious scruples as 
to sitting on the peacock throne, seeing that such a figure savoured of 
idolatry, and was a violation of the injunctions of the Koran. 

^ It is doubtful whether the platforms were of gold, silver, and marble, 
or only the rails. In Jehangir’s time the distinction turned on the colour 
of the rails, the highest grade in the empire being enclosed by a red 
.■rail, 



173 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


A.D. placed over his tent trader pretence of protecting him 
X 6 58- 1 70 7 against the offended grandees. At this very time it hap- 

pened that the son of Jai Singh was mounting guard before 

the palace, and he discovered enough to warn the Mahratta 
that there was a plot to murder him. Sivaji had ample 
grounds for believing that it would be dangerous to remain 
longer at Delhi. What followed is involved in some mystery. 
According to the current story, Sivaji was carried outside the 
city walls in an empty fruit basket, and then made his way 
to Benares, disguised as a religious mendicant. All that is 
known for certain is, that after many months he reached the 
Konkan in safety. In September, 1666, the English mer- 
chants in India wrote home to the Directors of the East 

India Company, that if Sivaji had really escaped, Aurangzeb 

would soon know it to his sorrow. 

Reasons It has always been a matter of surprise why Aurangzeb 
for did not put Sivaji to death, without all this plotting and 
Aurang-* scheming. In plain truth he was afraid of an insurrection 
zeb s craft. the Rajas. Other Hindu princes, besides Jai Singh, had 
become sureties for the performance of Au ran gzeb’s pro- 
mises. It was on this account that Aurangzeb assumed an 
unruffled demeanour in the Durbar hall, and plotted in 
secret for the assassination of Sivaji without exciting the 
suspicions of the Rajas. Fortunately his designs were dis- 
covered by the son of Jai Singh, and Sivaji escaped the 
^ trap which had been prepared at Delhi. 

War Aurangzeb afterwards sent an imperial force of Muham- 

against madans and Rajpdts against Sivaji. The Muhammadan 
Sivaji. army was under the command of his eldest son, Shah Alam. 

This prince was destined to play a part in history. His 
mother was a Rajpdt princess, whom Aurangzeb had mar- 
ried when very young. The Rajput army was commanded 
by Jai Singh of Jaipur. 

Sham Aurangzeb gave his son Shah Alam secret instructions to 
rebellion, feign a rebellion. The object was to discover what officers 
in the imperial army were disaffected towards the Padishah, 
and to induce Sivaji to join the pretended rebels, when he 
would be captured and beheaded. The result showed that 
all the officers, excepting one, were disaffected towards 
Aurangzeb, and ready to support the rebellion of Shah 
Alam. Jai Singh and the Raj piits were especially enthu- 
siastic in favour of Shah Alam, for they ffil hated Aurangzeb 


CIIAP. VI.I MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. f73 

as a bigoted Sunni, and were anxious to place the son of a a.d, 
B.ajpdt mother on the throne of Hindustan. 1658-1707 

Sivaji, however, was not to be ensnared a second time. Wariness 
His adventures at Delhi had taught him to be preternaturally of Sivaji. 
suspicious of Aurangzeb. He professed to throw himself 
heart and soul into the cause of Shah Alam, but nothing 
would induce him to join the rebels. He told Shah Alam 
to go on and win the throne of Hindustan; he himself 
would remain behind and maintain the princess cause in the 
I Dekhan; and in the event of a failure he would keep an 
asylum open in the Konkan to the prince and his followers. 

When Shah Alam saw that nothing would move the Explosion 
Mahrattafrom his purpose, he brought the sham rebellion of the plot, 
to a close. Another imperial army appeared upon the scene 
to protect Shah Alam against the wrath of the officers whom 
he had deceived. The rebels saw that they had been de- 
luded by Shah Alam ; they saw moreover that they had 
been separated from each other, and that there was no way 
of escape. All the disaffected soldiers were drafted off to 
different provinces to serve under other generals. All the 
rebel generals were put to death or sent into exile. For 
some years the Ilajas of Jaipur and Marwar disappear from 
history; but the Rana of Udaipur still maintained his 
independence in his secluded territories as in days of old. 

But Aurangzeb had effected another object, which reveals! Future 
the political craft of the Moghul. From the reign of Akbar rebellion 
downwards, the empire had been exposed to rebellion on 
the part of the eldest son of the Padishah. But the cunning sible. 
of Aurangzeb had rendered such a rebellion impossible for 
the future. Henceforth Shah Alam found it impossible to 
revolt; neither Muhammadan nor Rajput would trust him . 

® after his consummate treachery. Indeed, such was the 
general fear and universal distrust, that the chances of a ' 
successful rebellion were less during the remainder of the • 
reign of Aurangzeb than at any former period in the history ? 
of Moghul India. 

In 1668 an edict was issued forbidding any one History 
to write the history of the reign of Aurangzeb. 
reason for this extraordinary prohibition has never been® ' 
explained. Almost every Moghul sovereign has been 
anxious that his memoirs should be written and preserved 
V to posterity; and Timdr, Bdber, and Jehangir have left 

i ; 


174 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


Turbu- 
lence in 
Kabul : 
massacre 
in the 
Khaibar 
Pass. 


A.D. memoirs of their lives, ostensibly written by themselves. 
1658-1707 Possibly Aurangzeb was afraid lest current suspicions of his 
“““ being implicated in the death of his father would be recorded 
in the popular histories of his reign. The consequence 
has been that the reign of Aurangzeb has hitherto been 
little known to history. The present narrative is based on 
the contemporary memoirs of Manouchi the Venetian, and 
a history written from memory many years afterwards by a . 
Muhammadan named Khafi Khan.’- 

For some years the attention of Aurangzeb was drawn 
away from the Dekhan by the troubled state of the north- 
west frontier. The outlying province of Kabul was included 
in the Moghul empire, but was only nominally under Moghul 
rule. The Viceroy lived at Peshawar and rarely, if ever, 
attempted to go further. About 1666 a Moghul army was 
collected on the frontier to oppose the Persian invasion ; 
and when all danger was removed by the death of Shah 
Abbas, the Viceroy of Kabul led the army through the 
Khaibar Pass and entered the Kdbul plain. No enemy was 
encountered, and want of supplies soon compelled the 
Moghul governor to retire towards Peshawar by the way 
he came. On re-entering the Khaibar Pass, the whole 
force was surrounded by Afghans, and literally cut to 
pieces. The Moghul governor escaped to Peshawar in 
the guise of an Afghan, but with the loss of all his troops 
and treasure. 

In 1672 there was a mysterious outbreak in Kdbul. 
nnpostor? second brother of Aurangzeb, was supposed to 

have perished in Arakan some twelve years before. This 
year, however, a man appeared in Kabul, and declared 
himself to be the missing Shuja; and the Afghans accepted 
him as their Padishah. To this day it is impossible to say 
whether the man was, or was not, Shuja. It is certain, 
however, that the Viceroy at Peshawar believed him to be 
the real Shuja, and refused to interfere between Aurangzeb 
Aurangzeb and his brother. 

takes tile pbe i*evolt in Kabul created the utmost alarm at Delhi. 

Aurangzeb took the field in person, and for the space of two 
years carried on operations against the Afghans, but effected 
nothing decisive. The Moghul army was still harassed by 

^ For particulars respecting these authorities, see the larger Bistorj of 
India^ vol. iv. part ii. 


Outbreak 
of 'Shuja ; 
prince or 


field. 


Chap. VI.] MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 


m 


the Afghans, and Shuja was still secure in the recesses of a.d. 
the mountains. 1658*1707 

At last treachery was tried. Aurangzeb returned to ^ T 
Delhi, and a new Viceroy was sent to Peshawar. A policy ^nd ^ 
of conciliation was adopted. The new Viceroy began to massacre, 
ingratiate himself with the Afghan chiefs, treated them as 
his friends, abolished imposts, and attended Afghan feasts 
without armed followers. At last he gave a grand entertain- 
ment at Peshawar to celebrate the circumcision of his eldest 
son. All the Afghan chiefs wer'e invited, and a large number 
attended without fear or suspicion. There were horse-races, 
animal combats, wrestlings, and exhibitions of all kinds. 

The whole wound up with a banquet in a tented pavilion 
set up in the public square. In the midst of the banquet 
the Viceroy left the pavilion under pretence of having cut 
his hand. Immediately afterwards volleys of musketry 
were poured into the pavilion from the surrounding houses. 

The air was filled with cries of treachery and murder. 

There was no way of escape for the frightened guests, for 
all the avenues were guarded with armed men. How many 
were slaughtered, how many escaped, can never be told. 

The massacre spread weeping and wailing throughout Kdbul 
The Afghan nation was paralysed with terror and sorrow. 

The man calling himself Shuja fled away from the scene 
and was heard of no more. 


Meanwhile Sivaji the Mahratta was renewing his depreda- Sivaji 
tions in the Dekhan. All treaties or agreements were violated collects 
or ignored. He ravaged alike the territories of the Sultan Mahratta 
of Bijapur and those of the Moghul. He organised a regular chout. 
system of blackmail, known for more than a century after- 
wards as the Mahratta chout. It amounted to a fourth 
part of the revenue of the land. So long as the chout was 
paid, the Mahrattas abstained from all robberies and devas- 
tations ; but if the chout was withheld, the Mahrattas pillaged 
the country as before. 

The career of Sivaji at this period reveals the continued Installed 
decay of the Muhammadan powers in India. The Mahara a 

of Bijapur was compelled to recognise Sivaji as the inde- 
pendent sovereign of the Konkan; and in 1674 Sivaji was 
installed as Mahdraja with great pomp and ceremony, which 
have been duly described by English ambassadors from 
Bombay who were present on the occasion. 



17^ 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


A.D. In 1677 Sivaji conducted an array of Mahratta horse in a 
r658«i7o7 south-easterly direction through the kingdom of Golkonda, 
CoMuests invaded the eastern Peninsula. On this occasion he 
in the passed the neighbourhood of Madras, and was duly propi- 
Lower dated with cordials and medicines by the English merchants 
Carnatic, of Port St, George. Ultimately he conquered a kingdom of 
an unknown extent in the country known as the Lower 
Carnatic, in the eastern Peninsula. This Mahratta empire 
in the Carnatic was represented down to modern times by 
the Raj of Tanjore.^ 

Death of Sivaji died about 1680, having maintained his indepen- 
1680^* dence till his death. During the last two or three years of his 
life, the Moghul army of the Dekhaii operated against him 
under the command of Shah Alam, but nothing was done 
worthy of note. Sivaji occasionally made extensive raids 
with his Mahratta horse, and carried off convoys of treasures 
and supplies, and escaped back safely to his hill fortresses. 
The Moghul generals did not care to climb the Western 
Ghats, nor to penetrate the dangerous defiles ; nor indeed 
did they want to bring the wars of the Dekhan to a close. 
So long as the wars lasted the Moghul commanders made 
large emoluments by keeping small forces in the field whilst 
drawing the pay for large numbers. At the same time they 
found no difficulty in squeezing presents and supplies out of 
the Sultans of Efjapur and Golkonda, who were especially 
anxious to save their kingdoms from invasion by propitiating 
the officers of the Great Moghul 

Projected About this period, and probably' ever since the massacre 
of the Afghans at Peshawar, Aurangzeb had been bent upon 
Hindus to ^^^.lising the great dream of his life — the destruction of idolatry 
Islam. throughout India, and the establishment of the religion of 
the Koran from the Indus to the Ganges, and from the Indian 
Ocean to the Bay of Bengal 

^ The old empire of Karnata corresponded more or less to the Mysore 
country, the territory occupied by the Kanarese-speaking people. The 
area of the empire has often changed, whilst that of the language 
has remained the same. In the seventeenth century the empire had 
dwindled into a ' petty Raj, and then disappeared from, history. The 
name, however, has been preserved to our own times. The whole of 
the Peninsula, or India south of the Kistna, has been divided between 
what is known in modern orthography as the Upper and Lower Car- 
natics ; the Upper Carnatic comprising the western tabk-land, whilst 
the Lower Carnatic comprises the eastern plain. 


Chap. VI.] MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 


177 


. The policy of Aurangzeb was directly opposed to that of a.d. 
Akbar. Instead of raising the Rajpiit princes to rank and 1658-1707 
influence, he sought to degrade them. Instead of permitting 
the followers of other religions to worship God their own way, AurSg°^ 
he sought to force them into becoming Muhammadans. zeb. 

In the first instance Aurangzeb confined his operations to Destruc- 
’ his own dominions- He began by destroying idols and tion of 
pagodas within his own territories, and building up mosques 
in their room. He burnt down a great pagoda near Delhi ^ 

He converted a magnificent temple at Mathura into a mosque. 

He drove religious mendicants of every idolatrous sect out 
of Hindustan. He ordered the Viceroys of provinces to 
carry on the same work throughout the empire, in Bengal 
and the Dekhan as well as in Hindustan. At the same time 
he prohibited the celebration of Hindu festivals. He re- 
quired all Hindu servants of the Moghul government to 
become Muhammadans under pain of losing their appoint- 
ments. He imposed the Jezya, or poll-tax on infidels, on 
all of his subjects who refused to become Muhammadans. 

Even English and Dutch residents in India were subjected to 
the same obnoxious impost ; but they seem to have escaped 
payment by tendering presents to the Viceroy of the pro- 
vince in which they had established their respective factories. 

It is difficult to ascertain the nature and extent of the Hindus 
resistance which the Hindus offered to these innovations, dragooned 
It is certain that bands of fanatics more than once rose * 

rebellion. On one occasion there was a dangerous rising 
near Delhi, which threatened the destruction of Aurangzeb 
as the enemy of gods and Brahmans. But Hindu fanatics, 
however numerous, could not withstand the Moghuls. 

Mobs of Hindus crowded the streets of Delhi between the 
palace and the mosque, and clamoured to Aurangzeb to 
abolish the Jezya ; but they were trampled down and scat- 
tered by the elephants of the Padishah, and fled in terror 
and dismay. At last the Hindus seem to have submitted to 
their fate in sullen resignation. If the gods themselves could 
not prevent the destruction of idols and pagodas, why should 
their worshippers sacrifice their wives and families by refusing 
'' "'to pay, Jezya' ?;' 

Aurangzeb next attempted to introduce the same perse- Opera- 
cuting measures into Rajptitana ; and for a while he seemed 
to carry his point. Jai Singh of Jaipur was dead j he is said 

N 


I7S MUHAMMADAN INDIA. [Part 11. 

A.D. to have been poisoned after the sham rebellion of Shah 
1658-1707 Alam. There was no one to succeed him, for his eldest son 
was still kept as a hostage at Delhi. Accordingly Jaipur was 
mission of compelled to submit, and the officers of the Moghul collected 
Jaipur. Jezya in Jaipur territory. 

C'ompro- Marwar (Jodhpore) was at first prepared for resistance, 
mise witb Jaswant Singh was dead, but his widow, a daughter of Shah 
Marwar. jehan, refused to permit the collection of Jezya. The 
Moghuls threatened to invade Marwar, and the heart of 
the princess failed her ; and she compounded with Aurang- 
zeb by ceding a frontier district in lieu of Jezya. 

Demands The Rana of Udaipur had been left alone for a number 
on the of years, and seems to have recovered strength. The 
Kanaof demands of Aurangzeb fell upon him like a thunderbolt ; 

indeed they were so arrogant that it was impossible he could 
^ ^ ^ ^ * comply. He was to allow cows to be slaughtered in his 
territories ; pagodas to be demolished ; justice to be ad- 
ministered according to the Koran ; and the collection of 
Jezya from all his subjects who refused to become Muham- 
m.adans. Possibly the first three demands were only made 
in order to bully the Rana into permitting the collection of 
Jezya ; as it was, all four were refused. 

Protracted The military operations which followed are very suggestive, 
wars. It was the old story of Moghuls against Greeks; the hordes 
of High Asia against the Hellas of India. The Rana and 
his subjects abandoned the plains and took refuge in the 
Aravulli mountains. Three armies of the Moghul encamped 
at three different points under the command of three sons 
of Aurangzeb, — Shah Alam, Azam Shah, and Akbar. Not, 
one, however, would venture to enter the dangerous defiles. 
Aurangzeb stayed at Ajmfr with a small force awaiting the 
surrender of the Rana. In this manner the Moghul armies 
wasted their strengthj energies, and resources before these 
natural fastnesses ; and months and years passed away, whilst 
the submission of the Rana was as far off as ever. ^ 

Rebellion At this juncture Aurangzeb was aroused by the tidings 
of Akbar that his third son Akbar had broken out in rebellion, and 
supported already on the march to Ajmfr. The dowager Ranf of 
Kajputr. Marwar was at the bottom of the mischief; she had re- 
pented of her compromise with the Moghul, and sent fifty 
thousand Rajpfits to enable Akbar to rebel against his 
father. At first Aurangzeb could not believe the story; 


Ghap. VL] MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 


179 


but the same news reached him from other quarters, and he a.d. 
was at his wits’ end. At last he sent a forged letter addressed 165S-1707 
to Akbar ; but the messenger was to allow himself to be * ” 
taken prisoner, and the letter was to fall into the hands of 
the general of the Rajpdts in the rebel army. 

The artifice was successful. The forged letter was captured Forged 
and read by the Rajpdt general. It told him that Aurangzeb • 
and Akbar were in collusion, and that their only object was 
to destroy the fifty thousand Rajpfits. The Rajput general 
remembered the sham rebellion of Shah Alam^ and naturally 
thought that Akbar was playing the same game. At night 
he deserted Akbar with the whole of the Rajpfit army, and 
hurried back with all haste to the city of Jodhpore. In 
the morning Akbar saw that all was lost, and fled for his 
life. After a variety of adventures he found a refuge in the 
Mahratta country.^ 

Aurangzeb was thus compelled to abandon his religious Moghul 
wars in Rajptltana, and to pursue Akbar into the Mahratta retreat 
country, until by force or craft, he could secure the person 
of his ' rebel son, and place him in safe custody. The 
humiliation of Aurangzeb must have been extreme, but there 
was no remedy. The shame of the retreat from Rajpiitana 
was partly veiled by a report that the Rana had sued for 
terms ; but there was no disguising the fact that the Rana 
had successfully held out against the Moghul ; and that 
Aurangzeb was compelled to leave the Rajpilts to worship 
their gods* in peace, and to engage in other wars against the 
Mahrattas oi Che Konkan. 

Aurangzeb concealed his disgrace from the public eye by Splendour 
a show of pomp and magnificence, which was remembered pf tke^ 
for generations afterwards. The progress of the Moghul 
army from Hindustan to the Dekhan resembled that of the 
Persian army under Xerxes. The cavalcade moved in three 
divisions, and the order of march may be gathered from the 
following outline. 

A body of pioneers walked in front with spades and hods Order of 
to clear the way. Then followed a vanguard of cannon, march, 
elephants loaded with treasures, carts laden with records 
and account books, camels carrying drinking water from 
the Ganges, provisions in abundance, cooks by hundreds, 

^ The details of the Raj piit war and AkbaFs rebellion and flight are 
told at length in the larger ^ vol. iv, part ii. 

-'N 2 '■ 




iSo 

A.D. 

1658-1707 

The 

Padishah, 


Camp 

followers. 

Aurang- 
zeb in 
camp, 
1682-1707- 


Desultory 
wars : 
escape of 
Akbar. 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. [Part II. 

•wardrobes of dresses and decorations, and large masses of 
horsemen. 

The approach of the Padishah was heralded by the 
appearance of smoking cauldrons of incense, which were 
carried on the backs of camels. Aurangzeb was next seen 
on an elephant, or on horseback, or in a rich palanquin. 
On either side were the imperial guards on horseback. After 
him came the ladies of the zenana on elephants with veiled 
howdahs. They were followed by flocks of other women 
and eunuchs on horseback, and numerous cannon drawn on 
wooden rafts. 

The division in the rear comprised a motley host of 
infantry, camp-followers, sutlers, and servants, with spare 
horses, tents and baggage. 

Aurangzeb continued in camp for the remainder of his 
reign. From the day of his retreat from Raj pfltana, about 
1682, until the day of his death in 1707, a period of twenty- 
five years, he never returned to Delhi. He was warned by 
the fate of Shah Jehan never to leave his army and live in 
a city. He was warned by the rebellion of his son Akbar 
never to trust any of his sons with a force superior to his 
own. Henceforth he spent his days in camp, wandering to 
and fro like his Tartar ancestors in the steppes of Asia. 

The details of the protracted wars of Aurangzeb would 
be distasteful to general readers. They furnish studies of 
character, but tell little of history, and still less of policy. 
Aurangzeb had a genius for treachery and intrigue at the 
same time he had been zealous to root out all idolatry and 
establish the Koran as the religion of India. It is hard to 
reconcile such contradictions. Meanwhile none who knew 
him would trust his word. He tried to cajole Akbar by 
vows and promises ; but the son refused to believe his 
father’s oaths. The prince knew that if he surrendered 
himself to Aurangzeb he would be a prisoner for life, and 
perhaps might be blinded or poisoned.^ In the end he 
escaped to Persia, where he died and was forgotten. 

Aurangzeb made no head against the Mahrattas. He 
was baffled by an enemy, whose light horse scoured the 

^ This had been the unhappy fate of an elder brother, who had been 
induced to go over to Shah Shuja at the beginning of the reign, and 
then had surrendered to Aurangzeb. He perished miserably in the 
fortress of Gwalior, 


t 


Chap. VL] MOGHUL EMPIRE : AURANGZEB. 


iSi 


open country for plunder, and then escaped to defiles and a.d. 
fastnesses where no one dared to follow them, Sivaji had 1658-1707 
been succeeded on the throne of the Konkan by a son 
named Sambhaji. After some years Sambhaji was be- operations 
trayed to Aurangzeb, and put to a barbarous death. But against the 
peace was as far off as ever. The Moghuls could not Mahrattas. 
conquer the Mahrattas, and would not comply with their 
demands for chout; and thus the Moghul army continued 
to carry on desultory wars throughout the remainder of the 
P: reign. 

Between 1686 and 1689 Aurangzeb conquered the Sul- Conquest 
tans of Bijapur and Golkonda, and thereby converted their of Bijapur 
kingdoms into a Muhammadan province. The early Vice- , 
roys were called Nawabs and Subahdars, but later on were 
known as the Nizams of the Dekhan, having their capital 
at Hyderabad. The conquest is memorable, because it 
brought the Moghuls into the Peninsula, and into close 
relations with the English at Madras. Otherwise the acqui- 
sition effected no change in the Moghul empire,^ 

Aurangzeb was a very old man when he died in 1707, Revival of 
but there is some doubt as to his actual age. His life Hindu 
closed in weakness and disaster. His intolerance in mat- 
ters of religion had brought the Moghul empire to the^^'^* 
verge of ruin. Had he followed the policy of his ancestor 
Akbar, he might have extended his sovereignty over all the 
Hindu kingdoms of the Peninsula. But he had evoked a 
national spirit of resistance which he could not subdue ; 
and when his years were ended, the Moghul suzerainty 
had lost its hold on Rajpdt and Mahratta. 

From a Muhammadan and Sunni point of view, Aurang- Able 
I zeb was a great and good sovereign. He was zealous for adminis- 
the religion of the prophet, and a devoted follower 
of the Koran. He had no political sympathies for the 
Hindus; on the contrary, he was violently hostile towards 
them ; and after he was firmly established on the throne 
he was consistent in the pursuit of this policy. There is 
reason to believe that, before he engaged in the unhappy 
war in Raj pu tana, his administration was far superior to 
that of any of his predecessors, excepting possibly Akbar. 

He reserved to himself the sole right of passing capital 

^ Notices of the local history, so far as it affected the English at 
I Madras, will be found set forth in the next chapter. 




lS2 

A.D. 

1658-1707 


Punisli- 
ment of 
lieinotis 
criminals. 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. [Part II. 

sentences, and he took care that his orders were implicitly 
obeyed. Every day he received and studied the reports 
which he received from the Wakiahnawis, or court writers, as 
to what was going on in different parts of his dominions ; 
and by these means he often acquired information which 
enabled him to check the corruption or oppression of the 
Viceroys of provinces. 

One instance will suffice. Amongst other abuses a 
strange practice had grown up in preceding reigns of per- 
mitting Hindus to acquire religious merit by ransoming 
condemned criminals. On one occasion some Banians had 
offered large sums to the Nawab of Surat for the release 
of certain professed stranglers, known as Thugs. But the 
arrest of the Thugs had reached the ears of Anrangzeb, 
and his orders were paramount. The Thugs were con- 
demned to be hung in the jungle. The Banians accom- 
panied them to the place of execution, and gave them to- 
bacco and sweetmeats on the way. The hardened wretches 
knew their fate, but walked along as gaily as if going to 
a wedding. They were hung up by the left hand, their 
legs were cut off, and they were left to bleed to death in 
lingering agony. 


^ CHAPTER VII. 

MOGHUL EMPIRE ; CIVILIZATION. 

A.D, 1600 TO 1720. 

The history of the reigns of Moghul sovereigns throws but . ^.n. 
little light upon the condition of the people. It brings out 
the individuality of successive monarchs ; it familiarises the Condition 
reader with court life in cities and camps ; and it tells the of the 
story of intrigues, plots and treacheries. But it reveals little passes ^ 
or nothing of the state of civilization which prevailed 
India during the palmy days of Moghul rule. history. 

This lack of information is calculated to convey false Happiness 
ideas as regards the happiness or otherwise of the people, of a 
The character of the administration is confounded with people 
that of the reigning sovereign ; and if the Padishah is self- 
willed, self-indulgent, and vicious, like Jehangir or Shah 
Jehan, the conclusion is drawn that the administration is 
equally selfish and tyrannical, and regardless of the welfare 
of the masses. But this inference would be fallacious. The 
Padishah was certainly a despot ; his will was law ; and his 
* influence was great for good or evil. The local Viceroys, 
especially during the reigns of Jehangfr and Shah Jehan, 
may have been corrupt and grasping to the last degree. 

But the Moghul administration was not the handiwork of 
individuals or generations j it was the growth of centuries, 
kneaded into shape by the experience of ages, hedged 
around by checks which are not always visible to the 
historian, and controlled by the latent force of custom, 
habit, and public opinion, to which the most despotic princes 
and governors are occasionally compelled to bow. 

The first element of civilization is free and easy com- 

: 

! 


i84 MUHAMMADAN INDIA. [Fart II. 

A.D. mxinication ; and during the greater part of the seventeenth 
1600-1720 was by no means wanting in India. The 

uSii^rior and postal arrangements which prevailed throughout 

roads in the Moghul empire during the reigns of Shah Jehan and 
the Aurangzeb, were quite as advanced, if not more so, than 
Moghul those of France during the reign of Lewis the Fourteenth, 
empire. England under Oliver Cromwell and Charles 

the Second. Whether they were Moghul institutions of 
Tartar origin, or whether they were inherited from the great 
Hindu sovereigns of antiquity, such as Asoka or Siladitya, may 
be open to question ; but the fact of the superiority of the 
means of communication throughout the Moghul empire 
in the seventeenth century remains the same. 

Imperial The most famous road in India was that running from 
Lahore through Delhi to Agra, thus uniting the three great 
SbLre^ capitals of the Moghul empire. It was shaded with trees 
and Ao-ra, either side, which are said to have been planted by every 
vzd Dethi' famous sovereign in turn—Moghul, Afghan, and Flindu. It 
was a continuation of the land route from Ispahan to Lahore, 
via Kandahar, Kabul, and Atok, v/hich was open to 
merchants of all countries in the middle of the seventeenth 
century. Since then it has been closed against travellers 
generally, or at any rate against European travellers. 

Roads '^^LS thus the centre of the road system in India, 

from Agra On the north-west it was connected with Delhi, Lahore, 
to Bengal Kabul, and Ispahan. On the south-east it ran through 
D^ihSi Allahabad, Benares, Patna and Dacca, and thus brought 

Agra into easy communication with Bihar and Bengal. On 
the south it was connected with the Dekhan by a road 
which ran to Golkonda, near the modern Hyderabad, via 
Burbanpur and Deoghur. 

Roads Surat, the Moghul port at the mouth of Tapti, was an 
Swirand trade, and another centre of the road system. 

A^gra. It was connected with Agra by two lines of road; one 
running near the coast, Baroche, Baroda, and western 
Rajpiitana; the other running more into the interior, z/M 
Burhanpur, SiroDj and Gwalior. 

Rough These lines of route were not metalled roads like those 
pathways, of modern times. They were little better than rough path- 
ways, often running through jungles, or over rivers and 
mountains. They were often so uneven that waggons were 
only kept from overturning by two ropes thrown across 


Chap. VIL] MOGHUL EMPIRE ; CIVILIZATION. 185 

each waggon, and held tight by two men walking on a. d„ 

either side. 1600-1720 

Natives generally travelled in alight coach with two seats, Coa^s 
which was drawn by two oxen. Tavernier travelled in this drawnlV 
way through the greater part of India. He carried his oxen, 
cloak, bag, mattress, and quilt on the spare seat; and a 
short supply of provisions and small vessel of wine in a 
box under the coach. Some travellers rode on oxen ; but 
in that case it was necessary to see that their horns were not 
more than a foot long ; for if the beast was stung by flies, 
he was apt to toss his horns back and gore the stomach of 
the rider. 

But if the roads of Moghul India were as good as those Caravan- 
of France and England, hotel accommodation was in- 
finitely inferior. The excellence of English inns in the 
seventeenth century is duly extolled by Lord Macaulay. 

But in Moghul India there were no hotels properly so . 
called ; nothing but caravanserais and serais. Caravanserais 
were large commodious buildings constructed out of charity 
or ostentation, or for the protection of caravans against 
refractory Rajas. Here travellers found accommodation 
and shelter, but were obliged to procure all necessaries from 
the neighbouring bazar. Serais were mere enclosures, in 
which some fifty or sixty huts of mud and straw were sur- 
rounded by a fence or wall. There were men and women at 
these places, who sold flour, rice, butter, and herbs ; and 
they also made it their business to bake bread, and boil 
rice. If there happened to be a Muhammadan at a serai, 
he would go to a neighbouring town and buy a piece of 
mutton or a fowl for a European traveller; but no flesh 
meat of any kind was procurable from the Hindus. The 
people who sold bread and boiled rice alivays cleansed a 
hut for the traveller to sleep in ; and put in a little bedstead 
or charpoy, on which the traveller laid his mattress and 
quilt 

But travelling always had its inconveniences and dangers. Incon- 
In the hot weather the caravanserais were like ovens; in the veniences 
winter nights they were often bitterly cold ; whilst the smell 
of beasts and their drivers and the biting of ants and mus- 
quitoes were often intolerable. Sometimes the traveller met 
a caravan of several thousands of oxen, carrying grain or 
salt ; and if the way was narrow he might be detained two 


1 86 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Fart II. 


A.D, 

1600-1720 


Guards of 
horsemen. 


Thugs or 
stranglersj 
male and 
female. 


or three days until the whole caravan had passed. Some- 
times there was scarcity of water or provisions. Sometimes 
it was necessary to travel during the night, and rest in the 
day time, on account of the heat. If the traveller halted 
in a fortified town, he had to be careful to leave it before 
sunset, or he might find the gates shut for the night, and be 
detained another day. The best way was to leave the city 
in the afternoon with the requisite supply of provisions, and 
rest under a tree, or some other shady spot, until it was cool 
enough to begin the journey. Again, there was always ^ 
danger from wild beasts, such as tigers and panthers ; and 
there was danger, especially in travelling through Rajpiitana 
or Central India, of being attacked by brigands and high- 
waymen of various degrees. 

Every European traveller found it necessary to hire from 
twenty to thirty horsemen, who carried bows and arrows, or 
else swords and bucklers. But robberies in general were 
compounded for by the payment of blackmail or transit 
duty, at so much a head, or at so much a waggon. Some- 
times there was a wrangle ending in bloodshed ; but if the 
traveller kept his temper the difficulty could generally be 
arranged. The brigands were not as a rule professed thieves, 
but Rajpdt outlaws or rebels, so called Rajas, who were 
content to mulct a traveller or a caravan, and then would 
escort the party in safety through their respective territories. 
Sometimes Aurangzeb attacked one or other of these petty 
Rajas, and slaughtered him and his subjects. At one place 
was to be seen a tower full of windows, and a bleeding head 
in every window, as trophies of one of these massacres. ; 

There were, however, professional thieves, afterwards ; 
known as Thugs, who infested Guzerat, and especially ^ 
haunted the imperial high road between Agra and Delhi. j 
They went about disguised as peaceful travellers, and made | 
acquaintance with those they found on the way, and be- 
guiled the time with pleasant conversation, until they all 
rested under a shady tree. Suddenly, at a signal from the I 
chief, evety Thug threw his noose round the neck of his f 
allotted victim, and strangled him, rifled him and buried i 
nim, with a rapidity which defied detection. Sometimes a 
handsome damsel, with dishevelled hair, appeared sitting 
at the wayside, weeping and moaning over her misfortunes. ^ 
Compassion and admiration might tempt a traveller to speak \ 


Chap. VII.] MOGHUL EMPIRE : CIVILIZATION. 1S7 

to her, but if so he was doomed. She soon had the noose a.b. 
round his throat, and either strangled him on the spot, 1600-1720 
or stunned him until her comrades came up and finished the 
work of murder. 

Native grandees travelled in rich palanquins, lined with Native 
silk or velvet, and covered with scarlet or cloth-of-gold gi^andees 
Sometimes they were accompanied by their wives and 
families, and attended by a large retinue of soldiers and 
servants, with led horses, elephants, and banners. Some- 
times a Muhammadan dervish travelled in great state in 
like manner, surrounded by a crowd of disciples and 
followers. 

Further south, outside the Moghul frontiers, a traveller Hindu 
might meet a famous Hindu saint or Guru, mounted on an 
elephant, or carried in a palanquin, surrounded by a host 
of religious mendicants. Sometimes a traveller met a pair a<ye. 
of idols, male and female, going in grand procession on a 
pilgrimage to Ramisseram, or some other holy place, accom- 
panied by Brahmans and dancing-girls, music and banners, 
and a nondescript gathering of worshippers of both sexes 
and all ages. 

Travelling amongst the Hindu kingdoms of the Peninsula Absence 
was more difficult than in Moghul India. In the Peninsula pi I'opds 
there were no roads at all, and all travelling was performed 
in palanquins, not only in the seventeenth century, but ^ ^ 
throughout the eighteenth, and during many years of the 
nineteenth. The palanquin-bearers of the Peninsula were 
generally strong men from the Telinga country, and they 
went at a faster rate than in any other part of India. 

The carrying trade of India was monopolised by a here- Manaris, 
ditary caste of oxen-drivers, known as Manaris and Brinjarries. 

Their caravans are described by Tavernier as consisting some- 
times of oxen, and sometimes of waggons. They were to be drivers, 
found in all parts of India, from Comorin to Surat and 
Agra. They were a nomad race, dwelling in tents with 
their wives and families, and going about with their oxen 
and cattle, whom they loved like their own children. 

The Manaris were divided into four tribes, each com- Four 
prising about a hundred thousand souls, and each distin- tribes with 
guished from the other three by a particular caste mark on 
their foreheads. Each tribe was devoted to the carriage of 
one or other of the four chief commodities of India, 



iSS 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA, 


[Part II. 


A.D. namely, corn, rice, millet, and salt: it carried its own par- 
16 00-17 20 ticular commodity to the place where it was most wanted, 
but never dealt with the other three articles, nor followed 
any other avocation whatever. A caravan of oxen consisted 
of several thousand of those animals loaded on the back 
with the same commodity. A caravan of waggons consisted 
of one or two hundred large carts, each drawn by ten 
or twelve oxen, and attended by four soldiers, as already 
stated, to prevent it from being overturned. 

Head man Every caravan had its own chief, who affected as much 
of the state as a Raja, and wore a necklace of pearls. If the cara- 
caravan. caravan of salt, there were fierce quairels 

as to who should give way, which often ended in tumult 
and bloodshed. Aurangzeb is said to have attempted a 
reconciliation between the two, but it does not appear 
whether it was successful. 

Women The women of the Manaris wore calico petticoats folded 
tattooed several times from their waists downwards ; and they tattooed 
flowers upper parts of their bodies with flowers. They painted 

these punctures in various colours made from the juice of 
grapes, so that their skin appeared to be made of flowers. 
Worship Every caravan had its priests and idol. Every morning, 
of the whilst the men were loading their oxen, and the women 
serpent, folding the tents, the priests set up a serpent in 

wreaths on a perch six or seven feet high in the most con- 
venient part of the camp. Then ail the people proceeded 
in files to worship this serpent, and the women walked three 
times round it. After the ceremony the priests took charge 
of the idol, and placed it on an ox which was set apart for 
the purpose ; and the caravan set out on its daily j ourney to 
some new camping-ground. 

Foot-posts The foot-post in India was another peculiar institution, 
in India. Old travellers in India, from Roe downwards, make fre- 
quent mention of this foot-post The several news-writers, 
or Wakiahnawis, sent their reports to the Padishah from the 
several cities of the empire by these runners. On every 
road, at an interval of six miles there was a kind of hut or 
post-office. Every runner that came up threw his letters on 
the floor of this hut, as it was a bad omen to give them into 
a man’s hand. The runner appointed to go to the next 
stage picked ‘up the letters, and set off at full speed. At 
night he was guided by the trees on either side of the road; 


Chap. VII .1 MOGHUL empire ; civilization. 189 

and where there were no trees, heaps of stones were set a.d. 
up at every five hundred paces, and kept whitewashed by 1600-1720 
the inhabitants of the nearest village. The result was that 
the foot-post was swifter than a horseman ; for at night the 
horseman was obliged to go slo'wly with a man carrying a 
torch on either side, whilst the foot-post ran on undeterred 
by darkness or storm. 

The administration of justice was much the same through- Adminis- 
out the Moghul empire. It had been rather loose during nation of 
the reigns of Jehangir and Shah Jehan, but had been kept 
under strict supervision by Aurangzeb. Every town had a and 
Nawab or governor, who administered all civil justice, but Mufti, 
left criminal cases to theKotwal^ The Nawab was assisted 
by a Kdzf, who was supposed to be learned in Muhammadan 
law y and there was always a Mullah or Mufti, who superin- 
tended all matters pertaining to the Muhammadan religion. 

The Nawab generally rendered speedy justice. If a man Civil 
sued another for a debt, he had either to show an obligation, adminis- 
or produce two witnesses, or take an oath. If he w^as a 
Christian he swore on the Gospels; if a Muhammadan he j^awab. 
swore on the Koran ; and if a Hindu he swore On the Cow, 

Many Hindus, however, preferred to lose their cause rather 
than swear, as they had a strong aversion to such a 
ceremony. 

The Nawab left all criminal affairs to the Kotwal. This Kotwals 
was the most important .official next to the Nawab. The of toivus: 
Kotwal discharged the functions of magistrate and judge, 
and was also head of the police and superintendent of the 
prison. He ordered criminals to be whipped or cudgelled 
in his presence, either in his own house or at the place 
where the crime had been committed. He went abroad on 
horseback, attended by several officers on foot; some 
carrying batons and great whips; others carrying lances, 
swords, targets, and iron maces ; but every man had a 
dagger at his side. At night he paraded the streets, and 
set guards at different places ; and any man found abroad 

^ There is some confusion in the use of Moghul titles. The Viceroy 
of a province was commonly known as a Subahdar. The Governor of 
a town or district was properly a Nawab; and such a Nawab was in 
general subordinate to the Subahdar of the province. Sometimes the 
Foujdar assumed the title of Nawab, and the Nawab assumed the title 
of Subahdar. 




190 

A.D. 

1600-1720 

Fonjdars 
of districts. 


Travels of 

Fryer, 

1673-1681. 


Masulipa- 
tam on the 
coast of 
Coro- 
mandel. 


Streets 

and 

houses. 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


Muham- 
madan su- 
premacy. 


in the streets was committed to prison, and rarely released 
without being whipped or bastinadoed. 

Whilst the Kotwal maintained peace and order in the 
town, an officer known as the Foujdar carried out the same 
duties in the surrounding country. The Foujdar exercised 
the same authority in the district that the Kotwal exercised 
in the town. 

Dr. Fryer, a surgeon in the service of the East India 
Company, travelled in India between 1673 and 1681, and 
has left some graphic descriptions of India at a time when 
Sivaji was harassing the Dekhan, and Aurangzeb was 
preparing for his persecuting wars in Rajputana. 

Dr. Fryer went in the first instance to Masulipatam, a 
port on the coast of Coromandel, near the mouth of the 
river Elistna. It was an emporium of trade on the coast of 
Coromandel, just as Surat was an emporium on the coast of 
Malabar. But Surat belonged to the Great Moghul, while 
Masulipatam belonged to the Sultan of Golkonda, who had 
not as yet been conquered by Aurangzeb. 

Masulipatam was a favourable type of a Muhammadan 
city in India. The principal streets were broad, and the 
buildings good. The better sort of houses were built of 
wood and plaster, having balconies with latticed windows, 
and a stately gateway below leading into a square court 
with a tank in the middle, and a terrace walk all round it. 
The poorer sort of houses were mere huts, like thatched 
beehives, wailed round with mud. 

The Muhammadans at Masulipatam kept a strict hold on 
the Hindus, entrusting them with no place of importance, 
but treating them as mechanics and serving-men. The 
richer sort lived in great splendour, priding themselves upon 
having a numerous retinue and handsome followers. They 
were grave and haughty, taking great delight in sitting 
cross-legged on chairs at their doors, and smoking their 
hookahs with much pomp and circumstance. They clois- 
tered up their women from the eyes of all men. Some- 
times a woman went abroad in a palanquin, but she was 
always closely veiled, and if would have been death for 
any man to attempt to see her face. 

The Hindus had no such strictness. The Hindu women 
went abroad in the open air, adorned with chains and ear- 
rings, jewels in their noses, and golden rings on their toes. 



Chap. VII.] MOGHUL EMPIRE: CIVILIZATION. 


191 


The people celebrated their festivals, and especially their a.d. 
weddings, with much show and splendour. They were 720 
commonly performed at night with the noise of drums, 
trumpets, and fifes. The poorest Hindu, except amongst ^ 
artificers and low-caste men, had a week’s jollity at his 
marriage ; going about in a palanquin, attended by guards 
carrying swords, targets, and javelins, whilst others bore 
ensigns denoting the honour of their caste. But if any 
low-caste man attempted the like, he was dragged back to 
his quarters by the hair of his head. 

The administration of justice at Masulipatam was barbarous Barbarous 
in comparison with that in the Moghul’s territories. Capital executions, 
sentences were carried out immediately after conviction, and 
the offender was either dismembered or impaled. In cases 
of murder the nearest kinsman of the murdered person was 
required to prosecute the offender and to execute him. He 
began to cut the murderer to pieces, and then the rabble 
rushed in and finished him. 

Dr. Fryer sailed from Masulipatam to Madras, about three Madras *. 
hundred miles to the south. In 1639 English had bought White 
a strip of coast territory from one of the Hindu 
the Peninsula. It was only six miles long and one mile 
inland, but it is famous as being the first territorial posses- 
sion which the English acquired in India. Here they built 
a factory, and raised a wall round it mounted with cannon, 
and gave it the name of Fort St. George. In a few years 
two towns had grown up in the neighbourhood outside the 
wall. The one was occupied by Armenians and other foreign 
merchants, who were glad to live under the protection of the 
English. The other was a larger village or town of weavers 
and other artisans who were mostly in the employ of the Eng- 
lish merchants. None but Europeans lived in the fort, which 
was known as White town; whilst the Armenian and native 
quarters went by the general name of Black town. The 
whole settlement was known as Madras, but the origin of 
this name is unknown. 

Some years afterwards the Sultan of Goikonda pushed Yearly 
his conquests southward into the Peninsula. The Hindu rent to the 
Raja, who sold the land to the English, fled away to the west- 
ward and disappears from history. The generals of the 
Sultan tried to capture Madras, but were baffled by the 
gunsof Fort St. George. The English, however, agreed to pay 


192 MUHAMMADAN INDIA. [Part II. 

A. D. the Sultan the same rent which they had previously paid the 

1600-1720 Raja, namely, twelve hundred pagodas per annum, or about 
five hundred pounds sterling. 

gueseand The generals of the Sultan captured the neighbouring 
French. Portuguese settlement at St. Thome, and carried off the 
guns from the fortifications. The Portuguese fled to Fort 
St. George, and were welcomed by the English, as adding 
to the strength and security of their settlement. About this 
time a French fleet appeared off the coast and took pos- 
session of St. TliornA These little wars are forgotten now, 
but created no little excitement when Fryer visited the 
place. 

Crossing Fryer was paddled over the surf at Madras by one of the 
the surf, same kind of native boats that are still in use. It was not 
fastened by nails, which would have been wrenched out by 
the surf j but the timbers were sewn or tied together with 
strings. These strings yielded to the surf, and passengers 
were carried in safety, but the boats were apt to take in 
a good deal of water. 

Fort St. Fryer landed in wet clothes, but the beach was so scorch- 
George: fiig hot that he hunied on to the town. Fort St. George 
houS presented an imposing front to the sea. It was oblong, 
about four hundred yards in length from north to south, 
and one hundred yards in depth from east to west. At 
each corner of the walls was a bastion mounted with 
guns, and the banner of St. George waved bravely over the 
whole. The streets inside were neat and clean. There 
were about fifty houses, not very lofty, because it was a 
garrison-town;' but every house had an Italian portico, 
battlements on the roof, and a terrace walk, and there 
was a row of trees before the doors. There were no public 
structures, except the Governoris house in the centre, and a 
small chapel where the Portuguese celebrated mass. 

Sir Sir William Langhorn was Governor of Madras, and 

William superintended all the English factories on the coast of 
Langhorn, Coromandel, as well as those on the Hfighli and Ganges as 
Governor, Patna, 

Popula- The English population of White town scarcely numbered 
tion. three hundred souls. The Portuguese numbered three 
thousand. The native population of Black town and 
adjoining villages, included thirty thousand Hindus in 
the service of the Company ; but there were hardly forty 



Hxnog 


MADRAS IN THE SEVP^NTEENTH CENTURY. To face p. 192. 






Chap. VII.] MOGHUL EMPIRE : CIVILIZATION. 


193 


Muhammadans in the whole settlement. The country a.d. 
round about was sandy, but provisions were plentiful 1600-1720 

Fryer next sailed from Madras to Bombay. He passed • 

by the coast of Malabar, and noted that the Dutch were magnifi^' 
already ousting the Portuguese from their ports at Cochin cent 
and elsewhere ; and that Sivaji, a rebel against the Sultan harbour, 
of Bijd^pur, had conquered the country round about Goa. 

At last he entered the harbour of Bombay. It was a 
magnificent bay, capable of holding a thousand of the finest 
ships of European build. 

Bombay had been made over to the English some ten or Gardens 
twelve years before, as part of the dowry of Catherine of^^d 
Portugal, on her marriage with Charles the Second. The 
English found a government house, having a pleasant gar- ramparts, 
den with terrace walks and bowers; but the place was so 
poorly fortified, that the Malabar pirates ’ often plundered 
the native villages, and carried off the inhabitants as slaves. 

The English soon altered this state of things. They loaded 
the terraces with cannon, and built ramparts over the bowers. 

When Fryer landed, Bombay castle was mounted 'with a 
hundred and t-wenty pieces of ordnance, whilst sixty field- 
pieces were kept in readiness. Only a few months before 
his arrival, the Dutch had tried to capture Bombay, but 
were forced to retire. The place, however, was very un- 
healthy. The site was unwholesome, and the air was bad ; 
and these evils were aggravated by the intemperance of the 
English settlers. 

From Bombay Fryer went to Surat The place was much Surat in 
changed since Della Valle’s visit It swarmed with fakirs, the reign 
and there were marks on all sides of the intolerant rule of 
Aurangzeb. No Christian could appear in the streets of * 
Surat in good clothes, or mounted on a proper horse, without 
being assailed by Muhammadan beggars. The Muham- 
madans lived in good houses as at Masulipatam. The 
Banians, or Hindu brokers, lived in wretched sheds, with 
three or four families crowded into one hovel, together 
with goats, cows, and calves. But they had good reason 
for what they did, for if any one was suspected of being 
rich, he was squeezed by the Nawab of all his effects, 
unless he had secured the protection of some powerful 
grandee. 

The poorer inhabitants were entirely at the mercy of 

o 


194 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Fart II. 


A.D. the Nawab and his soldiers. They were often taken 
I 6 qq- 1 72 0 occupations and forced to work for the Nawab. 

Artisans Sometimes these seizures led to broils, and artisans were 
oppressed, driven to desperation, and murdered their families and 
then ran ^'amok/' 

Flight of Aurangzeb had already begun to collect the Jezya at 
Hindus. Surat. The Hindus were pressed to become Muhammadans. 

The neighbouring Rajas were in rebellion. Many Hindus 
fled from Surat to Bombay, or to one of the Portuguese 
settlements. This was all the more remarkable to Fryer, 
because, as he writes, if the Hindus united against the 
Muhammadans, they would be as a thousand to one. 
Visit to In 1675 Fryer left Surat and returned to Bombay. 
Joonere, About this time the Nawab of the town of Joonere 
1675. required a European doctor to attend on one of his wives. 

The Moghuls had captured the fort and town of Joonere 
from the Mahrattas, and the place was a bone of contention 
between the two. Fryer readily undertook the journey to 
the town of Joonere, although it was one of some danger. 
The country was desolate ; the people were wretched to the 
last degree, being plundered alike by Moghuls and Mah- 
rattas, and reduced to utter poverty and starvation. Even 
the coolies from Bombay that carried Fryer’s luggage pitied 
the misery of the inhabitants, and contrasted it with their 
own prosperous lives under British rule. 

Medical Fryer met with some adventures at Joonere. He was 
attendance not allowed to see the sick lady until the astrologers had 
^ fixed on a fortunate day for his visit. At last he was shown 
into a room where there was a bed surrounded with a cur- 
tain, and the hand of the patient was placed outside the 
curtain to enable him to feel her pulse. To his great sur- 
prise, the pulse was that of a perfectly healthy woman : and 
he did not fail to say so. No one, however, was discon- 
certed ; in fact, a healthy maidservant had been placed in 
the bed to test the skill of the English doctor. After due 
explanation, Fryer was permitted to feel the pulse of the 
sick lady, and he subsequently effected a cure by bleeding. 
The consequence was, that other ladies demanded to be 
bled likewise, but it was doubtful whether they had any 
other object in view beyond satisfying their curiosity as 
regards the English doctor. 

Meanwhile Fryer had many discourses with the Nawab 


Ghap.'VII.] MOGHUL empire ; CIVILIZATION. 


195 


of the town of Joonere. He discovered that the Moghul A.ii 
generals had no desire to conquer Sivaji, or to put an end 1600-1720 
to the wars in the Dekhan. So long as the war lasted, they 
made much money by keeping small bodies of troops in 
the field whilst drawing the pay of large. numbers. Nawab. 

The Nawab of the fortress of Joonere also* desired to a Moghul 
see the English doctor. In all Moghul cities the Naw’-ab fortress, 
of the fortress had a separate command from the Nawab 
of the town. The visit was of little moment beyond re- 
vealing the inside of a Moghul fortress. The place was of 
some historical importance, as Sivaji had'been born within 
the walls, and was anxious to recover possession of the 
stronghold. There were enough provisions stored within 
the fortress to support a thousand families during a seven 
years' siege, but there was no ammunition except stones, 
and two misshapen brass pieces of Hindu mould. 

The Nawab was a Brahman who had been converted to Nawab a 
the Muhammadan religion. He secretly agreed to surrender converted 
the fortress to Sivaji, and received an enormous bribe as a 
reward; but when the day arrived and seven thousand 
Mahrattas ascended the hill, they found themselves cut pfi 
by an ambuscade, and were all slaughtered. Such treacheries 
were by no means uncommon in olden times. 

Fryer next visited the town of Karwar, to the south of English. 
Goa, where the English had a factory. The town had been in 

recently conquered by Sivaji ; but the factory was safe, for 
the English kept off all assailants by means of the, guns ^ ^ 
which they had planted on their factory walls. 

Sivaji's government at Karwar resembled that of the Sivaji's 
Moghuls. He appointed one governor to the town, and gcvem- 
another to the fortress ; whilst a general with a flying army 
superintended the whole, Sivaji appointed none but Brah- 
mans to places of trust or authority. These men professed 
to be mightily jealous for their master's dues; but they 
always managed in a corner to get more for themselves than 
for their master. Trade was impossible in Sivaji’s country, 
unless goods could be carried a long way round as at Karwar. 

The people bitterly complained of exactions and torture; 
but that was the same all over India ; and even Brahmans 
were subjected to the same pains and indignities whenever it 
was supposed that they had buried their wealth, or concealed 
it in some other secret fashion. 



0 2 


196 

, A.'D*, 
1600-1720 

•Troubles 
inMadras ; 
1690-1700. 


Wars 

between 

Moghuls 

and 

Mahrattas 
in the 
Lower 
Carnatic. 


Siege of 
Madras 
by the 
Moghuls, 
1701-2, 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. [Part II. 

Fryer left India in 1681. Nine years afterwards, in 1689- 
90, Aurangzeb conquered Bijapur and Goikonda, and sent 
his arnaies into the Peninsula. The English of Madras at 
once offered to pay the Moghul the same yearly rent of 
twelve hundred pagodas, which they had paid the Sultan of 
Goikonda; but the Moghuls threatened to dismantle Fort 
St. George of all its cannon. The whole country was in a 
troubled state, and the English at Madras were often disturbed 
by alarming rumours. At last it appeared that the Nawab 
of the conquered territories would be satisfied with a money 
bribe ; and a present of ten thousand pagodas, equivalent 
to about four thousand pounds sterling, was sent to the 
Nawab Zulfikar Khan. The present was graciously received, 
and the Nawab was further mollified by timely supplies of 
provisions and ammunition. 

All this while desultory wars were being carried on in the 
Lower Carnatic between the Moghuls under Nawab Zulfikar 
Khan and the Mahrattas under Ram Raja, a younger son 
of Sivaji,^ The once celebrated hill fortress of Jinjf, about 
eighty miles to the south-west of Madras, was the bone of 
contention between Zulfikar Khan and Ram Raja. But the 
story of the struggle is tedious and bewildering. There were 
intrigues and treacheries on both sides, and also secret under- 
standings between the two, which excited the suspicion and 
rage of Aurangzeb, when he was too old and helpless to 
interfere. 

In 1 701-2 another Nawab, named Ddild Khan, succeeded 
Zulfikar Khan. He, too, demanded a present of ten thou- 
sand pagodas from the English merchants at Madras. Mr. 
Thomas Pitt, grandfather of the great Earl of Chatham, was 
Governor of Madras, and he resolutely refused to pay the 
money. Baud Khan surrounded Fort St. George with a 
large force, cut off all supplies of provisions, and stopped all 
trade. Mr. Pitt held out for three months, and then deemed 
it expedient to pay up the amount. He consoled himself 
with the idea that the Nawab had expended a great deal 
more than ten thousand pagodas during the siege of the 
place, and was never likely to repeat the demand. 

After this remarkable siege matters quieted down at 

1 Ram Raja had taken possession of the Mahratta dominion in the 
Peninsula, when his eldest brother Sambhaji had succeeded to the 
kingdom of the Konkan, 


Chap. VII.] MOGHUL EMPIRE: CIVILIZATION. 


197 


Madras. The yearly rent was regularly paid to the Nawab, a.d. 
and presents were occasionally sent to the Nawab and his 1600-1720 
grandees. The result was that for a period of thirty years 
after the death of Aurangzeb, the English at Madras bought nTdraf 
and sold, and pursued the even tenor of their way, without 1707-46. 
interference or hindrance from Mahratta or Moghul, 

Meanwhile the English settlements in Bengal, after a English 
hard struggle with the MoghuFs officers, had become the settle- ^ 
most important and profitable in India. As far back as 1640 ^ents in 
in the reign of Shah Jehan, the English had been allowed to 
establish a factory at Hughli, about a hundred miles from the Patna, * 
mouth of the Ganges, where they hoped to succeed to the Dacca, 
trade which had been erewhile carried on by the Portuguese. 

They founded branch factories at Patna, Dacca, and other 
half-forgotten localities. From Patna they procured salt- 
petre, opium, raw silk, and cotton piece-goods. From Dacca 
they obtained those fine muslins which were long the wonder 
and admiration of the civilized world. The result was that 
the English settlements in Bengal were withdrawn from the 
control of the Governor of Madras, and placed under a 
separate governor, a Mr. Job Charnock, who soon became 
one of the most distinguished Englishmen in India. 

But the English traders in Bengal were unable to protect Fortinca- 
themselves with fortifications and guns as they had done at tions and 
Madras and Bombay. In Madras they had built Fort St. cannon 
George and mounted their cannon before the Muhamma- in 
dans had entered the Peninsula p and consequently they Bengal, 
w^ere enabled to set the Moghul generals at defiance. 

Again, their cannon on Bombay castle sufficed to keep off 
the Mahrattas. But Bengal had been in the possession of the 
Moghuls ever since the reign of Akbar, and they had suffered 
too much from the fortifications and cannon of the Portu- 
guese at Hughli to permit of any such formidable settle- 
ments for the future. The English, Dutch, and French, all 
had factories in the neighbourhood of Hughli ; but neither 
were allowed to build any walls or semblance of fortifica- 
tions of any sort or kind. Neither were they allowed to 
carry on any hostilities against each other within the teni- 
tories of the Moghul; and thus whilst wars might be raging 
between English and Dutch, or English and French, in 
other parts of the world, the conflicting nationalities were 
compelled to keep the peace in Bengal, 


198 

A*D. 

i600'I720 

Moghul 

oppres- 

sions. 


English 

declare 

war 

against 

the 

Moghul, 

1685. 


Successful 

operations 

off Surat : 

peace 

concluded, 

1687. 


Ill-judged 
operations 
in Bengal: 
flight to 
Madras, 
1689. 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. [Pakt II. 

During the bigoted reign of Aurangzeb, tlie English in 
Bengal were subjected to oppressions and exactions, which 
had been unknown in the tolerant days of Jehangir and 
Shah Jehan. An attempt was made to collect Jezya from 
the English, but that was warded oif by timely presents to 
the Nawab. In other ways the English were exposed to 
insults which were beyond all endurance j and at last, as a 
crowning indignity, Mr. Job Charnock, the Governor of all 
the English settlements in Bengal, was arrested and scourged 
by order of the Nawab. 

Under these circumstances the English declared war 
against the Moghul. In 1685 two squadrons were sent out 
by James the Second ; the one to cut off ah Moghul ships 
trading with Surat, and the other to operate against the 
Nawab of Bengal. The factory at Surat was removed out 
of Moghul territory to the new settlement at Bombay. The 
English in Bengal collected all their goods from their several 
factories, and prepared to carry them to Chittagong, the 
frontier port towards Arakan. 

The operations of the squadron off Surat were most success- 
ful. Cargoes belonging to the subjects of the Moghul were 
captured to the value of a million sterling. The merchants 
of Surat would no longer venture on voyages at sea ; whilst 
native manufactures were at a stand-still, and mechanics 
were thrown out of employment and complaining loudly of 
famine. Aurangzeb sent officers to listen to the grievances 
of the English, and mitigate the oppressions to which they 
had been exposed. A treaty was concluded in 1687, under 
which the English were permitted to return to their factories, 
and guaranteed certain rights and privileges which they had 
hitherto been denied. 

The operations in Bengal had been ill-judged and not 
altogether successful, but still they had sufficed to alarm the 
Nawab. The war was brought to a close for a while, but 
Charnock had no faith in the treaty and hesitated to re- 
turn to Hughli. Meanwhile the commander of the Eng- 
lish squadron, a hot-headed captain named Heath, was 
provoked by the delays and evasions of the Nawab. He 
opened up a communication with the king of Arakan, and 
sailed to Chittagong with the view of capturing the port for 
the king. Finding the fortifications stronger than he ex- 
pected, he returned to Bengal, and offered to undertake an 


CHAP.Vn,] MOGHUL EMPIRE : CIVILIZATION. 


199 


expedition against Arakan in behalf of the Nawab. Snd- a.d. 
denly, however, he took disgust at the proceedings of the 1600-1720 
Nawab, and sailed away to Madras with all the Company’s 
merchants and goods, declaring that he had been told 
nothing but lies on all sides. 

This conduct, crazy and irregular as it was, brought the Alarm 
Moghul government to reason. It was imagined that the ^ the 
contempt displayed by Heath arose from the determination 
of the English to abandon the trade of Bengal. A new 
Nawab was appointed to Bengal, and he sent pressing 
overtures to Madras for the return of the English to 
Hughli. 

The result was that Charnock and the English went back Return of 
to Bengal, but they did not return to their factory at Hughli. . ^ 
Ultimately they were allowed to rent three villages about 
twenty miles nearer the mouth of the river; and all duties founded, 
and customs of every kind were commuted by the yearly 1690. 
payment of three thousand rupees to the treasury at Hughli. 

The newly-acquired territory was scarcely half the size of 
the English territory at Madras. It only extended three miles 
along the eastern bank of the river Hughli, and one mile 
inland, and paid a yearly rent of 1195 rupees. But the 
three villages have become historical. Their names were 
Chutanutti, Govindpore, and Kalighdt. They were the 
nucleus of the city of Calcutta, which after the lapse of two 
centuries is now the capital of the British Empire in India 
and the greatest European city in the eastern world. 

Mr. Job Charnock is still regarded as the patriarch of Memories 
Bengal. His name still survives in the station of' Barrack- of Joh 
pore, which is called Chanuk ” by the natives to tliis day. 

Many stories have been told of his eccentricities, which 
were household words in a bygone generation. He saved a 
young Hindu widow from burning herself with her deceased 
husband, and subsequently married her ; but instead of 
converting her to Christianity, he relapsed into a kind of 
paganism. She died before him, and ever afterwards he 
celebrated the anniversary of her death by sacrificing a cock 
to the goddess Durga over her tomb. 

Towards the end of the seventeenth. century the persecu- Rebellion 
tions of Aurangzeb, the destruction of pagodas, and subver- pf Hindus 
sion of Hindu worship, drove many of the people of Bengal 
into rebellion. The Europeans complained to the Nawab 


200 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


AD. of the unprotected state of their factories. He told them 
i6oo>i72o to defend themselves, and they took him at his word. 
Foih^a- walls and bastions round their respective 

tion of factories, and planted them with cannon ; and this was the 
Calcutta, origin of the three European forts or towns, namely, the 
Chander- English at Calcutta, the French at Chandernagore, and the 
Dutch at Chinsura. Both Chandernagore and Chinsura 
Chinsura, were in the neighbourhood of Hughli, and consequently 
about twenty miles from Calcutta. 

Houses A few years after the death of Aurangzeb, a Captain 
. Hamilton visited Calcutta, and has left a description of the 
Calcutta^ houses and English inhabitants. He says that the town 
about ’ was built without order, every one selecting a spot best fitted 
1720. for a garden; consequently most houses had a garden in 
front The English built their houses near the river side ; 
but the natives dwelt more inland. Most gentlemen and 
ladies in Bengal lived splendidly and pleasantly. They 
dedicated the forenoon to business ; they then took their 
dinners and retired to rest during the afternoon. In the 
evening they found recreation in chaises and palanquins in 
the fields or gardens ; or went upon the river in budgerows, 
and diverted themselves with fishing or fowling. Before night 
they made friendly visits to one another, when pride and 
contention did not spoil society ; but the Captain adds, that 
much social rivalry often existed amongst the ladies, just as 
discord and faction prevailed among the men. 

Garrison The garrison at Fort William generally consisted of two 
or three hundred soldiers, but they were not so much em- 
\Vi ham. p][Qye(i defence of the settlement, as to guard the 

fleet coming from Patna with the Company’s saltpetre, piece- 
goods, raw silk, and opium. Captain Hamilton remarks, 
that the English Company held their colony direct from the 
Moghul, and consequently had no reason to be afraid of 
any enemies coming to dispossess them. At the same time 
he predicted that if they again declared war against the 
Moghul, the Padishah would soon end the quarrel by pro- 
hibiting his subjects from trading with them. 

Refractory But Bengal was only half conquered by the Moghul. 
Kajas. There were, says Hamilton, some impertinent and trouble- 
some Rajas on the banks of the Ganges, between the 
Nawab’s capital at Murshedabad and the city of Patna, who 
pretended to tax all goods passing through their territories^ 



Chap. VIL] MOGHUL EMPIRE; CmtlZATION* 


201 


and often raised forces to compel payment But a detach- a.j>, 
ment of European troops from Fort William generally cleared ^600-1720 
the passage up the river, although some of the English 
soldiers were occasionally killed in the skirmishes. 

From the death of Aurangzeb in 1707, to the year 1756, Peace: 
Calcutta was occasionally threatened by the Mahrattas or 1707-56. 
mulcted by the Nawab ; but otherwise it enjoyed a profound 
peace, and was, to all appearance, as secure against foreign 
aggression as any seaport town in the United Kingdom. 

The English settlement was like an oasis of European 
civilization in a desert of Hinduism and Islam. The 
English factory, with its depbts, workshops, offices, and out- 
lying “garden-houses,” covered about a hundred acres on 
the bank of the HughlL The outward life of the English at 
Calcutta was altogether of a business type. They bought, 
sold, kept accounts, wrote letters, and regulated establish- 
ments and expenditure. Large ships from Europe brought 
woollen goods, cutlery, iron, copper, and quicksilver. The 
same ships carried away cotton piece-goods, fine muslins, 
silks, indigo, saltpetre, spices, and Indian rarities. A rise or 
fall in the price of saltpetre in Europe was of more interest 
to the English merchants at Calcutta than the war between 
the Moghul and the Mahrattas y and a failure of the silk 
crop in the up-country stations in Bengal and Behar was of 
more moment to the Court of Directors in London than 
the death of a Padishah, or the bloody struggles between his 
sons for the succession to the Moghul throne. 


CHAPTER VIII. 


A.D. 

1 707- 1 71 2 

Excite- 
ment at 
the death 
of Aurang' 
zeb. 


Fears of 
the dying 
Padishah. 


MOGHUL EMPIRE: DECLINE AND FALL. 

A.D. 1707 TO 1748. 

The death of Aurangzeb awakened the Moghul empire 
from its torpor ; it sent a thrill through the provinces wMch 
might be likened to galvanic life. For years all hopes and 
aspirations of princes and grandees had been in abeyance 
under the declining but monotonous rule of the aged 
Padishah. His sons were waiting for his last breath to 
begin that fratricidal struggle for the throne which had 
broken out at the death, or before the death, of every 
Moghul sovereign of Hindustan from Akbar downwards. 
The Moghul generals were apparently eager to throw off the 
religious strictness and bigotry, which had so long oppressed 
the empire ; and were looking forward to the death of the 
old Padishah as a necessary preliminary to the beginning of 
a new regime. 

The last years of Aurangzeb were saddened by fears of 
the catastrophe which would accompany or follow his death. 
Indeed throughout the latter half of his reign he had been 
subject to constant alarms lest he should share the fate of his 
father, Shah Jehan ; lest his sons should consign him to hope- 
less captivity, and begin to fight for the throne before death 
had carried him from the scene. He is said to have formed 
a plan for averting a fratricidal war by dismembering the 
empire and dividing it amongst his three sons. But if so 
the attempt at pacification must have proved a failure. 
Scarcely was it known that the old sovereign had expired, 
than all the armies of the empire were on the move, and 


Chap. VIIL] MOGHUL EMPIRE : DECLINE AND FALL. 203 

his three sons were each, in turn, prepared to seize the a.d. 
throne by force of arms, or perish upon the fatal held. 1707-1712 

A war between brethren may excite the passions of con- 
temporaries, but cannot enlist the sympathies of posterity, war: reign 
The struggle between the sons of Shah Jehan had been more of Baha- 
or less associated with religion, but the struggle between the 
sons of Aurangzeb was only a quarrel for an inheritance. ^707-i2. 
The main struggle was between Shah Alam, the eldest son 
of Aurangzeb, and Azam Shah, the second son ; and the war 
itself is said to have turned on the ill-timed insolence of 
Azam Shah, and the consequent disaffection or treachery of 
his affronted generals. A desperate battle was fought near 
the river Chambah It closed in a horrible carnage, in 
which Azam and his two sons were slain. Shah Alam 
ascended the throne under the title of Bahadur Shah. 

There was a third son, the rebel Akbar, who had fled to 
Persia; but he was dead, or at any rate out of the fray. 

There was a fourth son named Kam Bakhsh, whose fortunes 
demand separate consideration. 

Kam Bakhsh, whom the Greeks would have called Destmc- 
Cambyses, had been nominated by Aurangzeb to rule as an don of a 
independent Sultan over the newly-conquered kingdoms of 
Bijdpur and Golkonda. Bahadur Shah was an old man, and 
would probably have consented to the arrangement ; but his 
sons were ambitious to preserve the integrity of the empire. 

The mother of Kam Bakhsh was a Christian ; her son was 
supposed to be a Christian likewise. The Mullahs were 
stirred up to protest against the rule of a Christian Sultan ; 
and Bahadur Shah was driven to work the destruction of his 
youngest brother. 

The course of events had a remote bearing upon the Relations 
fortunes of the English at Madras. Bahadur Shah ordered l>etween 
letters to be written to Mr. Thomas Pitt, the Governor of 
Madras, to prevent the young prince from escaping by sea 
into Persia. At the same time Bahadur Shah confirmed 
all the rights and privileges which had been granted to the 
English by his father Aurangzeb. But these precautions 
proved unnecessary, for Kam Bakhsh was defeated and slain 
on the field of battle by Nawab Zulfikar Khan. 

Bahadur Shah reigned from 1707 to 1712, but has left 
no mark in histoiy. He had, in the first mstancej to 
face a rebellion of the Rajpdts in Jaipur and Marwar. The 


204 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


A.D. 

1707-1712 

Revolts in 
Rajputana 
and the 
Punjab. 


Formation 
of the 
Sikh 
brother- 
hood by 
Nanuk 
Guru, 
about 
1500. 


Persecu- 
tions of 
Aurang- 
zeb: exe- 
cution of 
Guru 
Govind, 


persecuted Hindus had taken advantage of the death of 
Aurangzeb to drive out all the Muhammadan officers who 
had been appointed to collect Jezya, and convert the people 
to the religion, of the Koran. The movement was a revolt 
of Hinduism against the proselytizing policy of Aurangzeb, 
and Bahadur Shah was anxious to suppress it ; but at this 
moment alarming news arrived from the north-west. The 
Sikhs had broken out in revolt in the Punjab, and committed 
a series of murderous excesses; and Bahadur Shah was com- 
pelled to “forgive” the Rajpdts, and march with all haste to 
Lahore. 

The Sikhs originally were not a nationality. They were a 
mixed community of Kajpiits, Jats, and other races, who 
had been formed into a religious brotherhood about the end 
of the fifteenth century by a famous prophet named Nanu k 
Guru. Their religious faith was a combination of the tenets 
df advanced Shiahs with those of advanced Hindus ; it turned 
upon the worship of the Supreme Spirit, as the deity alike of 
Muhammadans and Hindus. At the same time the Sikhs 
reverenced Krishna and Rdma as incarnations of Vishnu ; 
they recognised the sacred character of Brahmans ; and 
they strictly prohibited the slaughter of cows. Above all, 
they implicitly obeyed their Guru and his successors, as the 
representatives of God upon earth ; and they regarded the 
teachings of each in turn as the inspirations of the Supreme 
Being. 

Such a religion was naturally regarded as a detestable 
heresy by a strict Sunni like Aurangzeb. The Sikhs were 
persecuted until they betook themselves to the northern 
mountains, and formed military clans distinguished by a blue 
dress and peculiar manners. The fires of persecution raged 
more fiercely than ever. Guru Govind, the tenth in descent 
from Nanuk, ^ saw his strongholds taken, his mother and 
children massacred, and his followers slain, mutilated, or 
driven into painful exile. At last Guru Govind was taken 
prisoner by the Moghuls, and executed at Gwalior by the 
command of Aurangzeb.^ 

^ The secular uame of this Guru Govind was Tugh Bahadur. Fur- 
ther particulars of the Sikhs will be furnished hereafter in dealing with 
the British wars against the Sikhs and final conquest of the Punjab. 

^ Another story says tbat Guru Govind was assassinated by an 
Afghan. 


Chap. VIIL] MOGHUL EMPIRE : DECLINE AND FALL. 


205 


Such severities exalted the fanaticism of the Sikhs to the a.d. 
highest pitch of desperation. A new spiritual leader, known 1707-17^2 
as Bandu Guru, inspired them with a spirit of vengeance^ “ 
against their persecutors. They broke out in revolt, destroyed 
mosques, butchered Mullahs, and massacred the population Sikhs 
of whole towns without regard to sex or age. In a word, 
they fought to the death for God and their Guru ; but they 
also made their religion a cloak for plunder and outrage of 
every kind. 

Bahadur Shah found it necessary to make Lahore his Operations 
capital, and to carry on a series of desultory wars against of Baba- 
the Sikhs. The details are of no moment; it was impos- 
sible to dragoon the Sikhs into submission, and they con- 
tinned to give trouble down to the death of Bahadur Shah 
in 1712, and indeed for many years afterwards. 

Meanwhile the greater part of the Moghul empire had Sabu, 
been left in the hands of the Viceroys of provinces. Little Maharaja 
or nothing is known of the history, beyond the fact 
some kind of understanding seems to have been concluded a vassal of 
by the Viceroys of Guzerat and the Dekhan with the Mah- the 
rattas of the Konkan. When Sambhaji, son and successor Moghul, 
of Sivaji, was arrested and put to death by Aurangzeb, his ^707-4^. 
little son Sahu, or Shao, was carried away prisoner by the 
conqueror, and brought up in the zenana of the Moghul. 

After the death of Aurangzeb, this boy was placed on the 
throne of the Konkan, in the city of Satara, and was sup- 
posed to reign over the Mahratta kingdom as a vassal of 
the Great Moghul. 

But this arrangement could not possibly satisfy the Mah- Mahratta 
ratta claims to chout or black mail, which extended indefi- claims to 
nitely over a great part of the Dekhan, as well as over a 
large extent of Guzerat and Malwa to the northward. 

These claims were of a most vexatious character, and were 
pressed with a pertinacity which was deaf to all arguments. 

To admit them involved the loss of one-fourth of the land 
revenue, whilst it abandoned large cultivated tracts to the 
rude collections of Mahratta soldiery. To resist them was 
as hopeless as an attempt to resist the depredations of 
locusts. The loose bands of Mahratta horse were here, 
there, and everywhere. If driven off by the advance of 
regular troops, they might disappear like a flock of crows ; 
but they soon reappeared elsewhere, ravaging the country 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


206 


[Part ii. 


Brahmaa 
element 
in the 
Mahratta 
constitu- 
tion. 


A.D. with, fire and sword to enforce the Mahratta claims to chout 
1 707- 1 712 Qygj- the whole extent of territory. 

The constitution of the Mahratta government was such 
that Maharaja Sahu had little or no voice in the matter. It 
had been the policy of Sivaji to fkeep all offices of state, 
and all collections of revenue, exclusively in the hands of 
Brahmans ; and as all these posts became hereditary ac- 
cording to Hindu custom, Maharaja Sahu found himself 
surrounded by a Brahmanical hierarchy, ostentatious in its 
professions of submission and obedience to the grandson 
of the great Sivaji, whilst practically retaining all the power 
of the state in its own hands. 

Effeminate Moreover, the personal character of Maharaja Sahu was 
training of favourable to the Brahman ascendancy. He had neither 
capacity nor energy for breaking through so powerful an 
^ * aristocracy. His grandfather Sivaji was bred like a moun- 
tain eagle amidst the rude independence of hills and jungles. 
But Maharaja Sahu was a tame bird, brought up in the 
gilded cage of the imperial zenana. He was given to plea- 
sure, with some taste for field sports; somewhat touchy as 
regards his personal dignity ; proud of his vassalage to the 
Great Moghul, although occasionally indulging his fancy 
with schemes of conquest and empire. The Brahman min- 
isters and officials well knew how to deal with these weak- 
nesses. They invariably treated him with every possible 
respect, and took care that every measure of state should 
appear to emanate from himself, and be carried out solely 
in his name as the supreme sovereign of the Mahrattas ; but 
at the same time they moulded him to suit their own pur- 
poses, and thus prepared the way for that revolution at his 
death which transferred the Mahratta sovereignty from the 
grandson of Sivaji to the family of the Brahman minister. 
Rise of the The chief Brahman minister was known as the Peishwa; 
Peishwas: and during the reign of Maharaja Sahu, the Peishwa for 
secret being was to all intents and purposes the ruling 

power. It was the Peishwa who issued commissions to the 
different Mahratta leaders to collect chout in Guzerat, 
Malwa, and the Dekhan, in the name of Maharaja Sahu. 
It was the Peishwa who concluded secret arrangements 
with the Moghul Viceroys, under which certain yearly pay- 
ments were made to the Mahrattas on the condition that 
they made no attempt to collect chout for themselves, and 


agreement 

with 

Moghul 

Viceroys. 


Chap. VIIL] MOGHUL EMPIRE ; DECLINE AND FALL. 


207 


.duly kept within a certain line of frontier. The precise a.d. 
terms of this agreement were necessarily kept in the dark ; 1712-1713 
for at this period the Moghul court would have refused to “ ' 
sanction any arrangement which implied the payment of 
tribute to the Mahrattas. 

The death of Bahadur Shah in 1712 was followed by Fratricidal 
another fratricidal war ; but the Moghul princes were 
men without force of character, and indeed were little 
better than puppets in the hands of ambitious generals. 

After the usual round of treachery and carnage, a debauched 
young prince, named Jehandar Shah, was placed upon the 
throne at Delhi ; but all real power was exercised by ZuMkar 
Khan, the Moghul general, who had been Viceroy of the 
Dekhan in the reign of Aurangzeb, and who had defeated 
and slain the youngest son of Aurangzeb at the accession 
of Bahadur Shah. 

Jehandar Shah was a drunkard, who chose his favourites Reign of 
from the dregs of society. Zalfikar Khan was a respectable Jehandar 
grandee, who sought to wield the destinies of the empire 
under the name of prime minister. There naturally followed a * 
a struggle for power between the besotted Padishah and the drunkard, 
ambitious minister. But the reign was too scandalous to 
last The vices of Jehandar Shah were not confined to the 
recesses of the zenana, but were paraded before the lower 
orders, and became the common talk of the bazars. Sud- 
denly his headlong career was arrested by the news of a 
dangerous rebellion in Bengal. 

A young prince, named Farrukh Siyar, a grandson of Rebellion 
Bahadur Shah, had been left in Bengal during the fratricidal of Farrukh 
war which followed the death of Aurangzeb. By strange 
good fortune Farrukh Siyar had escaped the massacre of Saiyids. 
princes which accompanied the rise of Jehandar Shah; 
but still he was in constant peril of his life, and was thus 
prepared for any desperate measure. When the reign of 
Jehandar Shah became a scandal to the empire, the minds 
of men began to turn towards Farrukh Siyar. Two Moghul 
brothers, known as the two Saiyids, or descendants of the 
prophet, resolved to head a righteous rebellion in the name 
of Farrukh Siyar; to depose the debauched sovereign who 
disgraced the empire, and to place Farrukh Siyar on the 
throne of Delhi, and govern the empire in his name. 

The two Saiyids were men of some standing. One was 


20 $ 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA, 


[Part IT 

A.D, tlie governor of Patna,- and the other was governor of 
1713-1719 Allahabad. By their help, a force was collected, and the 
Fli<^rof Saiyids began to march to Delhi accompanied by 
Jehandar Parmkh Siyar. Numbers joined them on the way. Zulfikar 
Shah: Khan took the field and advanced towards Agra, accom- 

triumph of panied by Jehandar Shah ; but the young Padishah was an' 
arrant coward, and fled back to Delhi, leaving the imperial 
17^3^' forces to be defeated in the neighbourhood of Agra. The 

^ * cause of Farrukh Siyar triumphed; and the two Saiyids 

conducted him to Delhi amidst the acclamations of the 
multitude. 

Assassina- Zulfikar Khan tendered his submission to the two Saiyids, 
tioii and and v/as received with every mark of favour, but was trea- 
massacre, cherously assassinated on leaving the tent. Jehandar Shah 
was put to death, as well as many others who were likely 
to interfere with the accession of Farrukh Siyar. The new 
Padishah then ascended the throne of Delhi amidst the 
firing of cannon and thunder of kettledrums, and was at 
once accepted by all parties as sovereign of the Moghul 
empire. 

Reign of Farrukh Siyar reigned from 1713 to 1719. From the 
Farrukh £rst he engaged in a series of intrigues for throwing off the 
of the two Saiyids, and ruling the empire as irrespon- 
intrio-ues sible sovereign without check or hindrance. The elder 
against the Saiyid, Abdulla Khan, filled the post of minister at Delhi, 
two ^ The younger Saiyid, Husain Ali Khan, was sent to restore 
Saiyids. Mogliul supremacy in Kajpdtana, which had been in a 
disaffected state ever since the death of Aurangzeb. At the 
same time it was hoped that by separating the two brothers, 
by keeping the one at Delhi and sending the other to Raj^ 
pfltana, it might be possible to effect their destruction. 
Shameless The Moghul court had always been pre-eminent for craft 
treacheiy and treachery ; but during the struggles between Farrukh 
M Siyar and the two Saiyids, there was an utter absence of 

court.^ scruple or shame, Raj pil tana had been virtually indepen- 
dent ever since the death of Aurangzeb. Even the border 
territory of Jaipur, which intervened between the MoghuFs 
territories and the more remote kingdoms of Udaipur and 
Marwar, had thrown off the Muhammadan yoke, and 
repudiated all connection with the Moghul court at Delhi. 
A Rajpflt prince, a kinsman of the old royal house, as- 
cended the throne as Raja of Jaipur, and was prepared to 



Chap. VIII.] MOGHUL EMPIRE : DECLINE AND FALL. 209 

set the Moghul suzerainty at defiance so long as the Moghul a.d. 
armies refrained from invading his territories. 1713-1719 

In the first instance Husain Ali Khan was sent to reduce pjotT^ 
the Raja of Jaipur to obedience. Meanwhile secret letters against 
were sent by the Padishah to the Raja, encouraging him to Husain 
hold out against the Moghul troops, and instigating him to Khan, 
do his utmost to effect the destruction of Husain Ali Khan. 

The Jaipur Raja was bewildered by these contradictory 
proceedings, but was at last reduced to submission, and 
induced to give his daughter in marriage to Farrukh Siyar. 

Husain Ali Khan discovered the treachery which had intrigues 
been practised upon him as regards the Jaipur Raja, but respecting 
deemed it expedient to become reconciled to Farrukh 
Siyar. It is said that this reconciliation was brought about 
by the mother of Farrukh Siyar J but it would be sheer Dekhan, 
waste of time to inquire too closely into the intrigues which 
were at work in the Moghul court. Soon afterwards tiusain 
Ali Khan encountered still more flagrant treachery. In 
order to keep him at a distance from his elder brother, he 
was appointed Viceroy of the Dekhan, and ordered to pro- 
ceed to his new government. At this time Dadd Khan, the 
same man who besieged Governor Pitt at Madras, was 
Viceroy of Guzerat. Dddd Khan was openly instructed, 
by letters from the minister Abdulla Khan, to meet Husain 
Ali Khan on his way to the Dekhan, and pay implicit 
obedience to his orders. At the same time Dddd Khan 
was secretly told, by private letters from Farrukh Siyar, 
that if he could effect the destruction of Husain Ali Khan, 
he would receive the viceroyalty of the Dekhan as his 
reward. The result was that Dadd Khan strengthened 
his army by enlisting a force of Mahrattas. When Husain 
Ali Khan came up, instead of a friendly greeting there was 
an obstinate battle. The Mahrattas did nothing, but scoured 
about the plain on horseback, and kept aloof from the fight- 
ing until the action was over. Meanwhile Dadd Khan would 
have gained the victory, but in the moment of triumph he 
was shot dead by a musket-ball. His Mahrattas at once 
went over to the army of Husain Ali Khan, tendered their sub- 
mission, and then began to plunder the camp of Dddd Khan, 

A few glimpses of Delhi at this period are to be derived 
from the correspondence of an English mission which was 
sent from Calcutta to Delhi in 1715, and remained more 


210 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II, 


A,D. 

1713-1719 

English 

missioa 

from 

Calcutta 

to Delhi, 

17x5-17, 


Story 
of Dr. 
Hamilton. 


Sudden 
close of 
the 

mission. 


Troubled 
state of . 
Delhi. 


than two years at the Moghul capital. The mission was 
undertaken to secure certain trading privileges from the 
Great Moghul, and is chiefly remarkable for the delays 
and evasions of ministers and courtiers. The presents sent 
by the English merchants at Calcutta were received with 
great favour by the Padishah and the leading grandees ; and 
the English ambassadors received so many promises of 
goodwill and patronage, that they wrote cheerful letters to 
Calcutta, saying that they were sanguine of obtaining all 
they wanted. When, however, they began to ask for 
firmans setting forth the privileges to be granted, so many 
difficulties were raised on all sides that they began to 
despair of obtaining any firmans at all. 

Meanwhile, an English surgeon named Hamilton, who 
accompanied the mission to Delhi, had been fortunate 
enough to heal Earrukh Siyar of a troublesome disease ; 
and the Padishah was willing to show his gratitude by 
granting a firmdn of privileges. But Earrukh Siyar refused 
to part with the doctor ; and the doctor was thrown into a 
painful fright ; for he had a wife and family in England, and 
was horrified at the idea of spending the rest of his days in 
gilded exile at Delhi. 

Suddenly, after a delay of two years, all difficulties were 
removed. The English had found it convenient to remove 
their old factory at Surat to their more important settlement 
at Bombay. This trifling event spread a terror through the 
Moghul court. The older grandees remembered that the fac- 
tory at Surat had been removed to Bombay just before the dis- 
astrous war of 1686 ; and they were in mortal fear lest the 
repetition of the measure should be followed by the re- 
appearance of English men- of- war in the eastern seas. The 
requests of the English ambassadors were granted with surpris- 
ing promptitude; even the English doctor was permitted to de- 
part after pledging himself to return with a supply of medicines 
at an early date and the mission returned to Calcutta with 
firmans of new rights and privileges duly signed and sealed. 

The English mission were impressed with the pomp 
and power of the Great Moghul, but they saw many si^s 
of disturbance at Delhi. The marriage of Earrukh Siyar with 
the Jaipur princess was celebrated with illuminations and 

^ Dr. Hamilton died shortly after his return to Calcutta. His tomb- 
stone is still to be seen inscribed with a record of his services. 


Chap. VIII.] MOGHUL EMPIRE ; DECLINE AND FALL. 


2II 


fireworks ; but the plots for securing the destruction of a. u. 
Husain All Khan were widely known. About the same time a 1713-1719 
Tartar army broke out in mutiny, and the troops were ’ 
clamouring for their arrears of pay in the streets of Delhi. 

Meanwhile the Sikhs were signally defeated in the Punjab, Wholesale 
and Bandu Guru was taken prisoner and conducted to Delhi 
amidst a horrible procession of eight hundred Sikh prisoners a 
doomed to death, and two thousand bleeding heads borne on martyred 
poles. The executions that followed were ghastly and sick- Gum, 
ening. The Sikh prisoners were beheaded at the rate of a 
hundred a day. The captive Guru was clothed in niock 
robes of state, and exhibited with an infant son in an iron 
cage. The child was butchered before his eyes, and he him- 
self was tortured to death with hot pincers. But Bandu Guru 
perished in the glory of martyrdom, exulting in the dream 
that he had been raised up by God to scourge the sins and 
oppressions of the age. 

In 1719, about a year after the English mission left Delhi, Doom of 
the reign of Farrukh Siyar was brought to a tragical close. Pf-i’mkh 
Abdulla Khan, the minister, found that his life was in danger, 
and summoned his brother from the Dekhan. Husain Ali JasSacre 
Khan marched to Delhi with an army of Mahrattas, and of 
excited a universal terror. Then followed a night of horror. Mahrattas. 
The army of Abdulla Khan surrounded the palace, whilst 
the Mahrattas were supposed to keep order in the city. The 
most alarming reports spread through Delhi. It was said that 
Abdulla Khan had, been murdered in the palace by the Raja 
of Jaipur. Next it was rumoured that the Mahrattas were 
plundering the city ; and the mob of Delhi rose against the 
Mahrattas, and slaughtered large numbers, and found so much 
gold in their saddle-bags as to increase the general alarm. 

Next morning the uproar was over. The trembling Padi- Assassina- 
shah had been dragged from the zenana amidst the screams 
of women, and thrown into a dungeon and deprived of eye- ^ 
sight ; and it was soon known that he had been strangled to 
death by the bowstring. Meanwhile, an infant prince was 
taken out of the state prison of Selimghur, which adjoined 
the palace, and placed upon the throne of the Moghuls. 

The firing of cannon, and thundering of the imperial kettle- 
drums at the gate of the palace, announced that Farrukh 
Siyar had ceased to reign, and that another Padishah was 
sovereign of the Moghul empire, 

'P'2 


212 MUHAMMADAN INDIA. [Part H. 

a.d. It soon transpired that the two Saiyids had assumed the 
^ 7 supreme direction of affairs in the name of an infant sove- 
Infant J^^ign. Three months afterwards the infant died, and another 
Padishahs, young boy was taken out of the state prison and set upon 
the throne. But the reign of the new puppet was shorter 
than that of his ill-starred predecessor. In a few weeks he 
too was hurried to the grave by some insidious disease. 

Reign of A healthier youth was now taken out of the prison, and 
Muham- enthroned under the name of Muhammad Shah. He was 
destined to reign for a period of nearly thirty years; to 
' * witness the mortal blow from Persia which shook the Moghul 

empire to its foundations ; and to leave his* successors to 
be the alternate prey of Afghans and Mahrattas. 

Plots Muhammad Shah ascended the throne as the puppet of 

against the two Saiyids ; but by this time a strong party had been 

the two formed against the brothers. The succession of three 

pageant Padishahs within a few brief months had opened 
the eyes of the leading grandees to the dangerous ambition 
of the Saiyids, and raised up a host of enemies who were 
resolved on their downfall. 

Fall of the The two brothers were aware of the secret combinations 
Saiyids. formed against them, and laboured hard to defeat their 
designs. Abdulla Khan remained at Delhi to carry on the 
duties of prime minister. Husain Ali Khan returned to his 
viceroyalty in the Dekhan, and carried the young Padishah 
with him as a precautionary measure. But there was 
treachery in the carnp, and a savage Kalmuk agreed;to strike 
the fatal blow. He presented a petition to Husain Ali Khan, 
and whilst the latter was reading it, the Kalmuk stabbed the 
Viceroy to the heart. The dead body rolled out of the 
opposite side of the palanquin. The Kalmuk was cut to 
pieces by the Viceroy’s guards. But Muhammad Shah 
placed himself at the head of his friends, and his appearance 
put an end to the confusion and restored order. The army 
returned to Agra, and thence began the march to Delhi. 
Abdulla Khan marched out an army to revenge the death 
of his brother, but found it useless to contend against the 
revolution. His forces were utterly defeated; his life was 
Triumph- spared; but the power of the Saiyids was gone for ever. 
SMuham- Muhammad Shah entered Delhi with all the triumph of a 
mad Shah Conqueror. He was received by his mother and ladies of 
to Delhi, the zenana with all the pomp and ceremonial that accom- 


Chap. VIIL] MOGHUL EMPIRE: DECLINE AND FALL. 


213 


panied the installation of Mogliul sovereigns. He took his a.d. 
seat upon the great throne; the imperial insignia were dis- i7i9"i73S 
played on either side ; basins of gold coins and jewels were 
waved around him ; and to all outward appearance he began 
to reign with all the magnificence of a Jehangfr or Shah 
Jehan. But the energies of the imperial rule were already 
in rapid decay ; the life-blood of the empire was ebbing 
away ; and the blaze of splendour which heralded the eleva- 
tion of Muhammad Shah to the sovereignty was but an 
empty show to veil the decline of the empire. 

The signs of dissolution must have been already evident to Decay 
those who could see beneath the surface of things. The ^ 
Moghul court was torn by factions which could no longer 
be suppressed by the frown of the Padishah, and which not 
unfrequently broke out in open broils. The removal of 
Viceroys from one province to another, which had been so 
frequent under the despotic rule of Jehangfr, Shah Jehan, 
and Aurangzeb, had become of rare occurrence ; for an 
order for removal, under a weak sovereign like Farrukh 
Siyar or Muhammad Shah, might have been met by a for- 
midable rebellion which would have engulfed the empire. 

One sign of weakness was more significant than all the Cessation 
others. The imperial camp was no longer to be seen pf the 
moving from Hindustan to the Punjab, or from Hindustan ^ 

to the Dekhan,, keeping Sikhs and Rajpilts in awe, and 
canying the prestige of the Great Moghul to every part of 
his dominions. During the reigns of Farrukh Siyar and • 
Muhammad Shah, the Padishah was little better than a 
pageant confined to the palace; and his progresses in camp 
were little more than hunting expeditions in the immediate 
neighbourhood of Delhi. 

Yet still the administration moved on in the well-worn Latent 
grooves of long-established routine, although much of the of 
vitality of power had passed away. No Viceroy or Subah- 
dar of a province was legally in possession of his post until 
he had received letters and insignia of investiture from 
the Moghul court at Delhi; and this simple procedure pre- 
served the prestige of Moghul suzerainty for generations 
after the authority of the Padishah had dwindled into an 
empty name. 

During the reign of Muhammad Shah a Subahdar might 
die, and his son might succeed to the post by an assumption 


214 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


A. D. of hereditary right, which would have been ruthlessly denied 

1719-1738 i-jy Aurangzeb or his predecessors; but even during the 
Suc^^ last years of the empire the succession had no validity 
sions to or weight in the eyes of the masses until the letters and 
local insignia had been received from Delhi. The same might 
govern- ^^iid of the subordinate Nawabs of outlying terri- 

ments. tories. A Nawab might be appointed by a Subahdar, 
and be succeeded on death by his eldest son ; and it 
will be seen hereafter that this was the case with the 
Nawab of the Carnatic, under the Nizam or Subahdar 
of the Dekhan ; but neither the original appointment, nor 
the succession of the son, could be considered legal and 
secure until letters and insignia had arrived from Delhi 
with the seals of the empire. The consequeiice was that 
a Viceroy never failed to send presents and promises to 
the Padishah and grandees, to secure the recognised suc- 
cession of a son or near kinsman; and whenever a Viceroy 
died every candidate for the government was equally 
profuse in presents and promises in the hope of securing 
his own recognition to the exclusion of all others. 

Padishah, All this while the Padishah was still the sole fountain of 
the sole all honour, rank, and titles throughout the empire. These 
of'^hon^ur were so largely coveted that grandees were often 

rank, and’ ready to Sacrifice the greater part of their wealth in order 
title.’ to obtain them. They were never hereditary, but they 
elevated the grandee for the time being above his fellows 
in the eyes of the whole court, and were thus always 
received with the utmost pride and gladness of heart. Many 
a Subahdar or Nawab, driven to the verge of rebellion by 
insult or neglect, has been brought once again within the 
pale of loyalty and devotion by the receipt of an empty 
title and a dress of honour from the Great Moghul. 
Provincial A curious anomaly of the Moghul constitution was the 
Dewans, appointment of a Dewan, or financial accountant-general, 
or Ac- -i-Q every province of the empire. It was the duty of this 
GeneS!^' officer to receive all collections of revenue, to pay all 
salaries, including that of the Subahdar or Nawab, and to 
devote his whole attention to the remission of the largest 
possible yearly balance to the imperial treasury at Delhi 
In the reign of Aurangzeb the Dewan had been regarded 
as the most important officer in the province. The duties 
of the Subahdar or Nawab had been confined to the 


Chap. VIIL] MOGHUL EMPIRE; DECLINE AND FALL. 


maintenance of' the public peace and the administration of a.d. 
justice! and all revenue questions had been left to the i7i9-i73S 
Dewan. At the same time the Dewan received his ap- “ 
pointment direct from the Padishah, and was altogether 
independent of the Subahdar or Nawab; and by his zeal 
in the collection of revenue, and remission of the largest 
possible amount as the Padishah's share, he might hope for 
promotion or reward. 

During the decline of the Moghul empire, the greediness General 
for rank and titles led to a general corruption in the court 
and provinces. The grandees grew rich whilst the imperial 
revenues dwindled year by year. Presents to the minis- provinces, 
ters, courtiers, and chief ladies of the zenana became of 
more importance than the remittance of the yearly revenue 
to the imperial treasury. There were collusions between 
the Subahdar and the Dewan, and by dint of bribes and 
presents the two appointments were sometimes given to 
two different members of the same family, and sometimes 
■were doubled up in the same officer. The result was a 
growing independence amongst the Subahdars and Nawabs 
of provinces ; a growing tendency on the part of those 
officers to retain their several governments as the hereditary 
right of their respective families ; a growing disregard to the 
orders received from the court at Delhi, and a deter- 
mination to govern their respective provinces according 
to their own irresponsible will. 

Strange to say, whilst there was a general loosening of the Ostenta- 
tie which bound the Viceroys of provinces to the Moghul dousrever- 
court, the tie itself was on all occasions ostentatiously dis- orders 
played before the multitude. Every Viceroy of a province of the 
acted as though he believed that his authority derived Padishah, 
its sole lustre and security from its subordination to that 
of the Great Moghul. Whenever the imperial firmdns, 
orders, or letters of any description arrived from Delhi, the 
Subahdar or Nawab went out with all his officers in grand 
array to receive the documents with every demonstration of 
respect and honour; to place the imperial commands upon 
his forehead in token of his profound submission to the 
will of the Padishah ; and to announce the coming of the 
imperial messengers with a salute of artillery, and every 
mark of devotion and loyalty. 

The richest province of the empire,' or that which sent 


2i6 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


provinces 
isolation 
of the 
Nawab. 

Two great 


Shiah. 


a.d. the largest yearly revenue to the Padishah, was the one 
* 71^1733 which included the outlying territories of Bengal, Behar, and 
Bengal'' Orissa. But the Nawabs of the Bengal provinces played no 
part in the history of the empire. They lived to the 
eastward of the river Carumnasa, and had little or no con- 
cern with the Moghul court, beyond remitting the yearly 
revenue to Delhi, 

The two most important officers in the empire were Saddut 
men of the Ali Khan, who was Subahdar of Oude ; and Chin Kulich 
empire. Khan, better known by his title of Nizam-ul-mulk, who was 
Subahdar or Nizam of the Dekhan. ^ The history of these 
two men is typical of the condition of the Moghul empire 
during the reign of Muhammad Shah, and thus demands 
separate consideration. 

Saadut Ali The province of Oude in those times included not only 
^han, modern. Oude, but the vast area of fertile territory extend- 
ing from Benares to Agra, which is comprised in the present 
^ day under the general term of North-west Provinces. 
Saddut All Khan was a Persian and a Shiah. He was of 
low extraction, having been originally a cotton merchant 
of Khorasan; but by a strange destiny he had become 
Viceroy and practically sovereign over the greater part of 
Hindustan, and was the ancestor of the later kings of 
Oude, who like him professed the religion of the Shiahs. 

Nizam-ul-mulk was a rival in race and religion, a Turk 
and a Sunni. He belonged to what was called a Turanian 
family, as distinguished from the Iranian, or Persian stock. 
Dekhaii a history is obscure, but he and his father before 

Turk and him are said to have held important commands in the 
Sunm. reign of Aurangzeb. 

Peril in the During the scandalous reign of J ehandar Shah, the proud 
reign of spirit of Nizam-ul-mulk had nearly worked his own downfall. 

Whilst proceeding through the streets of Delhi, his way was 
impeded by one of the worthless parasites of the hour; a 
woman who had formerly sold fruit and garden stuff in the 
vegetable market, but had become the sworn friend of a 

^ Chin Kulich Khan subsequently received the honorary title of Asof 
Jah, which, according to Muhammadan tradition, was the name of the 
minister of Solomon. But though he is often called Asof Jah he is 
best known by the title of Nizam-ul-mulk, or “regulator of the .state,” 
given to him on the accession of Farrukh Siyar ; and as his successors, 
the Nizams of Hyderabad, are named after this title, it will be preserved 
throughout the present volume. 


Nizam-ul- 
mulk, 
Subahdar 
of the 


Jehandar 

Shah. 


Chap. VIII.] MOGHUL EMPIRE: DECLINE AND FALL. 


217 


dancing-girl who was the ruling favourite of Jehandar Shah. a.d. 
This woman was proceeding to the palace on an elephant, 1719- 173S 
accompanied by a numerous retinue; and as she passed she “ — 

poured out a torrent of abuse on Nizam-ul-mulk. It is said 
that the proud Turk gave a signal to his retainers; but 
whether he did or no, the men dragged the woman from her 
elephant and maltreated her in the presence of the mob. 

The woman threw ashes on her head, and hurried off to the 
palace to demand vengeance from the favourite dancing-girl. 
Meanwhile Nizam-ul-mulk went to the house of the prime 
minister Zulfikar Khan, and told him the whole story. The 
two men were not friends, but Zulfikar Khan saw the neces- 
sity for supporting his fellow-grandee against the insolence 
of the favourite. Accordingly he wrote on a slip of paper 

I throw in my lot with that of Nizam-ul-mulk;^' and sent 
the writing to Jehandar Shah. The paper proved to be a 
sufficient warning for the young Padishah ; he saw that re- 
venge was out of the question, and nothing more was heard 
of the matter. 

At the accession of Farrukh Siyar, the two Saiyids made Jealousy 
much of Nizam-ul-mulk, gave him the title and appointed of the 
him Subahdar of the Dekhan. Subsequently they grew Saiyids. 
jealous of him and transferred him to the government of 
Malwa between the Chambal and Nerbudda, whilst Husain 
Ali Khan was appointed Subahdar of the Dekhan between 
the Nerbudda and Kistna. 

After the assassination of Husain Ali Khan, Nizam-ul- The 
mulk crossed the Nerbudda with an army, and took posses- Nizam 
sion of the government of the Dekhan, defeating 
commander who was secretly sent to overthrow him, whilst\^^ 
still retaining a paramount influence in Malwa and 
'■Guzerat... 

All this while the Mahrattas were the pest of the empire, Growing 
the horror of the Moghul court, the terror of the Moghul power of 
Viceroys of provinces, and the especial enemies of Nizam- 
ul-mulk. The first Peishwa, Balaji Visvanath, died in 1720, 
and was succeeded in the post of minister by his son Bajiofthe 
Kao, who is always described as the ablest Mahratta Brah- Brahman 
man of the time.^ The policy of both father and son was to Peishwas. 
secure the continued recognition of Maharaja Sahu as the 
vassal of the Great Moghul ; to enforce the Mahratta claims 
^ Compare p. 206. 


2i8 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA, 


[Part II. 


A. I). to chout throughout the Dekhan, Mai wa and Guzerat j and 
1719-1738 to keep the loose bands of Mahratta horsemen, which might 
““ prove dangerous to the Brahman government at Satara, 
continually employed at a distance from the capital. 
These ends both Peishwas in turn had sought to attain by 
issuing commissions to different Mahratta leaders to collect 
chout in all directions in the name of Maharaja Sahu. 

Designs The policy of the Peishwas throws much light upon the 
political genius of the Mahratta Brahmans. They did not 
care to create a Mahratta empire with well-defined frontiers. 
They preferred exercising the right of interference over 
a large and undefined part of the Moghul empire, and 
collecting chout under the plea of affording protection and 
security in return. 

The Peishwa parcelled out the right of collecting 
chout amongst different military leaders in every district, 
in such a way, that whilst each leader had an interest in 
increasing the contributions to the general stock, no one 
had a compact property to render him independent of the 
Brahman court at Satara. Moreover, by dividing the revenue 
into innumerable fractions, it threw the military leaders into 
the hands of Brahman accountants ; and thus strengthened 
the power of the Peishwa by increasing the influence of the 
caste of Mahratta Brahmans to which he belonged. 

Mahratta history has thus an importance which has never 
been recognised by historians. It illustrates the struggle 
for political power between the caste of priests and that 
of soldiers which is the life and soul of ancient history. 
Glimpses of this struggle are furnished by the annals of 
Hebrews and Egyptians, but they are obscure and blurred. 
Mahratta history reveals every secret working in the 
battle between intellect and brute force, which ended in the 
triumph of the Brahman. In like manner the after history 
will tell of the revolt of the military leaders against the 
Brahman ascendancy, until the power of the Peishwas was 
reduced to a pageant by Lord Wellesley, 

It was during this early period of the Brahman ascendancy, 
Rise of the that the Mahratta commanders, mostly men of low caste, 
Gaekwar, began to rise to the rank of predatory powers. The family 
of the Gaekwar of Baroda came to the front in Guzerat ; 
Md the families of Sindia and Holkar established a hold in 

Bhonsla. Malwa ; and the Bhonsla family, the same clan to which 


empire. 


Ascend- 
ancy over 
Mahratta 
military 
leaders. 


Import- 
ance of 
Mahratta 
history. 


Chap. Vlir.] MOGHUL EMPIRE: DECLINE AND FALL. 


219 


Sivaji belonged, established a dominion in Berar in the a.d. 
Dekhan to the northward of the dominions of the Nizam. 1719-173S 

But during the supremacy of the Brahman Peishwas U 
these leaders were little more than military puppets in the ence^on" 
hands of the central power at Satara; they were in fact the 
officers of the Peishwa, commanding divisions of his troops, Feishwa. 
and acting under his commission. It was not until many 
years afterwards, when the power of the Peishwa was on the 
wane, that these military leaders ventured to exercise 
political influence and authority as semi-independent princes 
of the Mahratta empire. 

The dealings of an astute Mahratta Brahman, like Baji Dealings 
Rao, with Nizam-ul-mulk and Muhammad Shah, are too°f^^^ 
obscure and complicated to be dealt with except in the 4 hii the 
most general terms. Baji Rao was ever ready to take Nizam and 
advantage of the jealousies and rivalries in the Moghul Padishah, 
empire to further his own political schemes for power and 
aggrandisement He saw the jealous antagonism between 
the Padishah and Nizam-ul-raulk, and laboured hard to 
profit by it. He helped the imperial forces to drive the 
power and influence of Nizam-ul-mulk out of Guzerat and 
Malwa ; and in return he obtained from the Moghul court a 
grant of chout for the whole of the Dekhan. He carried on 
a series of desultory wars against Nizam-ul-mulk, until he 
forced him into a kind of recognition of the Mahratta 
claims. At the same time there was some sort of com- 
promise between the two. Nizam-ul-mulk obtained better 
terms from Baji Rao by engaging not to interfere in the 
Mahratta collections in Guzerat and Malwa. All this while 
Baji Rao was seeking to obtain from the Moghul court a 
formal grant of the chout for Guzerat and Malwa. 

The Moghul court vainly attempted to resist these Resistance 
demands. Their unwieldy masses of regular troops could of the 
make no impression on loose bands of Mahratta horsemen, 
whose home was in the saddle, and who disappeared from ^ahraua 
the scene one day only to reappear in an unexpected quarter preten- 
on the morrow. Muhammad Shah made certain concessions sions. 
to the Peishwa, but only with the view of embroiling him 
with other powers. He ceded to the Peishwa the right 
of collecting chout from the Rajpiits y a measure which 
certainly led to endless predatory wars between Rajpiits 
and Mahrattas when both ought to have been united in a 


220 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part 11 . 


Retreat 
of the 


A.D. Strong national confederacy of Hindus against the Moghuls. 
r 7 i 9 'S 73 S Muhammad Shah also made some additions to the Mahratta 
claims on the territories of Nizam-ul-mulk. This last 
measure recalled the Nizam to a sense of his dependence on 
the Padishah. Henceforth he seems to have resolved on 
supporting the Padishah against the Mahrattas. At the 
same time Baji Rao resolved on marching a Mahratta army 
towards Delhi, and driving Muhammad Shah into making a 
formal grant of chout for Guzerat and Malwa. 

Advance s^ch was the general progress of affairs from the beginning 
Peishwa reign of Muhammad Shah in 1719 down to the year 

on Agra 173d. In the latter year Baji Rao advanced a Mahratta 
and Delhi, army towards Agra ; whilst his light troops, under the com- 
173d. mand of Mulhar Rao Holkar, began to ravage the surround- 
ing country beyond the Jumna. Suddenly Holkar was 
attacked and driven back by a force under Saddut All Khan, 
Subahdar of Oude. This check w^as magnified into a great 
victory; but Baji Rao retrieved his disgrace by appearing 
with a Mahratta array at the very gates of Delhi. 

Retreat This movement of Baji Rao took place in the beginning 
of the Qf and threw the Moghul capital into the utmost 

consternation. But the object of Baji Rao was not to 
ptovoke, but to intimidate the Padishah. He made no 
attempt to enter Delhi, and he tried to prevent his troops 
from devastating the suburbs. Meanwhile Saddut Ali 
Khan joined his forces to the imperial army ; and Baji Rao 
deemed it expedient to return to the Dekhan. During this 
retreat of the Mahrattas, Nizam-ul-mulk marched an army 
to Delhi, and was received at the capital with every mark of 
favour. 

Secret These movements of rival armies become intelligible by 
relations bearing in mind the secret relations between the Moghul 
court and the Peishwa. The Moghul court was playing off 
Mahrattas the Mahrattas as a check upon the growing and dangerous 

and the power of Saddut Ali Khan and Nizam-ul-mulk. At the 

Moghul same time the Moghul court was in mortal fear of the Mah- 

court. jattas. It shrunk from the ignominy of making a formal 

grant of the chout for Malwa and Guzerat ; but according . 
to current reports it secretly paid chout for all its own 
territories round about Delhi, with the view of keeping 
the Mahrattas at a distance from the Moghul capital. Thus 
Baji Rao advanced to Agra and Delhi with the view of 


Secret 

relations 

between 

the 


Moghul 

court. 


Chap. VIIL] MOGHUL EMPIRE: DECLINE AND FALL. 


221 


securing the formal grant of chout for Malwa and Guzerat ; a.i). 

but he kept his Mahratta army from plundering the sur- 
rounding country lest he should thereby forfeit his claim 
to chout from the Delhi territories. 

In 1738 the Nizam was returning from Delhi to theBajiRao’s 
Dekhan, when he came into collision with Baji Rao on the triumph 
banks of the Nerbudda. There was no actual battle, hut 
the Mahrattas surrounded the Nizam, cut off his supplies, 
and reduced him to sore distress. In this extremity Nizam- revolution 
ul-mulk engaged to procure from the Padishah a cession of froi^ 
the chout for Malwa and Guzerat to the Peishwa. The 
Nizam then returned to Delhi, and Baji Rao took possession 
of Malwa. At this crisis political affairs were brought to a 
standstill by a sudden and unexpected blow from the side 
of Persia, which shook the Moghul empire to its founda- 
tions. 

The modern history of Persia begins with the year 1500, The Siifi 
when it was formed into an independent kingdom by a empire in 
dynasty of Shiah fanatics, known as the Sdfi Shahs. The 
rise of the Sdf[ empire preceded that of the Moghul empire 
of Hindustan by a quarter of a century, and its downfall 
preceded that of the Moghul empire about the same period. 

The rule of the Shahs of Persia differed little from that Character, 
of the Moghul sovereigns of Hindustan. There were no hdcs of 
fratricidal wars at the death of a Shah, but the princes were 
treated with greater cruelty during the lifetime of their 
father, often kept in state prisons, and blinded or strangled 
to prevent rebellion. On the death of a Shah a son or 
a grandson was taken out of a prison and placed upon 
the throne; and all his brothers, and all other possible 
rivals, were butchered wholesale. Each Shah in succession 
seemed to be more weak, more cruel, and more depraved 
than his predecessor ; and it is difficult to understand how 
the empire could have been kept together, threatened as it 
was by the Turks on the west, the Russians on the north, 
and Afghans and Uzbegs to the eastward. 

The dynasty was at last overthrown by an invasion of Afghan 
Afghans. About 1710 the Afghans of Kandahar and Herat 
threw off the Persian yoke, and established their inde- 
pendence under a chieftain of their own race. In 1722 the ^ ^ 
Afghans marched to Ispahan, and besieged the city until it 
was starved into unconditional surrender. Shah Husain, , ,, 


222 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part II. 


A.D. 

1719-1738 


Kise of 

Nadir 

Kuli 

Khan, 

1730, 


Usurps the 
throne, 

1736. 


the last of the Sdfi dynasty, abdicated his throne in favour 
of Mahmud, the Afghan conqueror; and for a period of 
eight years, from 1722 to 1730, the people of Persia were 
subjected to the indescribable atrocities and outrages of^ 
Afghan rule. 

Meanwhile Shah Tahmasp, a son of Shah Husain, made 
feeble efforts to recover his father’s kingdom. In 1727 he 
was joined by a freebooting chieftain named Nadir Kuli, or 
Nadir the slave. This man was a born general, endowed 
with an instinct for creating armies and founding empires. 
He waged such successful wars against the Afghans that, by 
the year 1730, he had driven them out of Persia and placed 
Shah Tahmasp on the throne of Ispahan. 

But Nadir Kuli Khan, as he was now called, was only 


Embassies 
to the 
Moghul 
treated 
with 

contempt 


making a stepping-stone of Shah Tahmasp. He went off 
to Khorasan to complete the subjugation of the Afghans. 
Meanwhile Shah Tahmasp engaged in war against the Turks, 
met with some disasters, and concluded a peace by yielding 
up his right to Armenia, Erivan, and Georgia, which had 
long been in the possession of Persia. Nadir Kuli Khan 
affected the utmost indignation at this ignominious peace. 
Hie returned to Ispahan, threw Shah Tahmasp into con- 
finement, and placed the Shah’s infant son upon the throne. 
He then carried on a war with Turkey until she was com- 
pelled to restore the disputed provinces ; and Russia was 
also induced to restore certain territories bordering on the 
Caspian which had been seized by Peter the Great. Nadir 
Kuli Khan was thus all-powerful in Persia. In 1736 
the infant sovereign died, and Nadir the slave assumed the 
full sovereignty under tire title of Nadir Shah, or Nadir the 

^”n 1737 Nadir Shah was engaged in besie^ng Kandahar, 
when he sent two successive embassies to the Great Moghul 
at Delhi. The Moghul court took no notice of these embas- 
sies; it did not even dismiss them and permit them to return 
to their master. Probably the haughty Moghul was prepared 
to dispute the title of Nadir Shah to the throne of Persia, 
and to treat him as an upstart and usurper. The result was 
that Nadir Shah captured Kandahar and K^bul, and then 
prepared to march an army to Delhi vtci Peshawar and 

Lahore. . . . , , , , . 

The Moghul court at this crisis was feeble to the last 


Chap. VIIL] MOGHUL EMPIRE : DECLINE AND FALL. 


223 


degree. It had been recently threatened by the Mahrattas, a.d. 
and it was torn to pieces by the dissensions and jealousies ^738-1739 
of the leading grandees. There was hot rivalry between 
Saddut Ali Khan and Nizam-ul-mulk, and one or both were sions^and 
at daggers drawn with Khan-dauran, the minister. In- treacheries 
deed it was currently reported that both SaMut Ali Khan 
and Nizam-ul-mulk had been for some time in secret cor- 
respondence with Nadir Shah, and had invited him to invade 
Hindustan. 

Nadir Shah was certainly familiar with the progress of Nadir 
affairs in India. He charged Muhammad Shah with having Shah’s 
failed to collect the Jezya from the unbelieving Hindus, 
and with having paid a fourth of his revenue to the 
idolatrous Mahrattas. 

Nadir Shah reached Peshawar without difficulty. The March 
Moghul court had been accustomed to pay a yearly subsidy hom 
to the hill tribes for the defence of the frontier passes ; but 
for some years previously the money had been appropriated the ^ 
by the corrupt and unscrupulous minister. Consequently the Punjab, 
garrisons had been withdrawn, and the disbanded troops ^738, 
not only left the passes open to Nadir Shah, but eagerly 
joined his army in the hope of sharing in the spoils of 
Hindustan. The Persian invader met with little or no 
resistance on his way through the Punjab. The Moghul 
Viceroy of the province was in communication with Nizam- 
ul-mulk ; and he deemed it more to his interest to permit 
Nadir Shah to continue his march, than to sacrifice his 
troops and himself in vain efforts to repel the invasion. 

At last the Moghul court was awakened from its lethargy. Moghul 
A large army marched from Delhi to Kurnal, about sixty- 
five miles to the northward, under the joint command of^^ 
Nizam-ul-mulk and Khan-dauran, and accompanied by 
Muhammad Shah. Shortly afterwards the army of N adir Shah 
approached Kurnal, and encamped in the neighbourhood. 

At this crisis Saddut Ali Khan arrived at Delhi with re- Disaster 
infor cements, and proposed giving the enemy battle. But at Kurnal, 
the old rivalries were still at work. Saddut Ali Khan and ^^ 39 * 
Khan-dauran went out to engage the enemy, but Nizam-ul- 
mulk stood aloof and refused to join in the fighting. The 
Moghul army was utterly defeated ; Saddut Ali Khan 
was taken prisoner, and Khan-dauran received a mortal 
wound. 


224 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[Part IL 


A.B- MuHammad Shah was now at the mercy of Nadir Shah, 
173^*1739 Nizam-ul-mulk was sent to offer terms to the conqueror ; he 
Ne^tia- agreed to pay two crores of rupees, or two 

tions millions sterling, provided Nadir Shah returned to Persia 
with Nadir without advancing on Delhi. The terms were accepted, 
Shah. and Nizam-uhmulk returned to the camp of the Padishah 
with the joyful news, and was rewarded with the coveted 
rank of Amir of Amirs, or chief of ail the Amirs. 

Treachery Saddut Ali Khan was stung with jealousy at the honour 
of Saadut conferred on his rival. He told Nadir Shah that two crores 
Ah Khan, ^y^rere only a flea-bite in comparison with the treasures of 
Delhi ; and he persuaded the invader to pursue his march 
to the Moghul capital, by promising to collect a subsidy 
of twenty crores. The offer was accepted, and Saddut 
Ali Khan hastened back to Delhi. 

Nadir Nadir Shah set out on his march to Delhi with the ex- 
Shaffs pectation of receiving a subsidy of twenty millions sterling, 

march to pjg ordered Muhammad Shah to go on before him and 

^ prepare the city and palace for his reception. He received 

a visit from Saadut Ali Khan in the suburbs, but treated 
him with harshness, and asked why he had not begun to 
collect the subsidy. Saadut saw that his ruin was at hand; 
He left the presence of Nadir Shah in abject terror, swal- 
lowed a dose of poison, and passed away from the scene. - 
Gloomy Next day Nadir Shah entered the city of Delhi with 
entry into twenty thousand men. Ali houses and shops were closed ; 
Delhi. not a soul appeared in the streets. Amidst this portentous 
gloom, Nadir Shah posted his troops in various quarters of 
the city, and proceeded to the palace, where he was duly 
entertained by Muhammad Shah. 

Moghul The soldiers of Nadir Shah were known as the Persian 
outbreak: army, but they chiefly consisted of Tartars, Afghans, and 
Uzbegs ; and were naturally regarded with disgust and 
hatred by the proud Moghuls. Nadir Shah promulgated 
soldiers, stringent orders that none of the inhabitants of Delhi should 
be injured; indeed ali that he wanted was to collect the 
subsidy as thoroughly and rapidly as possible, ■ and this 
could be best achieved by abstaining from all alarms. But 
the people of Delhi were driven by terror and shame into 
acts of madness. On the day after the entry of Nadir 
Shah, being the I oth of March, 1739, a turmoil arose in 
the city. Many of the strangers were cut down and 


Chap, VIII.] MOGHUL EMPIRE; DECLINE AND FALL. 225 

slaughtered. A rumour spread through the streets and a.d. 
bazars that Nadir Shah had been slain within the palace. ^739-1748 
The mob arose in overwhelming force and began to massacre 
the foreign soldiery, in the same way that they had massacred 
the Mahrattas some twenty years before. The approach of 
night increased the uproar. The troops of Nadir Shah re- 
treated to their quarters in the caravanserais and houses of the 
grandees, and stood under arms throughout the night, whilst 
all stragglers were butchered by the infuriated multitude. 

At early morning Nadir Shah left the palace with a strong Nadir 
force, and began riding through the streets of Delhi. The Shah’s 
sight of the dead bodies of his troops aroused his terrible 
wrath. At the same moment he was assailed with stones, 
arrows, and firearms, from the houses, and one of his chiefs 
was slain by his side. He determined on a deed of * 
vengeance, which has no parallel in modern history. He 
, ordered an indiscriminate massacre of the inhabitants with- 
out regard to age or sex. No city taken by storm could 
ihave presented greater horrors. The Persian army, mad- 
dened by the sight of their bleeding comrades, spread over 
the city like demons, breaking open shops, houses, and 
palaces, slaughtering, plundering, burning, destroying, and 
committing every kind of outrage with an unbridled fury 
which knew not how to pity nor how to spare. 

The sack and carnage of Delhi lasted from eight o’clock Seven 
in the morning until three o’clock in the afternoon. The 
streets w^ere filled with the shouts of the brutal soldiery and carL^e 
the shrieks of their helpless victims. The atmosphere was ^ * 
reeking with the blood and butchery of thousands of human 
beings. Houses were set on fire, and numbers perished in 
the flames. Husbands killed their wives and then murdered 
themselves. Women threw themselves into wells. Children 
were slaughtered without mercy, and infants were cut to 
pieces at their mothers’ breasts. 

All this while Nadir Shah sat in a little mosque in the 
principal street, which is still pointed out to modern travel- 
lers. His presence in his milder moods was sufficient to JJJosqL. 
strike beholders with awe. Six feet high, with swarthy 
countenance, large eyes, and a voice of thunder, his com- 
manding aspect compelled ail men to bend before him. 

But now as he sat in the mosque, his features were lighted 
up by a stern ferocity, as if he exulted in the great- 

Q 


226 


MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 


[PartIL 


A.D. ness of his revenge. Nizam -uhniulk, stung by remorse, 
1739-1748 threw himself at the feet of the conqueror, and prayed for 
■ mercy towards the innocent inhabitants; but he was re- 
ceived with torrents of abuse that must have added to his 
terrors. Muhammad Shah followed his exanriple, and begged 
that his subjects might be spared from further slaughter. 
At last the bloodthirsty warrior began to relent ; he sent out 
orders that the butchery should end, and he was promptly 
and implicitly obeyed. But the sun set upon a scene of 
horror and devastation which has rarely been equalled in 
the annals of Tartar revenge. . 

Burial and Next mornirg the survivors were ordered under terrible 
cremation penalties to dispose of the dead. The corpses of Hindus 
dead Muhammadans w’-ere thrown promiscuously together. 

Many were buried in vast pits ; many were cast on piles of 
timber taken from the falling houses, and burnt in huge 
holocausts. The number of slain can never be known. 
According to one wild estimate, more than a hundred 
thousand souls perished in the massacre ; but if the number 
is reduced to one-fifth or one-tenth, it is sufficient to strike 
men with terror until the end of time. 

Collection When the slaughter was over and the murdered heaps 
of the had been cleared away, the work of plunder and exaction 
subsidy, carried out with relentless barbarity. The peacock 

throne and all the je^vels of the imperial palace became the 
spoil of the conqueror; so did the best of the cannon and 
warlike stores, and the choicest of the elephants, horses, and 
camels. Contributions were levied from every grandee, and 
from every dwelling-house in the capital-; and any show of 
reluctance or attempt at concealment was met by threats 
and tortures. Many who were unable to meet the demand 
committed suicide rather than fall into the hands of their 
tormentors. A body of Persian horse was sent to Oude, 
and confiscated the treasures of Saddut Ali Khan to the 
value of one or two millions sterling. A like sum was 
demanded of Nizam-ul-mulk, and a large amount seems to 
have been obtained ; but the treasury of the Dekhan was 
out of the reach of Nadir Shah; and any force despatched 
in that direction might have been cut off in the passes of 
the Vindhya mountains, or exposed to the assaults of the 
M a hrat fas. An attempt was made to secure a subsidy from 
Bengal ; but the treasury of Murshedabad was too remote 



Chap. VIII.] MOGHUL EMPIRE ; DECLINE AND FALL. 


227 


from Delhi ; and not even the avarice of Nadir Shah would a.d. 
induce him to send an army into the defiles of Bihar. i739“i74S 

The total value of the gold, silver, jewels, weapons, stuffs, VaiuTof 
stores, and money carried off by Nadir Shah has been vari- 
ously estimated from eight to, eighty millions ; but all such 
conjectures are the sport of the imagination. Nothing is 
known beyond the fact that the invader carried off vast 
and untold treasures ; that he gave three months’ pay to 
every soldier in his army, and remitted a year’s taxation 
throughout the whole Persian empire. 

Nadir Shah demanded the niece of Muhammad Shah in inter- 
marriage for his second son. He also demanded the ces- marriage 
sion to Persia of all territories to the westward of the Indus 
which had previously belonged to the Moghul. Indeed he 
he might have made any demand he thought proper, for 
Muhammad Shah was far too prostrate to attempt any 
refusal. The marriage of his son to the Moghul princess 
was solemnised with some show of rejoicing; and the ces- 
sion of territory was embodied in a formal grant, which was 
couched in terms of abject submission to the will of the 
conqueror. 

Nadir Shah reinstated the fallen Moghul in the possession Departure 
of his throne and empire. He exhorted every vassal and of Nadir 
feudatory to be loyal in their devotion to Muhammad Shah; Sl^ah. 
and he threatened to wreak his vengeance on any that should 
attempt to rebel. He then returned to Persia after a stay 
of two months in Hindustan. 

Nadir Shah never reappeared in India. He lived nine Nadir 
years longer, during which he was engaged in wars with the ^hah as- 
Turks, or in putting down rebellions in his own territories, 
Unfortunately for him, he interfered with the national 
religion of Persia. He sought to put an end to the 
antagonism between Shiahs and Sunnis by declaring the 
Sunni faith to be the one state religion of the empire. lie 
thus raised a ' storm of fanaticism against his rale, which no 
force could allay. In 1747 , at the age of sixty, he was cut 
off by assassins, after a troubled reign of eleven years. 

The invasion of Nadir Shah inflicted a mortal blow on Paralysis 
the Moghul empire. Muhammad Shah was re-seated on of the 
the throne of his fathers, but his sovereignty was little 
better than a name. The Viceroys of the provinces had 
become independent princes. The death of a Subahdar or 

Q 2 


22S - MUHAMMADAN INDIA. [Part H. 

A.r>. Nawab was followed by fratricidal wars like those which 
1739-174^ attended the demise of a Padishah ; and not unfreqiiently 
by the elevation of a usurper with no other authority than 
tions derived from the sword. The Mahrattas were no longer 

of the to be quieted by payments from the imperial treasury, for the 
Mahrattas. treasury had been emptied by Nadir Shah; and the Mah- 
, ratta leaders led their hosts of horsemen to the remotest 
quarters of India, plundering and devastating the two 
Carnatics in the southern Peninsula, and at the same time 
spreading like destroying locusts over the fertile plains of 
Bengal. 

Mahratta Baji Bao died in 1740, and was succeeded in the post of 
affairs, Peishwa by his son Balaji Rao. Maharaja Sahu died in 

i 74 < 5-4 • 1748, the year after the assassination of Nadir Shah, and 

was succeeded on the throne of Satara by a nominal sove- 
reign named Raja Ram. At the same time a noiseless 
revolution was carried out, under which the real sovereignty 
was transferred from the Maharaja to the Peishwa. Raja 
Ram reigned as a state pageant in the fortress or prison at 
Satara ; whilst Balaji Rao removed the Mahratta court to 
Poona, and reigned at the old capital of Sivaji as the 
independent sovereign of the Mahratta empire, but under 
the old name of Peishwa or minister. 

Death of Muhammad Shah died in 1748, the same year that saw 
Muharn- (jeath of Maharaja Sahu. At this moment a new enemy 
mad Shah, in Hindustan to contest with the Mahrattas for 

AMian supremacy. The assassination of Nadir Shah in the pre- 
invasion. vious year had delivered the Afghans from the Persian yoke. 

Another Asiatic conqueror rose to the front under the name 
of Ahmad Shah Abdali. He extended the independent 
empire of the Afghans over the greater part of Central Asia, 
including the Punjab and Kashmir. He invaded Hindu- 
stan for the purpose of re-establishing the old Afghan 
supremacy in India. The consequence was that the succes- 
sors of Muhammad Shah were mere pageants in the hands 
of rival ministers, who in their turn were alternately under 
the influence of Mahrattas and Afghans. 

Revolu- At this turning-point in the downward career of the once 
tion Great Moghul, the history of India underwent an entire 
destinies revolution. The Moghul empire was broken up never to 
of India, be restored. The foundations of a new empire were laid 
by English settlers, which was destined to extend its para- 


t" • • ■ ^ — 

Chap. VIIL] MOGHUL EMPIRE : DECLINE AND FALL. 

mount infiiienee over the whole of India from sea to sea. 
The centre of political interest is thus transferred from the 
old Moghul capital of Delhi to the English settlements of 
Madras and Calcutta. The Hindu nationalities of India, 
after centuries of repression, were to be educated by British 
administrators in a knowledge of that civilisation, which has 
regenerated the western world and established the reign of 
order and of law. In this manner the people of India are 
being trained and disciplined by British rule for a new 
career of national life, which can only be revealed in the 
unknown world of the future. 






PART III. 


A.D. 

1700-1732 

Growing 
importance 
of Madras. 


Com- 

mercial 

establish- 

ment. 


BRITISH INDIA. 


CHAPTER 1. 

ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 

A.D. 1700 TO 1756. 

During the early half of the eighteenth century, the English 
town of Madras grew into an important settlement. It was 
enlarged by the addition of out villages, which still give their 
names to different quarters of the inodern city.^ It carried 
on a profitable trade with Burma and Siam, Sumatra and 
China. It employed more weavers and manufactured more 
cotton piece goods than at any previous period and no 
settlemerit in the eastern seas was regarded by the English 
Company with more pride and complacency than Madras 
and Fort St. George. 

The government of Madras was the natural outcome of a 
trading agency. The establishment of every English factory 
in India originally consisted of a certain number of European 
servants, graded as writers, factors and merchants, who were 
paid small salaries, but were lodged and boarded at the 
Company's expense. In the seventeenth century a writer 
only drew ten pounds per annum, a factor only twenty 
pounds, and a merchant only forty pounds ; whilst the yearly 
salary of the president or governor was only three or four 

In the seventeenth century, Nunknrhbaulcum, Vepery, Egmore, 
Royapoorum, and other localities familiar to modern residents in 
Madras, were native villages outside the Company’s grounds. 



London; HaomiXlan «fc Co. 


Stanford'^ &60^\ StUM 




United Service Institution 
of India. 


Chap. I.] ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 231 

hundred pounds. In the eighteenth century salaries were a.d. 

I considerably raised, but were still absurdly small to modern 1700-1732 
eyes. Every s'ervant of the Company, however, was allowed 
the privilege of engaging in private trade, so long as he 
confined it to the ports in the eastern seas, and did not 
meddle in the Company’s monopoly of trade with Europe. 

The governor of Madras exercised supreme control over Governor 
the White town, but was helped by a council of selected hi Council 
merchants ; and so indeed were the governors of Bombay 
and Calcutta. Such was the simple origin of the governors ' 
in. council for Madras and Bombay, and the Viceroy in 
council for the whole of India. The governor and council 
at Madras, during the seventeenth and nearly half of the 
eighteenth centuries, were chiefly engaged in superintending 
the Company’s trade ; in selling English manufactures and 
commodities in Indian markets, and providing Indian pro- 
ducts and manufactures for the home markets. They also 
regulated all matters connected with revenue and expendi- 
ture ; and investigated and punished all offences committed 
by Europeans. Besides the governor and council, a court, 
consisting of a mayor and aldermen, was established by 
royal charter for the trial of all civil cases in which Euro- 
peans were concerned ; but there always seems to have been 
an appeal to the governor and council. 

The administration of justice amongst the natives in justices of 
Black town was more simple and oriental. English justices the peace 
of the peace sat in certain courts or choultries, and promptly ^tl l^edda 
disposed of all cases, civil and criminal, by fine, imprison- 
ment, or whipping ; and appeals to the governor and council 
were very rare, except in capital cases, or where there was 
some doubt about jurisdiction. The duties of the police were 
carried out by a Hindu official, known as the Pedda Naik, 
who was bound to make good all stolen property. He was 
remunerated, Hindu fashion, by a grant of hereditary lands, 
and small octroi duties levied on certain classes of commo- 
dities admitted into the town. 

The English at Madras had always been jealous of the Dutch at 
Dutch, but only as rivals in the Indian trade. The Dutch Tuhcat 
had a fort and town at Pulicat, about twenty-four miles to 
the northward of Madras ; and occasionally civilities and hos- ^ 
pitalities were exchanged between the authorities of Pulicat 
and those of Fort St. George. The Dutch also had a fort 


232 BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

A.D. and town at Sadras, about forty miles to the southward of 
.17 00-173 2 Madras ; and the ruins of well-ordered towers and ramparts, 

' prim gardens, neat water channels, and secluded bowers will 
still meet the eye of the pilgrim, who seeks to recall the 
old days of Dutch rule in India. 

French at But the English of the eighteenth century hated the French 
Pondi- as their natural enemies ; and this hatred was intensified in 
cherry. India by the fact that the natural enemies were commercial 
rivals. The French had built a town and fort at Pondicherry, 
about a hundred miles to the south of Madras^ and when- 
ever a difference arose between the two governments, it was 
accompanied by a warm correspondence which plainly re- 
vealed the hostile feeling which was burning on either side. 
Second Besides Madras, the English had founded a settlement at 
English Fort St. David, near the mouth of the southern Pennar river, 
af It was Only twelve miles to the south of Pondicherry ; and 

St. David, seems to have been a rival establishment to Pondicherry. 

* Fort St. David plays an important part in the after history ; 
for the English at that settlement hated the French with as 
much warmth as their brethren at Fort St. George. 

Inter- The English at Madras and Fort St. David were also 
lopers. troubled by so-called interlopers; a name applied to all 

English adventurers, who were not in the service of the 
Compan}’-, and who were not licensed to dwell as free 
merchants within the Company’s bounds. These interlopers 
were generally roving captains, who persisted in carrying on 
an illicit trade in the eastern seas, in defiance of the 
monopoly granted to the Company by the charter; and 
who often combined the pursuits of trade with those ol 
slave-dealing and piracy. 

Nawab The political outlook at Madras was confined to the 
of tlie ^ Carnatic.^ Since the death of Aurangzeb this province had 

of the Nizam of the Dekhan; in other 
nate to the words it was governed by a Nawab, who was appointed by 
Nizam. the Nizam, subject to confirmation and investiture by the. 
Great Moghul. 

The Moghul province of the Carnatic was supposed to 

^ Properly speaking this Carnatic should be termed Lower Car- 
natic,” or Carnatic below the Eastern Ghats, to distinguish it from 
Mysore and other Hindu countries to the westward, which are sometimes 
included under the name of ** Upper Carnatic,” or Carnatic above the 
Ghats. The term Carnatic is so often applied to the Lower Carnatic 
only, that it may he used for the future in its latter apiDlication. 


Chap. I.] 


ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 


233 


extend north and south from the neighbourhood of the river a.d, 
Kistna to Cape Comorin, and east and west from the coast 1700-1732 
of Coromandel to the Eastern Ghats which cut it off from j.- T 7 “ 
Mysore and Malabar.^ Politically, however, it was divided 
into a northern and a southern region by the river Koleroon j Carnatic, 
and this distinction is the key to the after history. 

The region to the north of the Koleroon might be Moghul 
termed the Moghul Carnatic. It had been conquered by Carnatic, 
the Moghuls, and brought under Moghul rule ; and all the 
towns, districts and more important fortresses were under 
the command of Moghul officers. 

The region to the south of the Koleroon might be termed Hinda 
the Hindu Carnatic, It was for the most part under the Carnatic, 
dominion of the Plindu Rajas of Trichinopoly and Tanjore, 

Both these Rajas had been conquered by the Moghul, so 
far as to pay a subsidy or tribute; but nevertheless they 
maintained an independent rule in their respective kingdoms; 
and no Nawab had ever annexed their territories to his own 
province. These Rajas had been Naiks, or governors of 
provinces, under the old Hindu empire of Vijayanagar; 
and they might be described as the relics of the empire, 
half conquered by the Moghul, but rarely paying tribute 
unless compelled by force of arms. 

Besides the two Rajas there was a class of minor chiefs, PoHgars, 
known as Poligars. They were to be found both north and 
south of the Koleroon. They had been feudal barons 
under the old Hindu rule of Vijayanagar, holding their 
lands by military tenure ; but like the old chiefs of High- 
land clans, they refused to accept the Moghul rkgwie^ and 
indeed were often disaffected towards the Hindu Rajas. 
Sometimes they were forced to pay tribute or allegiance ; 
but often they maintained a rude independence in some 
remote stronghold. 

The Moghul conquest was hurtful to the people of the Moghul 
northern region. The revenue was mostly derived from the Hindu 
land, and the Moghul Nawabs were harder task-masters 
than Hindu Rajas. The Hindu kingdoms descended from 
father to son, and were regarded as family property; and 

^ The real boundary of the Carnatic province bn the north was the 
little river Gundlacama, half way between the Kistna and the northern 
Pennar. The tract between the Gundlacama and the Kistna was at one 
time of some importance in a quarrel about the Northern Circars. 


234 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part IH. 



Decline of 
trade 
in the 
interior. 


Flourish- 
ing trade 
in cotton 
jjiece 
goods. 


Isolation 
of the 
English. 


self-interest led successive .Rajas to encourage cultivators 
and keep tanks and irrigation works in repair.^ But the 
earlier Nawabs were removed at will by the Nizam or the 
Great Moghul. They cared only to make money, and paid 
no heed to the future. They doubled the land assessments 
and let the tanks and irrigation works go to rack and ruin * 
and for some years many .lands fell out of cultivation, and 
grain rose to famine prices. 

Meanwhile the inland trade of the English had fallen off. 
The ravages of the Mahrattas in the Upper Carnatic 
prevented the Canarese merchants of Mysore and elsewhere 
from bringing their cotton-yarn to Madras. The removal of 
the imperial camp from the Dekhan to Delhi after the death 
of Aurangzeb, had ruined the trade in scarlet and green 
broad-cloths. The outbreaks of Poligars and free-booters, 
as well as threatened invasions of Mahrattas, created general 
alarm ; arrd wealthy natives hoarded their treasures in 
strongholds, or sent them to Madras or Pondicherry for 
security. 

But the prosperity of Madras was increasing. The 
demand from Europe for cotton piece goods was greater 
than ever. The English founded two new towns for the 
exclusive accommodation of spinners, weavers, dyers, 
washers, and other Hindus engaged in the manufacture. 
They also planted trees for the accommodation of this class 
of people, who were accustomed to work in the open air. 
Hindus of other castes were not allowed to dwell in these 
towns, always exceptmg betel sellers, dancing-girls, and 
Brahmans.^ 

The English at Madras and Fort St. David w^re mere 
traders, and cared but little about the country powers. 
They were industrious and respectable, but curious only as 
regards products and manufactures. The Moghuls on their 
part had grown jealous of Europeans, and were anxious to 
keep them ignorant of all that was going on. The Nawab 

/ The comparative merits oF Hindu and Moghul rule are open to 
question. The Catholic missionaries in Southern India during the 
seventeenth century are loud in their denunciations of the cruelties and 
oppressions of the Hindu Rajas. 

^ These two towns are well known to residents in Madras. Collet’s 
petta was founded in 1720; Chiudadree petta in 1734. Betel sellers, 
dancing-girls, and Brahmans are necessities of Hindu life, and no Hindu 
village is complete without them. 


Chap. I.] 


ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 


235 


kept liis court at Arcot, which was only seventy miles from a.d. 
Madras ; but the English knew as little of Arcot as they ^ 732 - J 73 ^ 
did of Delhi. They paid their yearly rent to the Nawab, 
and sent him complimentary letters and presents, and that 
was alL^ 

In 1732 a Nawabdied at Arcot , He had been appointed Accession 
by a Nizam of the Dekhan as far back as 1712, but 
his death in 1732, he was succeeded by an adopted son, * 
named Dost Ali, without any reference to the Nizam. This between 
assumption of hereditary right by the Nawab of the Car- theNawab 
natic was very gravelling to Nizam-ul-mulk. " To make 
matters worse, Dost Ali withheld the revenue or tribute 
which previous Nawabs had ^laid to the Nizam.^ But 
Nizam-ul-mulk was obliged to pocket the affront. He was 
too much harassed by the Mahrattas, and worried by Delhi 
intrigues, to interfere with Arcot affairs. Accordingly he 
nursed his wrath and bided his time. 

In 1736 there was a revolution in the Hindu Carnatic. TricHno- 
The two kingdoms of Trichinopoly and Tanjore were pply 
situated, as already described, immediately to the south of 
the Koleroon i and they stretched over an unknown tract 
of country towards Comorin. Trichinopoly was an inland 
territory, and included the three important towns of Trichi- 
nopoly, Dindigul, and Madura. Tanjore lay to the east- 
ward, and stretched to the coast of Coromandel. It was 
the more fertile territory of the two, for it included the 
rich delta of the Koleroon and Kaveri; and to this day 
Tanjore is regarded as the grai^ary of southern India. But 
Tanjore. was at the mercy of Trichinopoly. The rivers 
Koleroon and Kdveri were only kept asunder by an em- 
bankment;^ and by breaking down that embankment the 
Kdveri rushed into the Koleroon and Tanjore was robbed 
of her water supply. 

In 1736 the Raja of Trichinopoly died, leaving no Civil war 

chiidren. Consequently there was a war for the succession i^ Trichi- 
nopoly. 

^ TMs ignorance of the surrounding country was peculiar to the 
Englibh at Madras. It will be seen hereafter that the English at Cal- 
ci|tta were far better acquainted with Bengal. 

^ By this time the office of Dewan, or accountant-general in behalf 
of the Great Moghul, had become a farce. Dost Ali appointed one 
Chunder Sahib, to be Dewan, and gave Mm a daughter in marriage. 
Subsequently this Chunder Sahib became an important personage. 


236 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A,D, 

1736-17.^0 


The 

Nawab 

interferes. 


Cliunder 
gulls the 
Rani. 


Seizes the 
city and 
Raj. 


Mahratta 

invasion, 

1740. 


between the brothers of the Raja and the brothers of 
the Rdnl ; whilst the Rani herself claimed to be regent 
until the son of her eldest brother should attain his 
majority. 

The possession of Trichinopoly had long been coveted 
by the Nawabs of the Carnatic; it was in fact the key to 
the Peninsula. Accordingly the Nawab Dost Ali interfered 
in the affairs of Trichinopoly as. the pretended friend of the 
Rani. He sent an army to Trichinopoly under his son 
Spbder Ali and his son-in-law Chunder Sahib. ^ 

The son-in-law was a much sharper man than the son. 
Chunder Sahib gulled the Rani; pretended to be in love 
with her ; swore on the Koran to be faithful to her cause • 
and finally deluded her into admitting him and his troops 
into the walls of Trichinopoly . The Rdni soon found that 
she was betrayed ; she was thrown into prison, and is said 
to have taken poison. 

Chunder Sahib soon took possession of the city and the 
Raj. He sent one of his kinsmen to command at Dindi- 
gul, and another to command at Madura. The people of 
Trichinopoly bent, as usual to their fate : it was the will of 
the gods. Subder Ali was enraged at finding that Chunder 
Sahib was holding Trichinopoly and could not be ousted. 
Accordingly he nursed his vengeance and returned to Arcot. 
In like manner the Rajas of Tanjore and Mysore were 
bitterly incensed against Chunder Sahib for putting an end 
to the Hindu dynasty of Trichinopoly, and bringing the 
country under Muhannnadan rule. But like Subder Ali, they 
did nothing and patiently abided their time. 

In 1740 the Mahrattas invaded the Carnatic, plundering 
and destroying according to their wont. Some said that 
the Nizam had invited them in order to punish the Nawab. 
Others said that the Rajas of Tanjore and Mysore had in- 
vited them to punish Chunder Sahib. Others, again, said 
that the Great Moghul was unable to pay the chout after 
the invasion of Nadir Shah, and therefore told them to 
collect it in the Carnatic and Bengal, Such conflicting ru- 
mours are always noised abroad in India on like occasions, 
and it is often impossible to say whether any of them are 
false or true. 

^ Chunder Sahib was the man who married a daughter of the Nawab, 
md was appointed Dewan. 


Chap. L] 


ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 


m 


Nawab Dost Ali had tried to keep out the Mahrattas by a.u, 
marching an army to the Eastern Ghdts, and blocking up 3^740-1743 
the passes which led from Mysore into the Carnatic, until 
he could assemble the whole of his forces from different death of 
parts of the province. But there was treachery in his camp, the Nawab 
One of his own officers admitted the Mahrattas by a^ostAli. 
secret pass. The Mahrattas took him by surprise, and * 
assailed his army with the utmost fury. He was slain 
in the midst of the action; and his troops, seeing that 
their Nawab was dead, fled in confusion after the manner of 
oriental armies. 

The Mahratta invasion spread universal terror. Subder Alarm at 
Ali, the son of the deceased Nawab, fled to the strong fort ; 
of Vellore, about twelve miles from Arcot. Chunder Sahib i^^hrattas. 
sent his wife and treasures to Pondicheny, and collected 
vast stores of grain within the city of Trichinopoly in 
order to stand a lengthy siege. The English at Madras 
began to look after their defences, and shared in the general 
alarm. 

The Mahrattas were disappointed of the spoil. All the Mahratta 
gold and jewels in the country had been hoarded up in agreement 
strongholds. The Mahrattas had no guns or battering train 
of any kind ; and it was impossible for loose bands of horse- au. 
men to capture fortresses, except by bribery, stratagem, or 
starvation. Accordingly they accepted an offer of rupees 
to the value of a million sterling from Subder Ali, to be 
paid by instalments ; they then left the Carnatic, giving 
out that they were going to plunder some other part of 
India. 

The departure of the Mahrattas was a ruse. Subder Ali Surprise of 
had secretly engaged to let them take possession of Trichi- Trichi- 
nopoiy, provided they carried off his ambitious brother-in- ppoly : 
law, Chunder Sahib, and kept him prisoner at Satara. Their 
object in leaving the Carnatic was to blind Chunder chunder 
Sahibj and in this they fully succeeded. Chunder Sahib Sahib, 
thought that the Mahrattas would never return, and fool- 
ishly sold off all the grain he had stored in Trichinopoly, 
Suddenly, to his surprise and mortification, the Mahrattas 
returned to Trichinopoly, and closely besieged the city. 

Chunder Sahib was helpless ; and was soon compelled by 
sheer starvation to surrender the city. He was then carried 
off to Satara, and languished in a Mahratta prison for 




BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part Hi. 



A.D. 

1740-1743 


Subder Ali 
proclaimed 
Nawab. 


Wrath of 
Nizam-ul- 
mulk. 


Demand 
of the 
Kizam : 
perplexi- 
ties of 
Subder 
Ali. 


more than six years. Meanwhile the Mahrattas held pos- 
session of Tricbinopoly. The bulk of the Mahratta army 
returned to the Konkan ; but a general, named Morari 
Rao, remained in command of Trichinopoly, and kept a 
watchful eye on the progress of affairs in the Carnatic. 

For a brief interval Subder Ali was at ease. He had 
purchased the imprisonment of his dangerous brother-in- 
law, Chunder Sahib, by permitting the Mahrattas to occupy 
Trichinopoly. He was still pledged to pay the Mahrattas 
a subsidy of a million sterling ; and this was a matter that 
required prompt attention. Meanwhile he proceeded to 
Arcot and was proclaimed Nawab of the Carnatic in 
succession to his father, who had been slain in the passes. 

At this juncture Subder Ali was threatened by a new 
danger from Hyderabad. Nizam-ul-mulk had been for a 
long time exasperated at the unauthorised succession of 
Dost Ali to the Nawabship of the Carnatic, and the non- 
payment of tribute. Since then the occupation of Trichin- 
opoly by Chunder Sahib had added fuel to his anger ; for 
in spite of domestic dissensions, the acquisition of Trichin- 
opoly had added to the material resources of the Nawab’s 
family, and would doubtless encourage the Nawab himself 
to persist in disregarding the superior authority of the 
Nizam. The invasion of Nadir Shah had compelled Nizam- 
ul-mulk to bottle up his wrath ; but the progress of affairs 
during .the interval had not improved his temper. The 
Mahrattas had secured a dangerous footing in the Carnatic 
by the occupation of Trichinopoly, Worse than all, Subder 
Ali had followed the contumacious example set by his 
deceased father, by assuming the Nawabship of the Carnatic 
without any reference to Hyderabad or Delhi. 

Under these circumstances Nizam-ul-mulk demanded the 
immediate payment of all arrears of tribute from the new 
Nawab. Subder Ali was at his wits’ ends. He was firmly 
resolved not to pay the demand. Meanwhile he sent his 
family and treasures to Madras. He shut himself up in the 
strong fortress of Vellore, which was commanded by another 
brother-in-law, named Mortiz Ali.^ He vowed that the 
Mahrattas had emptied his treasury of liis last rupee. He 

^ Chunder Sahib and Moitiz AH had each married daughters of Dost 
Ali, and were consequently brothers-ia law of the reigning Nawab, 
Both men played important parts in the after history. 


Chap. I.] 


ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 


239 


feigned a pious intention of abdicating his throne, and going a.d. 
on pilgrimage to Mecca. He even made one or two ^74o-i743 
journeys to Madras to induce the Nizam to believe that 
he was going to embark there for Mecca. 

All this while Subder Ali knew that he must pay the Contribu- 
Mahrattas. The Nizam might be deceived for a while by tions for 
protestations of poverty, or threats of going to Mecca; but 
the Mahrattas were the most pertinacious people in all 
India, and were deaf to all vows and prayers that were not 
backed up by rupees. Any attempt on the part of Subder 
Ali to delay payment would be followed by another Mah- 
ratta invasion of the Carnatic, and the probable release of 
Chunder Sahib. Accordingly Subder Ali levied contribu- . 
tions from all commanders of towns, and forts throughout 
the province, in order to pay the subsidy promised to the 
Mahrattas. Mortiz” Ali refused payment of his quota. 

The Nawab was excessively angry, for Mortiz Ali was the 
richest man in the province, and unless he was made to 
pay, other commanders would refuse to pay in like manner. 

Accordingly the Nawab peremptorily demanded the Demands 
money. The story of what followed was told with on Mortiz 
horror at Madras for generations afterwards. The Nawab 
was quartered in the fortress of Vellore, where his brother- 
in-law Mortiz Ali was commandant ; but there was no sus- 
picion of danger; for although the money quarrel was 
bitter, there was no lack of outward courtesy and politeness 
on either side. 

The great festival of the Mubarrara approached, when all Subder Ali 
Sunnf Muhammadans devote themselves to feasting and assassi- 
rejoicing, whilst the Shiahs lament and beat their breasts 
over the martyrdom of Ali and his two sons, Hasan and 
Husain. The Nawab permitted his officers to leave the 
fortress in order to keep the festival with their wives and 
families. At midnight an Afghan broke into his chamber, 
followed by black Abyssinian slaves. The unfortunate 
Nawab raised a cry of alarm, and rushed to the wundow ; 
but was soon cut down and stabbed to death by the poniards 
of the assassins. 

Next morning the Nawab’s army, which was encamped Mortiz 
outside the fortress, rm a tumult. They cried out that Ali pro- 
the Nawab had been assassinated by Mortiz Ali; and they 
prepared to storm the fortress sword in hand, and avenge * 


240 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part lit 


A.D. 

1740*1743 


Revolt of 
the army. 


Nizam-ul- 
mulk at 
Arcot, 
1743 - 


Settlement 
of the 
Nawab- 
ship. 


the murder But the soldiery were quieted after oriental 
fashion. Large arrears of pay were due from the dead 
Nawab ; and the men were promised early payment of the 
whole by instalments, if they would only accept Mortiz Ali 
as his successor. Accordingly, Mortiz Ali was proclaimed 
Nawab, and then marched in triumph from Vellore to Arcot, 
and took up his quarters at the palace. 

But the leading men in the Carnatic detested the crime 
of Mortiz Ali. They applied to Morari Bao at Trichin- 
opoly, who foresaw a new complication, and openly declared 
against Mortiz Ali. They sent messengers to the English at 
Madras, begging that the governor would protect the family 
and treasures of the murdered Nawab. Lastly, they stirred up 
the army against Mortiz Ali; and the question of the succes- 
sion seemed to turn upon a matter of pay. The soldiery de- 
manded the immediate payment of all the arrears in full, which 
they had previously agreed to receive by instalments. Had 
Mortiz Ali produced the money at once, he might possibly 
have secured himself in the post of Nawab ; but he was 
seized with a panic, and would not stand the storm. He 
put on a woman's dress, and entered a covered palanquin, 
and fled at night time from Arcot to Vellore, accompanied 
by several female attendants. The result was that the 
young son of Subder Ali, who had been under the pro- 
tection of the English at Madras, was proclaimed Nawah 
of the Carnatic in the room of his father. 

By this time Nizam-ul-mulk resolved to march to Arcot, 
and settle the affairs of the Carnatic. He had arranged 
matters at Delhi, where his eldest son had been appointed 
minister ; and he had made his peace with the Mahrattas. 
Accordingly he left Hyderabad in the beginning of 1743, 
and in March the same year he encamped at Arcot with 
an overwhelming army. 

At Arcot the Nizam found the Carnatic at his feet. Every 
grandee was anxious to pay submission and homage to the 
great Nizam-ul-mulk, the pillar of the Moghul empire, But 
he himself was struck with the anarchy which prevailed 
throughout the Carnatic, Every petty commandant of a 
fort or district assumed the title of Nawab ; and no less 
than eighteen of these little Nawabs were introduced to the 
Nizam in one day. The old grandee of the court of 
Aurangzeb lost his temper at this enormity. He declared 


Chap. I.] 


ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 


241 


that there was but one Nawab of the Carnatic ; and he a.d. 
threatened to scourge the first person who should venture ^t43”i744 
for the future to usurp such a title. He appointed a new 
Nawab of the Carnatic, named Anwar-ud-dm ; but he gave 
out that Anwar-ud-din would be the guardian: of the son of 
Subder Ali ; and that when the boy prince became of age, 
he would be made Nawab of the Carnatic. 

The Nizam next proceeded to Trichinopoly, and re- English 
covered , the city from the Mahrattas. The governor of missipn 
Madras sent a deputation to Trichinopoly to wait on 
great man with a letter and presents. The Nizam received ’ 
the English gentlemen with much state, but with singular 
courtesy. He praised the presents sent to him, and pro- 
mised to forward some to the Great Moghul at Delhi, and 
to say that they came from the English governor of Madras. 

He said he wanted guns, powder, mortars, and shells, and 
above all the services of an experienced gunner; but he 
added that he would take nothing unless he was permitted to 
pay for it. 

In March 1744 the Nizam left the Carnatic and returned Murder of 
to Hyderabad. In June the same year the boy Nawab was the hoy 
murdered at a wedding-feast. The details were most tragical. 

On the morning of the ceremony some Afghans had cla- 
moured for arrears of pay, but apologised for their insolence 
and retired. Their captain especially appeared to be very 
repentant. At night whilst the guests were sitting in the 
hall, the coming of Anwar-ud-dm was announced, and the 
boy Nawab went out to the vestibule at the head of the 
stairs to receive his guardian. The Afghan captain ascended 
the steps with a respectful air as if to repeat his regrets, when 
he suddenly drew his dagger and stabbed the prince to the 
heart. In a moment he was cut to pieces, and his Afghans 
below met with the same fate. 

The assassination of the young prince sent a thrill General 
through the Carnatic. He was representative of a family excite- 
who had ruled the Carnatic for thirty years. No mem- 
her of the family was eligible to succeed except Chunder 
Sahib and Mortiz Ali. But Chunder Sahib was in a appointed 
Mahratta prison, whilst Mortiz Ali was more hated than Nawab. 
ever. Meanwhile it was everywhere believed that the 
murder was instigated by Anwar-ud-dln and Mortiz Ali. 

But the general opinion had no effect upon Nizam-ul-mulk, 


BRITISH INDIA. 



'242- 


[PartIII. 


A.D, and lie confirmed Anwar-ud-din in his post of Nawab of 
^7 44-174 5 the Carnatic. 

War witK English at Madras were horrified at the assassinations 

France, of two Nawabs in succession ; but their attention was soon 
1745 : distracted by more important affairs. War was declared 

arrival between Great Britain and France. In 1745 an English 
EnSisli squadron appeared off the coast of Coromandel, for the 
squadron, pnrpose of destroying the French settlements in the eastern 
seas. 

Hostilities Dupleix, the governor of Pondicherry, was in great 

forbidden alarm. He sent large presents to the new Nawab, and 
^ the^ begged for protection. Anwar-ud-dfn replied by prohibiting 
Nawab. English from engaging in hostilities within any part of 

his dominions ; but at the same time he assured the English 
that if the French appeared in superior force, he would 
prohibit them in like manner. 

Capture of Ir 1 746 the English fleet left the Coromandel coast, and 
Madras by a French squadron, under the command of Labourdonnais, 
entered the Bay of Bengal, and threatened Madras. The 
1746^^* defences of Fort St. George were sufficient to strike the 
natives with awe and wonder, but they were ill fitted to stand 
a bombardment from European ships. The governor and 
council of Madras requested the Nawab to fulfil his promise 
of restraining the French ; but they neglected to send a pre- 
sent. Accoi'dingly the Nawab seems to have done nothing. 
Madras was compelled to surrender to Labourdonnais, 
under a pledge that it should be restored on payment of 
ransom. Dupleix, however, refused to recognise the pledge ; 
he rejected all offers of ransom. He was a fervid French- 
man, bent on the ruin of the English in India as the enemies 
of the French nation. He ordered that all the Company's 
effects, and all private property except clothes and jewels, 
should be confiscated as prize. Madras thus became a 
French settlement, and its inhabitants were sent to Pondi- 
cherry as prisoners of war.^ 

Wrath of The Nawab was very wroth at seeing the French in pos- 
the session of Madras. Dupleix tried to quiet him by pro- 

Nawab. rising to give him the town ] but the Nawab soon saw that 


^ Labourdonnais afterwards returned to France, and was thrown 
into the Bastile. He had rendered great service to France, but was 
charged by his enemies with collusion with the English at Madras. 
After three years he was liberated, but died shortly afterwards. 



Chap. L] 


ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 


243 


the Erenchman was deceiving him with false promises in a.d. 
order to divert him from protecting the English. Accord- 
ingly he resolved to deprive the French of their .new con- 
quest, and sent an army often thousand men and numerous 
cannon to capture Madras. 

To the utter surprise and mortification of the Nawab, the Ignomini- 
Moghul army was routed by a French force of four hundred defeat 
men and two guns, and compelled to fly bach to Arcot iamb’s 
The disaster was most humiliating to the Moghul grandees, army. 

Up to this time they had proudly imagined that it was their 
own superior military prowess which induced Europeans to 
treat them with so much respect and deference. The spell 
was broken by the French at Madras, who defeated a Moghul 
army with half a battalion. 

The war between the English and French in the Carnatic War in 
lasted from 1746 to 1748. It has lost much of its interest 
since the two nations have become friends, but it was 
oft-told story in the last century. The English removed girlish at 
their seat of government from Madras to Fort St. David, Fort 
near the mouth of the southern Pennar ; it was only twelve St. David, 
miles to the south of Pondicherry, and consequently there 
was much smart fighting between the two settlements ; and 
the Nawab alternately helped the English and the French, 
according as either appeared to be getting the upper hand. . 

In 1748 Major Stringer Lawrence arrived from England, Failure 
and took the command of all the Company’s forces in India, of an 
Another fleet arrived from England under the command 
Admiral Boscowen. A grand attack was made on Pondi- Pondi-^^ 
cherry by land and sea ; but after a siege of two months, and cherrv- 
the loss of more than a thousand Europeans, the English 
were compelled to retire. A few weeks afterwards peace 
w’'as proclaimed between Great Britain and France, and 
Madras was ultimately restored to the English East India 
Company by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. 

The year 1748 is an epoch in Indian history, — Muham- Epoch of 
madan, Hindu, and English. The Afghans, delivered byU48- 
the death of Nadir Shah from the Persian yoke, were begin- 
ning to invade the Punjab and Hindustan. Muhammad 
Shah, the last of the Moghuls of any note, died at Delhi. 

The aged Nizam-ul-mulk died at Hyderabad, and left his 
sons to fight for the possession of his throne. Maharaja 
Sahu died at Satara, and the sovereignty of the Peishwas 

R 2 


244 BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

A,D* began at Poona. Eobert Clive gained his first laurels in 
1748-1749 the defence of the advanced trench before the walls of 
' — ™ Pondicherry. Finally, the war between Great Britain and 

France was brought to a close by the peace of Aix-la- 
Chapelle. 

Career of The name of Eobert Clive first appeared in the story of 
Clive. tnisuccessful siege of Pondicherry ; but in the course of 

a few years more it was a household word throughout the 
British Empire. Robert Clive was born in 1725. He grew 
up a bold and wayward boy, impatient of control, neglecting 
his studies, but firm and dauntless in ail his ways, and espe- 
cially cool and self-possessed in the face of danger. In 
1744, at the age of nineteen, he landed at Madras as a 
writer in the mercantile service of the Company. When 
the war broke out with France, he entered the military 
service of the Company, and obtained a commission as 
ensign. Subsequently he received the praises of the Court 
of Directors for his gallantry at Pondicherry. 

Aggres- In the beginning of 1749 the English interfered in the 
sions on affairs of Tanjore, in the delta of the Koleroon and Kaveri. 

They had long wanted to establish a settlement at Devicotta, 
about twenty miles to the south of Fort St. David, near the 
mouth of the Koleroon. At last an opportunity presented 
itself. An exiled member of the reigning family of Tanjore 
applied to the English for help. He persuaded the governor 
and council at Fort St. David that he was the rightful Raja, 
and that the people of Tanjore would join him the moment 
he appeared at the head of a small force. He also promised 
to cede Devicotta, and pay all the expenses of the*»war. 

Alarm of The English sent an expedition against Tan j ore, but it 
the Raja : blunder from the beginning. They had no possible 

Devicotta. for interfering in the Tanjore succession ;vand would 

not have made the attempt, had they not wanted Devicotta, 
and had not the unexpected peace with France placed a 
small military force at their disposal. To make matters 
worse, the people of Tanjore would not receive back the 
pretender, and boldly resisted the EDglish. All at once 
the Eaja agreed to cede Devicotta ; to give a pension to the 
pretender, and to pay all the cost of the English expedition. 
It turned out that the Raja was anxious for an alliance 
with the English. Chunder Sahib, the enemy of Hindu 
Eajas, had been liberated from his Mahratta prison, and 



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Chap. L] 


ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 


245 


proclaimed Nawab at Arcot ; and the Raja of Tanjore ajj. 
saw that no one but the English could protect him in * 74^-2749 
the coming struggle. 

Dupleix, the French governor of Pondicherry, was at the Designs of 
bottom of this revolution. Whilst the English were at war Dupleix. 
for a trading settlement, Dupleix was scheming for an 
empire. The Frenchman had grown disgusted with trade ; 
the profits of the Indian trade had so diminished as to be, 
in his opinion, unworthy of the French nation. He turned 
his attention to the politics of India. He saw that the 
grandees of the Carnatic were hostile to the Nawab 
appointed by Nizam-ul-mulk, and hankering after the old 
hereditary family. He procured the liberation of Chunder 
Sahib by guaranteeing the payment of a large ransom to 
the Mahrattas, He was alive to the vast superiority of 
Europeans over the Moghuls, and he sent a French force to 
help Chunder Sahib to attack Anwar-ud-din. He hoped to 
make Chunder Sahib Nawab of the Carnatic; to establish 
the French nation as the dominant power in the Peninsula ; 
and to drive the English out of India in the name of the 
new Nawab. 

All this machinery had been set in motion by the death Death of 
of Nizam-ul-mulk in 1748. Anwar-ud-din, the Nawab of 
the Carnatic, had thereby lost his patron and supporter ; and reLus in 
was left to contend as he best could against the disaffected the Car- 
officers of the Carnatic who were yearning for the restora- natic. 
tion of the old dynasty of Nawabs. At the same time 
Chunder Sahib was no longer in fear of the interference of 
the Nizam, and had everything to hope from the enemies 
of Anwar-ud-din. 

Meanwhile the death of Nizam-ul-mulk was opening out Results 
new fields of ambition to Dupleix. The struggle between 
two rival Nawabs for the throne of the Carnatic was . soon 
overshadowed by a far grander struggle between two rival 
Nizams for the throne of the Dekhan; and the attention 
of Dupleix, which had originally centred at Arcot, began to 
alternate like a pendulum between Arcot and Hyderabad, 
until the greater part of India to the south of the Nerbudda 
river was brought within the sphere of his ambitious designs. 

The death of Nizam-ul-mulk had been followed by dis- 
tractions in his family. His eldest son was at Delhi, but his 
second son, Nasir Jung, seized the treasures, and pacified 


246 


[Part in. 


BRITISH INDIA. 

a.d. the army % a timely distiibution of money. This prince 
17 49-^7 50 had rebelled during the lifetime of his father. The crafty 
Nadr”" Nizam feigned to be in mortal sickness ; he wished, he said 
Jung snc-’ to forgive and embrace his son before he died. Nasir Jung 
ceeds his was thus lured to -his father’s camp, and was then put into 
father as chains. After the Nizam’s death Nasir Jung proved as 
Nizam. -unscrupulous as his father. He threw his three younger 
brothers into confinement, and carried them with him 
wherever he moved his army. 

Claims of Oriental princes love their sons whilst they are chil- 
Muzaffir dren, but grow jealous of them as they approach manhood. 
J^ung, the Subsequently they often have an affection for grandsons, 
gran son. j^i^am-ul-mulk had a favourite grandson known as Muzaffir 
Jung. After his death this young prince produced a will by 
which the Nizam bequeathed his treasures and dominions 
to his favourite grandson. The will was probably a forgery ; 
at any rate Nizam-ul-mulk could not bequeath territories 
which nominally belonged to the Great Moghul. To add 
to the absurdity, both the son and grandson affected to 
receive delegates from the Great Moghul, with insignia and 

letters of investiture for the government of the Dekhan. 
Both could not have been real ; probably in both cases the 
delegates were hired and the letters w^ere forged. Such 
mock ceremonials were soon common in India, and im- 
posed on no one but the credulous mob. 

Junction At this crisis the grandson, Muzaffir Jung, received a 
ofChimder proposal from Chunder Sahib that they should unite their 
forces, conquer the Carnatic, and then conquer the Dekhan. 
]ung^: ^ scheme recommended itself to all parties, to Dupleix 

brilliant as well as to Muzaffir Jung. The would-be Nizam joined 
successes, his forces to those of the would-be Nawab, and the two allies 
began a career of brilliant successes which took the 
Carnatic by surprise. They marched through the passes of 
the Eastern Ghats, defeated An war-ud-din at Amboor, and 
left him dead upon the field. They next proceeded to 
Arcot and proclaimed Chunder Sahib as Nawab of the 
Carnatic. Finally they went to Pondicherry, and were 
received with open arms by Dupleix. 

Crisis at Meanwhile a son of the slain Nawab, named Muhammad 
Trichino- AH, had fled to Trichinopoly. It was the last stronghold 
remaining to the family of Anwar-ud-din, and Muhammad 
Ali was the last representative of the family. It was obvious 


Chap. I,] 


ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 


247 


to Dupleix that the capture of Trichinopoly, and surrender a.i). 
of Muhammad AH, would bring the war in. the Carnatic to i749-i75o 
a triumphant close, and enable the allies to bring all their 
forces to bear against Nasir Jung. Accordingly he urged 
Chunder Sahib and Muzaffir Jung to march with all speed 
to Trichinopoly, and waste no time in the reduction of the 
place ; as it would not only establish Chunder Sahib on the 
throne of the Carnatic without a rival, but prepare the way 
for ousting Nasir Jung from Hyderabad, and enthroning 
Muzaffir Jung as Nizam of the Dekhan in the room of his 
uncle. 

But Dupleix had to deal with Asiatic princes, on whom it Delays at 
is dangerous to rely. Both Chunder Sahib and Muzaffir 
Jung were in pressing want of money, but both were too 
proud to mention their poverty to Dupleix, lest it should 
lower them in the eyes of their French ally. They left 
Pondicherry with music and banners but without funds ; and 
they halted at Tanjore to demand a subsidy from the Raja, 
as arrears of tribute due to the Nawab of the Carnatic. 

The Tanjore Raja had been in mortal fear of Chunder Vacilla- 
Sahib ever since the treacherous capture of Trichinopoly in tions of 
1736 . He had rejoiced when his Mahratta brethren carried ^paniore 
off Chunder Sahib as a prisoner to Satara; and he had Raja, 
hastened to form an alliance with the English the moment 
he heard of the escape and successes of Chunder Sahib. 

He knew that he was powerless to contend against a demand 
for a subsidy which was backed up by the French. He shut 
himself up in his capital and prepared to stand a siege ; but 
then lost heart and offered to pay a ransom. His sole 
object was to gain time and he resorted to all those evasions, 
procrastinations, hesitations, and vexatious alternations of 
resistance and submission, by which native potentates often 
prolong a settlement long after they are convinced of the 
hopelessness of war. Days and weeks were then frittered 
away in fixing the gross amount of the subsidy, and the t 
instalments by which it was to be paid. All this while 
Chunder Sahib and Muzaffir Jung were most anxious to 
advance to Trichinopoly, but could not move without 
money ; whilst letters from Dupleix were constantly reaching 
the camp, urging the allies to raise the siege of Tanjore and 
hasten to the reduction of Trichinopoly. 

At last the amount of subsidy was fixed; also the amount 


24 ^ 

A.D. 

1749*1750 

Wrang- 
lings over 
money. 


TSTasir 
Tung at 
Arcot, 

1750: 

Muham- 
mad All 
appointed 
Nawab. 


Victories 

of 

Dupleix. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part lH. 

of the first instalment, which was to be paid down on the 
spot Then the Tanjore Raja had recourse to other arti- 
fices. He feigned the utmost anxiety to pay the money, but 
he had no rupees. One day he sent a package of gold and 
silver plate ; and his officers wrangled like pedlers over the 
valuation. Another day he sent a lot of old and obsolete 
coins, which entailed more wrangling. Lastly, he sent jewels 
and precious stones of dubious or fluctuating value, which 
led to endless altercations. 

Suddenly the uproar ceased and the Raja was relieved. 
During the quarrels about the subsidy, Nasir Jung had 
left Hyderabad with an overwhelming army, and begun 
to invade the Carnatic. The allies were thrown into 
a panic. Muzaffir Jung was induced to surrender himself 
to his uncle by promises of pardon and promotion, and 
was then chained and imprisoned, as his uncle had 
been before him. Chunder Sahib fled to Pondicherry. 
Nasir Jung entered Arcot, and found, like Nizam-ul- 
inulk, that the Carnatic was at his feet. He appointed 
Muhammad Aii to be Nawab of the Carnatic, and thus 
seemed to have brought the ambitious schemes of Dupleix 
to a final ending. 

Dupleix, however, was not a man to be cast down by 
reverses. He was not a soldier like Clive. Battles,** he 
said, ‘^confused his genius.” But he knew how to plan 
campaigns, and he was anxious to intimidate the English 
and frighten Nasir Jung. One detachment of the French 
army surprised the fort of Masulipatara at the mouth of the 
Kistna. Another .French army routed the army of Mu- 
hammad Ali at Trivadi, only sixteen miles from Fort St. 
David. But the crowning exploit was carried out by M. 
Bussy, a Frenchman destined to win a name in India. 
Bussy captured the fortress of Jinji, the strongest in the 
Carnatic. It was only thirty-five miles from Pondicherry, 
and was supposed to command the whole country. In the 
previous century it had been the great bone of contention 
between the Moghul and the Mahratta.^ 

^ The fortress of Jingi, formerly spelt Ginjee, was a natural strong- 
hold improved by art ; it bad been famous for centuries as tlie 
citadel of the Carnatic, It consisted of three precipitous rocks or 
mountains, from 400 to 600 feet in height, forming very nearly an equi- 
lateral triangle. They were covered with redoubts, one above each other, 


Chap. I.] 


ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 


249 


All this while Nasir Jung was wasting his time in a a,t>. 
round of pleasures at Arcot. He was unmoved by the 
capture of Masulipatam, or the defeat of his Nawab, 
Muhammad Ali; but the capture of Jinji opened his eyes 
to the dangerous prowess of the French. He oifered to Ali- 
treat with the French, but the demands of Dupleix were 
preposterous. Muzaffir Jung was to be liberated; Chunder 
Sahib was to be Nawab of the Carnatic; Masulipatam was 
to be formally ceded to the French East India Company ; 
and Jinji was to be left in the hands of the French, Nasir 
Jung was so enraged at these demands, that he marched his 
army towards Jinji, with the view of overwhelming the 
French, and recovering the ancient citadel of the Carnatic 
which had slipped out of his hands. 

Dupleix was playing a deep game, which requires some Influence 
explanation. He was naturally a man of energy and ^ 
resources but he now displayed a mixture of audacity and Dupldx! 
craft, which was more oriental than European. These Jan ’ 
Asiatic proclivities were due to the influence of his wife ; Begum, 
a lady of mixed parentage, who was born and bred in 
India, and whom he had married in Bengal. Madame 
Dupleix was familiar with the native languages, and well 
versed in native ways. She carried on a large correspom 
dence with personages at different courts ; and was widely 
known in India as Jan Begum.^ 

There was disaffection and treachery in the army of Nasir 

and were connected by lines of works. They thus enclosed a plain 
in which the town was situated. The night attack of Bussy and his 
Frenchmen was one of the most brilliant operations in the war. 

They blew up a gate with a petard, and climbed up all three moun- 
tains at once, carrying each redoubt sword in hand, and storming 
the fortifications on the summits, which were the strongest of all. The 
modern traveller, who gazes on this rock fortress, may well wonder at 
the success of the French; but probably no one was more astonished 
than the French themselves. 

1 Jeanne was the Christian name of Madame Dupleix, but she signed 
herself Jan Begum. Asa specimen of her intrigues it may suffice to 
mention that Jan Begum carried on a secret correspondence with the 
native interpreter of the Madras governor ; and that this interpreter not 
only reported to her all that occurred at Fort St. David, but induced the 
native commanders of the Sepoys in the British service to pledge them- 
selves to desert to the French in the next general action, The plot was 
discovered in time ; the native interpreter was hanged, the native 
commanders were banished for life to St. Helena, but Jan Begum 
continued to be as busy as ever at Pondicherry. 


250 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.0. Jung; and Dupleix and his half native wife were corre- 
1750-1751 spending with the rebel commanders. A small French 
"I'reaSIr- was sent out from Pondicherry, nominally to fight the 
ous mur- overwhelming army of Nasir, but really to co-operate with 

der of the traitors. Some of the disaffected officers of the Nizamis 

Nasir army were ordered to charge the French, but refused to stir. 

Jung. Nasir Jung rode up to the rebels, and called them a set of 

cowards, who were afraid to withstand a mad attempt of a 
few drunken Europeans. At that moment he was shot 
dead by a carbine. His death was followed by a complete 
revolution of affairs. Muzaffir Jung was taken out of his 
prison, and hailed by the whole army as Nizam of the 
Bekhan in the room of his dead uncle. 

Rejoicings The news was received at Pondicherry with the wildest 
at Pondi- joy. Chunder Sahib and Dupleix embraced each other 
cherry. friends escaped from shipwreck. Salutes were fired, 

and a ^‘Te Deum^’ was sung in the cathedral. Muzaffir 
Jung proceeded from Jinjf to Pondicherry, and was solemnly 
installed in the French settlement as ruler of the Dekhan. 
Dupleix appeared at the ceremony in the dress of a 
Muhammadan grandee, and was the first to pay homage 
to Muzaffir Jung. 

Triumph- Meanwhile the gratitude of Muzaffir Jung was unbounded, 

ant eleva- jje appointed Dupleix to be governor for the Great Moghul 
Dupleix all the countries to the south of the Kistna. He appointed 
^ ‘ Chunder Sahib to be Nawab of the Carnatic, but under the 

authority of Dupleix. He ceded enough territories to the 
French East India Company to yield a yearly revenue to 
the value of nearly forty thousand pounds sterling. He dis- 
tributed money to the value of fifty thousand pounds amongst 
the French officers and troops, and presented Dupleix with 
a sum equal to two hundred thousand pounds. 

Death of Another revolution was ^ impending. The new Nizam 
Muzaffir returned to the Dekhan with a French force under Bussy. 

The rebel commanders were dissatisfied with the rewards 
they had received for the part they had played in the con- 
spiracy against Nasir Jung. Again they broke out in tumult. 
It was suppressed by the fire of the French artillery, but 
Muzaffir Jung pursued the fugitives^ and received a mortal 
stroke from a javelin. 

The sudden death of the new Nizam threw the whole camp 
into horrible confusion. The army was greatly in arrears of 


Chap. I.] 


ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 


251 


pay. The grandees were afraid that the troops would break a.d. 
out in mutiny and plunder. The French would have fared I 750 'i 75 ^ 
worse than all, for the jealousy of their influence was 
universal. But the coolness of Bussy averted the crisis. The 
three younger brothers of Nasir Jung were still in confine- 
ment Bussy released the eldest and proclaimed him ruler 175V ’ 
of the Dekhan under the name of Saldbut Jung, amidst the 
general acclamations of the whole army. 

Such was the state of affairs in the early part of 1751. Ascend- 
Dupleix had realized his wildest dreams of French supremacy 
in India. The Nizam and the Nawab ovred their thrones to jjJSa ^ 
Dupleix and his Frenchmen. Not a single rival remained 
to the French candidates except Muhammad Ali, who had 
been appointed Nawab of the Carnatic by Nasir Jung; and 
Muhammad Ali was closely besieged by Chunder Sahib and 
the French at Trichinopoly, and was already offering terms. 

Meanwhile the English at Madras and Fort St. David had Bewilder- 
been utterly bewildered by revolutions, which were contrary 
to the precedents and institutions of the Moghul empire, ^nfflisli 
Muhammad Ali had been appointed Nawab of the Carnatic ^ 
by the Nizam ; and the English had recognised and sup- 
ported him as the legitimate Nawab, and sent small detach- 
ments from time to time to Trichinopoly. But they were 
afraid of being drawn into hostilities with the French, in 
violation of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. They had even 
allowed Admiral Boscowen and Major Lawrence to return to 
England on the ground that the war with France w^as over. 

In a word, they seemed resigned to a fate which they could 
not avert, and anxiously awaited fresh instructions from the 
Directors in England. 

The news that Muhammad Ali was capitulating with English 
Dupleix aroused the English from their torpor. The instinct Ariyen to 
of self-preservation drove them to action. If Muhammad ^he instinct 
Ali submitted to the French, the ruin of Madras and Fort of self- 
St. David was assured; for Dupleix could issue his own presem- 
orders for their destruction through his creature, Chunder don. 
Sahib. Accordingly, the English sent larger detachments to 
Trichinopoly, and appointed Captain Cope, and afterwards 
Captain De Gingen, to take the command. 

The milk^^ operations ■ at Trichinopoly are forgotten 
now. Fighting the French is no longer a master passion 
with the English nation ; and the exploits of Cope, De 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


253 ; 

A.D. Gingetij and Dalton, with absurdly small parties of English 
1751-^752 soldiers, have died out of the national memory. But Clive, 
— ‘r who was now a captain, performed a feat which thrilled 

through the British empire. He had gone to Trichinopoly, 
realizes snd Studied the whole situation. The succession of the 
the situa- Nizams of the Dekhan was practically settled in favour 
tion. of the French. Nasir Jung and Muzaffir Jung had both 
been slain ; and Salabut Jung had been placed by Bussy 
on the throne at Hyderabad. The question as regards the 
succession of a Nawab of the Carnatic turned upon the fate 
of Trichinopoly. If Chunder Sahib, the French Nawab, 
captured Trichinopoly, the English would be driven out of 
the Carnatic. If Muhammad Ali, the English Nawab, held 
out at Trichinopoly, he might yet be restored to the throne 
of his father Anwar-ud-din, and the English settlements 
would be saved from destruction. 

Critical The English were terribly outnumbered at Trichinopoly. 
position at The Hindu Rajas, especially Mysore and Tanj ore, were 
Tnchino- aloof from the contest ; they hated Chunder Sahib, 

but they would not commit themselves by sending forces to 
help Muhammad Ali. In a word, they were trembling in 
the balance between the English and French ; waiting to 
see who would get the upper hand in order that they might 
join the winning side. 

Plans of The relief of Trichinopoly was of the first importance to 
Clive. the English; it was almost a question of life or death. 

The problem was solved by Captain Clive. In July, 1751, 
Captain Clive returned from Trichinopoly to Madras. The 
road runs ,due north to Arcot, a distance of some hundred 
and eighty miles from Trichinopoly ; it then runs eastward 
from Arcot to Madras, ►a distance of scarcely seventy miles. 
During the march, Captain Clive saw that the garrisons in 
the Carnatic, and especially the force at Arcot, had been 
drawn away to the siege of Trichinopoly ; that Arcot was 
consequently open to attack; and that the capture of Arcot 
might prove the salvation of Trichinopoly. On reaching 
Madras he proposed sending an expedition against Arcot. 
He urged that the capture of the capital of the Carnatic in 
the name of Muhammad Ali would revive the spirits of the 
Hindu Rajas, and induce them to rally round his standard 
at Trichinopoly. At the same time it would weaken the 
besieging force at Trichinopoly, by compelling Chunder 


Chap. I.] 


ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 


253 


Sahib and the French to send a large detachment far away a.d. 
to the northward for the recovery of Arcot. 175^-1752 

The proposition was approved, and the expedition from 
Madras to Arcot proved to be the turning-point in the war. tion 
The detachment consisted of only two hundred Europeans Arcot. 
and three hundred Sepoys. Captain Clive took the com- 
mand, and had eight European officers under him ; but of 
these only two had been in action, whilst four of the re- 
mainder were commercial clerks who had been fired by his 
example to draw the sword. 

With this handful of men, and three field-pieces for March 
artillery, Clive marched from Madras. On the way he from 
heard that the fort of Arcot w^as garrisoned by eleven 
hundred men, or more than double his force ; and lie wrote 
back to Madras for two eighteen -pounders. Spies from 
Arcot soon announced his approach to the garrison. They 
reported that the English had marched through a storm 
of thunder, lightning, and rain without the slightest concern. 

The garrison at Arcot was so frightened at this astounding 
audacity, that they fled from the fort and encamped at a 
distance, leaving fort and town open to the invaders. 

The English force entered the city, and took possession Occupa- 
of the fort, whilst a hundred thousand spectators looked tion of 
helplessly on. Clive found lead, gunpowder, and eight pieces 
of cannon. He stored the fort with provisions sufficient to 
stand a siege. Meanwhile the fugitive garrison from Arcot 
was reinforced by large numbers, and threatened to storm the 
fort ; but were dispersed by the sallies of Clive. 

The forecast of Clive was fulfilled to the letter. Chunder Fifty days 
Sahib and the French were taken aback by the English occu- siege, 
pation of Arcot ; and w^ere compelled to divide their besieging 
force at Trichin opoly by sending an overwhelming native 
army, accompanied by a hundred and fifty Europeans, 
for the recovery of Arcot. For the space of fifty days 
Clive not only repulsed all attacks, but filled the enemy 
with constant alarm. Bribes were offered him in vain. 

His exploits created such an impression on the Hindus, 
that a body of Mahrattas joined him from Mysore. Other 
reinforcements were approaching from Madras, when the 
enemy threw all its force into one final attack. The assault 
was made at early morning on the festival of the Muharram. 

The Muhammadan army was drunk with enthusiasm and 


254 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. bhang, and rushed on to the trenches with their ladders 
1751-1752 ij2 their hands. But Clive had been prepared for the attack 
and repulsed it at all points, until the energy of the storm- 
ing parties was exhausted and the fire of musketry and 
cannon died away. At night the enemy raised the siege 
and fled in confusion. 

Clive’s Captain Clive then took the field, and not only routed 
career and dispersed the retreating enemy, but captured several 
conauest Strongholds in the Carnatic in behalf of Muhammad Ali. In 
^ * January 1752 the enemy tried to create a diversion by 

invading the Company's territory of Poonamaliee, and 
plundering the country-houses of the English in the 
neighbourhood of Madras. Clive again attacked and de- 
feated them, but was suddenly recalled to Fort St. Davidi 
His career of individual conquest had been brought to 
a close. In March 1752 Major Lawrence returned from 
England, and resumed the command of all the Company's 
forces. 

Major All this while Muhammad Ali and the English still held 
Lawrpce at Trichinopoly against Chunder Sahib and the French, 
nopolv* Accordingly Major Lawrence marched to Trichinopoly 
obstruc- with reinforcements for the besieged, whilst Clive served 
tionsof under him as the second in command. The tide of 

native fortune had turned in favour of Muhammad Ali, and there 

allies. consequently no lack of native allies. One force 

had already come from Tanjore to assist in the defence 
of Trichinopoly. A still larger army was brought by the 
regent of Mysore, who had also hired a body of Mahrattas 
under Morari Rao.^ Other bands of barbarians were 
brought up from the southern jungles by a chief known as 
Tondiman Poligar. But Major Lawrence was worried by 
his native allies. Splendid opportunities were lost because 
the stars were not favourable ; and he often found that he 
must either act alone, or be tied down by feasts or fasts, 
or by lucky or unlucky days. 

Murder of Still the Operations of the English under Lawrence and 
Chunder Clive were crowned with success. In May, 1752, Chunder 
Sahib: Sahib surrendered himself a prisoner to the Tanjore 

1 The Raja of Mysore was at this time an infant, and the country was 
governed by his uncle Nunjiraj as regent during his minority. It was at 
this period that Hyder Naik, the founder of the Muhammadan kingdom 
of Mysore, was rising to power as an officer in the service of Nunjiraj. 


Ghap. I.] 


ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 


255 


r 

i 


general, by whom he was barbarously murdered. At the ad. 
same time the French force at Trichinopoly capitulated. ^75 1 -1752 
The officers gave their parole not to serve against Muhammad 
Ali or his allies ; whilst the private soldiers, to the number surrender 
of four hundred, were sent to Fort St. David as prisoners. 1752. 

The year 1752 thus saw the English triumphant at English 
Trichinopoly. French interests seemed to be ruined, trium- 
Major Lawrence prepared to leave Trichinopoly with his 
native allies ; to recover the fortresses in the Carnatic which 
had not been surrendered ; and to conduct Muhammad Ali 
to Arcot, and install him as Nawab. 

At this crisis a dangerous quarrel, which must have been Quarrel 
secretly brewing for weeks, suddenly broke out between the between 
native allies. Major Lawrence discovered, to his utter 
surprise and discomfiture, that Muhammad Ali had bought ■ 
the help of Mysore by promising to make over Trinchino- 
poly to the regent ; and the Mysore regent refused to stir 
from Trichinopoly, or to take any part in the restoration 
of Muhammad Ali to the throne of the Carnatic, until the 
city of Trichinopoly w^as placed in his possession. 

The dispute about Trichinopoly has long been obsolete, Tridiiuo 
but in 1752 it involved serious consequences. It was the poly* the 
key to the Hindu Carnatic, and as such had long t)een 
coveted by successive NTawabs ; and its occupation by carnatic. 
Mysore, or the Mahrattas, or by any other Flindu power, 
would have been justly regarded as a perpetual menace to 
the Nawab. 

Major Lawrence tried to effect a compromise, but soon Duplicity 
found that it was impossible. Muhammad Ali was full of of Muham- 
excuses and evasions. He confessed that he had pledged 
himself to make over Trichinopoly ; but he urged that the 
promise had been extorted from him by his extreme distress, 
and that the Mysore regent was fully aware that he could 
not fulfil it, Trichinopoly, he said, belonged to the Great 
Moghul ; and if it was given to a Hindu Raja, the Great 
Moghul would make war, not only upon him, but upon his 
English allies. He privately proposed to Major Lawrence 
to amuse the regent by promising to deliver up Trichino- 
poly at the end of two months. Meanwhile, he added, he 
hoped to collect enough arrears of revenue to defray the 
expenses of the regent, and prevent the necessity of part- 
ing with Trichinopoly. 


256 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

5751*1753 

Native 

intrigues. 


General 
defection 
of the 
Plindu 
allies. 


Major Lawrence thus found himself involved in a web of 
deceit and intrigue which rendered action impracticable. 
The Mysore regent professed himself willing to accept pay- 
ment of his expenses in lieu of Trichinopoly, if the money 
was paid at once ; but he demanded such an enormous sum 
that money was out of the question. It was thought that 
Morari Rao could mediate between the two parties, but he 
made matters worse. Publicly he decided that the Nawab 
was to make over Trichinopoly at the end of two months. 
Privately he counselled the Nawab not to surrender Trichino- 
poly at all. Privately also he counselled the Mysore regent 
to insist on the immediate surrender of the city under pain of 
making war on the Nawab, or deserting to the French. By 
so doing the wily Mahratta secretly made friends with both 
sides, and obtained large presents from both the Nawab and 
the regent, who were each anxious for his support. At 
the same time Morari Rao fomented the rupture between 
the two, and tried to cajole the Nawab into allowing the 
Mahratta troops to hold Trichinopoly during the interval, on 
the treacherous understanding that at the end of the two 
months he was not to make it over to the Mysore regent, but 
to give it back to Muhammad Ali. Had Morari Rao suc- 
ceeded in getting inside Trichinopoly he would undoubtedly 
have kept possession of the place, just as Chunder Sahib 
had done some fifteen years before. 

This wretched quarrel robbed the English of all the 
pleasure of their triumph./ Moreover, it was followed by 
plots and intrigues for the seizure of Trichinopoly, which 
volumes would fail to describe. Meanwhile the fortunes 
of the French were becoming brilliant in the Dekhan. 
Dupleix and his wife took advantage of these successes to 
send letters and presents to all parties at Trichinopoly, 
representing that the English were a plodding mercantile 
people, unacquainted with war, and unable to oppose the 
French, and who owed all their victories to the valour 
and activity of the Mahratta cavaliy. The consequence 
was that the Mysore regent went over to the French 
"together with the Mahrattas ; whilst the contingents of the 
Tanjore Raja and Tondimaii Poligar returned to their 
own homes, incensed alike against the Nawab and the 
Mysore regent, and resolved to do nothing more until 
they could find whether the English or French were likely 
to win the day. 


Chap. I.] 


ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 


257 


Allthis while Dupleix had never despaired. The death a.d. 
of Chunder Sahib, and surrender of the French force at ^752-1753 
Trichinopoly, had excited consternation at Pondicherry. 

But Bussy’s successes in the Dekhan more than counter- acquire 
balanced the disasters in the Carnatic. Saldbut Jung owed the 
his throne to the French ; and would have been deprived of Northern 
it at any moment by one rival or another, but for the sup- Shears, 
port of Bussy and the French army. Accordingly he ceded 
a large and valuable territory on the Coromandel coast for 
the permanent maintenance of the French forces. The 
French thus acquired a larger territory in India than had 
ever before been possessed by any European power, not 
excepting the Portuguese. It stretched along six hundred 
miles of seaboard, from the Carnatic frontier at the river 
Gundlacama, northward to the pagoda of Jagganath. It 
yielded a yearly revenue of more than half a million sterling ; 
and possessed commercial advantages which were vastly 
improved by the possession of the port of Masiilipatam. 

This territory was afterwards known as the Northern Circars. 

At the same time Dupleix professed to have been con- Claims of 
firmed by Salabut Jung in the post of ruler of all India to Dupleix to 
the south of the Kistna. He even feigned to have received Nawab 
insignia and letters of investiture from the Great Moghul. Canibc 
By virtue of this authority he arrogated to himself all the 
powers of a Nawab. 

In 1753 the English were anxious for a peace. They were Peace 
worn out by the expense of a war which was in reality a prevented 
national affair, and ought not to have fallen on the East , . 
India Company. Captain Clive had returned to England 
on the score of ill-health ; and the operations of Lawrence 
were indecisive. The English were willing to leave the 
French in possession of the Northern Circars, and to ac- 
knowledge SaMbut Jung as Nizam of the Dekhan ; but they 
required the French to acknowledge Muhammad Ali as 
Nawab of the Carnatic. But Dupleix was impracticable, 
and rejected the offer with disdain. Pie claimed to be 
Nawab of the Carnatic, and unless his authority as Nawab 
was recognised by the English he would majee no terms ‘ 
whatever. 

In this dilemma the Court of Directors in London called Reference 
on the British ministry to put an end to the war in the to Europe. 
Carnatic, or to carry it on at the charge of the British nation. 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


25S 

A.D. 

1753-1756 


Diipleix 

sacrificed. 


Peace 
between 
the Eng- 
lish and 
French 
Com- 
panies, 
1755 - 


Armed 

truce. 


The question had become of yital importance. Great 
Britain and France were at peace in Fmrope, and had been 
at peace ever since the treaty of Aix-Ia-Chapelle in 1748. 
The war between the two nations in the Carnatic was thus 
not only an anomaly, but a complication which few in Europe 
could comprehend. London and Paris were confused by 
dynastic stories of rival Nawabs and rival Nizams setting the 
Great Moghul at defiance, and fighting for the mastery with 
the English Company on one side and the French Company 
on the other. Meanwhile the Directors of both Companies 
found themselves drawn into hopeless contests, which ex- 
hausted their treasuries and obstructed their trade. 

Under such circumstances all parties began to throw the 
blame upon Dupleix. The English charged him with be- 
ginning the war by the liberation of Chunder Sahib from 
his Mahratta prison at Satara. The French denounced his 
ambitious schemes for his own aggrandisement, which de- 
voured the profits of the French East India Company 
without adding to the glory of the French nation. Dupleix 
was sacrificed to the necessities of both nations, to prevent 
a war between Great Britain and France, and to enable the 
English and French Companies to escape from political 
responsibilities which were destructive to the interests of 
trade. 

The finale is soon told- A French commissary was sent 
to Pondicherry with full powers to conclude a peace with 
the English authorities at Madras. Both sides pledged 
themselves for the future to renounce all native government 
and dignity, and to abandon all interference with native 
powers. The French also agreed to relinquish all territories 
they had acquired in excess of those acquired by the English. 
But these conditions were never carried out Dupleix, 
however, was removed from the government of Pondicherry, 
and returned to France a ruined and broken-hearted man.^ 

The treaty was signed at Pondicherry in J an, 1 7 5 5 . It was 
only provisional, and awaited the confirmation of the English 
and French governments in Europe ; and within eighteen 
months it was cast to the winds. The English excited the 
jealousy of the French by helping Muhammad Ali to estab- 
lish his authority in the Carnatic over rebellious Poligars. 

1 Dupleix lived for nine years longer. He died at Paris in the utmost 
poverty, on the ipth of November, 1764. 


Chap. L] 


ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 


259 


At the same time the French occupation of the Northern a.i>. 
Gircars, and the continued . presence of Bussy and his ^753-i7S6 
forces in the Dekhan, excited the bitterest animosity of 
the English. ■■ 

Meanwhile Clive, who had embarked for England in Return of 
1753 on the score of ill-health, had returned to Bombay Clive to 
with the commission of a lieutenant-colonel in the service of 
the Crown. He was to have led a European force from Bom- 
bay towards Hyderabad, with the view of co-operating with 
the Peishwa of the Mahrattas against the Nizam, and com- 
pelling SaHbut Jung to dismiss Bussy and his Frenchmen. 

But the expedition was stopped by the treaty of Pondicherry. 
Accordingly he joined the fleet of Admiral Watson in an 
expedition against a noted pirate named Angria. 

About the beginning of the eighteenth century, when the Rise of the 
Moghul power was beginning to decline, a rebel of the Angiias, 
name of Angria founded a piratical empire on the Malabar 
coast between Bombay and Goa. During the fifty years 
which followed, the name of Angria had been as great a terror 
on the sea as that of Sivaji had been on land. A succession 
of Angrias had pushed their aggressions along the Mah- 
ratta coast, until they possessed a seaboard of a hundred and 
twenty miles in length, with a fort at every creek. Their fleets 
consisted of fast-sailing vessels of small burden, and rowing- 
boats of forty or fifty oars, armed with guns and crowded 
with men. No vessel could pass this coast without paying 
chout for a pass from Angria, or running the chance of 
capture. The East India Company alone expended fifty 
thousand pounds yearly on the maintenance of an armed 
convoy for the protection of their merchant ships against 
these dangerous corsairs. 

The capital of Angria was at Gheria, which was supposed pestruc- 
to be another Gibraltar, but Clive and Watson made short 
work of capturing it. The place was bombarded and Qive aS 
stormed in February, 1756, and its fortifications and ship- Watson, 
ping were destroyed. Angria’s people were so alarmed that February, 
they surrendered all their other forts to the Mahrattas without iyS^- 
resistance, and abandoned most of their territory. 

Clive and Watson next proceeded to. Madras. Meanwhile Rupture 
there had been a rupture between Salabut Jung and Bussy, 
brought about by a powerful Muhammadan party at the court ^nd the 
of Hyderabad. In July, 1756, Bussy marched his force to Frencb. 

a 2 :' ' , '■ ' 


26o 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

1753-1756 

Bad news 
from 
Bengal, 
July, 1 756. 


Hyderabad, and took up a strong position ; whilst Salabut 
Jung sent urgent messages to Madras imploring the help of 
the English against the French. 

Nothing could have been more acceptable to the English 
authorities. All mention of the Dekhan and the Nizam 
had been intentionally excluded from the treaty of Pondi- 
cherry. At the same time Europe was on the eve of the 

Seven Years’ War,” and a declaration of hostilities between 
Great Britain and France was expected to arrive in India by 
every ship. Accordingly, an English force was prepared to 
take the field for the support of Saldbut Jung against the 
French ; but suddenly the march was countermanded. In 
August terrible news arrived from Bengal. Calcutta had 
been captured by the Nawab of Bengal, Behar/ and Orissa, 
and a hundred and twenty-three English prisoners had been 
stifled to death in the Black Hole. 

^ In the previous chapters Behar has been spelt “Bihar” in con- 
formity with the spelling ordered by the British government. But in 
dealing with the history of British India, it is not worth while to change 
the spelling of a geogi*aphical term which has been in general use for 
more than a century. 


CHAPTEl^ IL 


ENGLISHINBENGAX. 

A.D. 1700 TO 1761. 

The position of the English in Calcutta during the early a.d. 
half of the eighteenth century bore a general resemblance 7 00-17 25 
to that of the English at Madras. They had a governor position of 

and council, and a mayor’s court. They had an English the 

officer, who collected revenue and administered justice English at 
amongst their native subjects under the name of Zemindar. Calcutta. 
They had a head policeman, who kept the peace by day 
and night, under the name of Kotwal. They had Dutch 
and French neighbours, whose factories were situated some 
twenty miles off at Chinsura and Chandernagore. They 
paid rent and customs to the Moghul officer, who com- 
manded the surrounding district under the name of Foujdar, 
and made Hughli his head quarters.^ 

The Nawab of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, was a grandee Court of 
of the first water, who kept his court at Murshedabad, the Nawab 
about a hundred and twenty miles to the north of Calcutta, 

The English had few transactions with the great man ; they ^ 
generally carried on all their political negotiations through 
the Moghul commander at Hughli. 

The English at Calcutta knew more of the interior than 
the English at Madras. There was no water way at 
Madras to open up the country; and no great roads in 
the Peninsula like those which traversed Hindustan and 

^ The Dutch factory at Chinsura, the French factory at Chanderha- 
gore, and the Moghul town of Hughli, are some three or four miles 
distant from each other, • 


262 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D, the Dekhan. Before the war, Arcot was as remote as Delhi 
1700-1725 whilst Madura was a mystery like Pekin or Timbuctoo. But 
Inland" position of the English at Calcutta was altogether 
factories different, for they had established factories at a consider- 
at Cossim- able distance inland. On the north they had a factory at 
bazar, Cossimbazar, the trading suburb of Murshedabad. On the 
2d *Pataa ^ factory at Dacca, near the Brahmaputra river, 

whence they procured Dacca muslins. On the west they 
had the great water-way of the Ganges, and had established 
a factory at Patna, four hundred miles from Calcutta, for the 
purchase of saltpetre, raw silk, and opium. 

Nawab The old Nawabs of Bengal were thus better known to 
Mursbed the English than the Nawabs of the Carnatic. The founder 
KuliKhan the first hereditary dynasty was Murshed Kuli Khan, a 
fouiiderof flourished between 1700 and 1725, and was a 

Mursheda- type of the rulers formed in the school of Aurangzeb. He 
bad. rose from some minor post to be Nawab of the three 
provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa ; a territory ex- 
tending north and south from the mountains of Nipal to 
the jungles of Gondwana, and east and west from the river 
Brahmaputra and Bay of Bengal to the little river Carum- 
nassa.^ He moved his capital from Dacca to Murshedabad^ 
which was so called after his own name.^ 

Oppressive The secret of the rise of Mushed Kuli Khan lay in his 
adminis- sending a large yearly tribute to the imperial treasury at 
tration. Delhi, together with large presents for ministers, favourites, 
and influential grandees. In return he was allowed to fill 
the two posts of Nawab and Dewan; in other words, to 
command the three provinces whilst acting as accountant- 
general for the Great Moghul. He was thus necessarily a 
strict financier, and many stories are told by native writers 
of his cruelty and oppression. He imprisoned the leading 
landholders, known as Zemindars and Rajas, and appointed 
Bengali Hindus of his own selection to collect the rents 
from the farmers. He placed other Zemindars on sub- 

^ The Carumnassa is an insignificant stream, flowing into the Jumna 
near Buxar, which is not always shown in the map. Its importance 
as a frontier between Behar and the territory of Benares continued 
until the administration of Warren Hastings, when Benares was an- 
nexed to British territory. 

2 Murshed Kuli Khan is known in some histories by the name of 
Jafir Khan, and must be distinguished from the Nawab Mir Jafir, who 
appears in the later history. 


Chap. II. ] 


ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 


263 


sistence allowances, whilst his Bengali officers, known as a.d. 
Aumils, collected the rents in like manner. He re-measured 1700-1725 
estates, and brought fallow and waste lands under cult!- ' 
vation by making advances to the lower class of husband- 
men. In a word, he dispossessed most of the Zemindars 
from their holdings, except a few whom he ventured to 
trust, and a few powerful Rajas, such as Birbhiim and 
Kishenghur, who were able to resent or defy any inter- 
ference with their hereditary estates or territories. 

Murshed Kuli Khan, like all the Moghul officers of the Harsh 
school of Aurangzeb, was very harsh towards Hindus. He 
allowed no Hindus, not even Zemindars or Rajas, to sit or 
speak to each other in his presence. He prohibited even 
the wealthiest Hindus from riding in a palanquin, and 
required them to use inferior conveyances. He preferred 
Bengali Hindus to collect the revenue because they were 
more amenable to threats and punishments, and were too 
timid to rebel or plot against him. It was a common saying 
that the Muhammadans squandered their ill-gotten gains on 
pomp and pleasure, and left no wealth to be confiscated; 
whilst the Hindus hoarded their gains, and then, like 
sponges, could be squeezed of all their riches. If a district 
collector was in arrears the Hindu defaulter was tormented, 
bastinadoed, hung up by the feet, placed in the hot sun, 
or subjected to some other exquisite torture. But if there 
was any fraud, or any failure to make good a deficiency, the 
Hindu culprit was compelled to turn Muhammadan, together 
with his wife and family.^ 

Murshed Kuli Khan had no son. He had given a Profligate 
daughter in marriage to an officer named Shuja Khan, who son-ia- 
was deputy-governor of Orissa, But Shuja Khan was so 
utterly bad and profligate that his wife left him in Orissa and 
went back to her father at Murshedabad, accompanied by 
a son named Sarfardz Khan. 

The old Nawab hated his son-in-law but took a great Favourite 
liking to his grandson. He set aside Shuja Khan and used grandson, 
all his influence at Delhi to secure the appointment of his 
grandson, Sarfardz, as his heir and successor to the Nawab- 
ship of the three provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. 

But he died in 1725, before his intentions were carried into 

^ The original authorities for these statements will be found translated 
m History of Bengal, 


264 

a.d. 

1725-1742 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part lir. 


Coup 
d\'lat of 
Shuja 
Ivhan. 


Easy reign 
of Shuja 
•Khan, 

1725-39: 

rise of 

Alivardi 

K-lian. 


Treachery 
of Alivardi 
Khan. 


English 
voyage 
from Cal- 
cutta to 
l^atna, 
1735 - 


effect, and thus left the throne at Murshedabad to be a bonp 
of contention between a father and a son. 

Meantime Shuja Khan, by means of lavish presents at 
Uelhi, had procured the insignia and letters of investiture 
from Delhi for his own appointment as Nawab of the three 
provinces; and shortly after the death of his father-inlaw 
he suddenly produced them at the city of Murshedabad 
and was at once proclaimed successor to the throne! 
His son, Sarfariz Khan, was totally ignorant of his father’s 
design. He was sitting at a country house near the citv 
hourly expecting the arrival of his own credentials from 
Delhi, when he suddenly heard the fire of salutes and roll 
of kettle-drums at the palace. He had been outwitted 
by his father, but there was no redress. He submitted to 
his fate, and set off to offer the customary present and con- 
gratulations to the new Nawab. 

Shuja Khan was a good-natured man who cared for 
nothing but pleasure. He released all the imprisoned 
Zemind^s\and Rajas, and thereby made himself popular; 
But he had two favourites, named Hajl Ahmad and Alivardi 
Khan. The former, by secret services of a questionable 
character, obtained the post of minister and remained at 
Murshedabad. His brother, Alivardi Khan, a man of bravery 
and audacity, was appointed deputy-governor of Behar, and 
left Murshedabad and took up his quarters at Patna 

In Behar, Alivardi Khan devoted himself to the reduction 
of all the Hindu Rajas under his government. This he 
accomplished by the most consummate treachery and craft • 
ensnaring them by vows and promises, and then putting 
ttiem to death. These Rajas were often little better than 
ireebooters, and their suppression was indispensabie to the ' 
tranquillity of the province ; but the wholesale destruction 
earned out by Alivardi Khan was characterised by barbarities 
which were most revolting. 

The English had some experience of the atrocities com- 
mitted by Alivardi Khan. In those days the English boats 
carried goods and treasure between Calcutta and Patna under 
the guard of European soldiers. In 1735 a convoy went as 
usual in charge of an English civilian named Holwell and a 
Captain Holcombe.^ Near Monghyr the two gentlemen saw 
a boat going by with baskets, which ' they took to contain 
nsn. I hey hailed the hoat, and on its coming alongside 


Chap. 11. ] 


ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 


265 


they opened the baskets, and found thirty heads of men a.d. 
who had just been murdered. 1725-1742 

The story was not a pleasant one. There was an old 
Hindu Raja near Monghyr, who had sturdily held out the baskets 
against the Moghul. Captain Holcombe knew him well ; of hximan 
for the Raja, like others of his stamp, claimed a right to Leads, 
levy duties on all goods coming up or down the Ganges ; a 
point which was generally settled by the sword. This aged 
warrior died in 1730, and was succeeded by a son, who 
submitted to Alivardi Khan, and agreed to pay a yearly 
tribute. To prevent treachery, the young Raja brought his 
tribute every year to a certain spot accompanied by only 
thirty followers. In like manner Alivardi Khan was pledged 
to send an officer with only thirty followers to receive the 
money. This year the payment had been made the very 
morning that tiolwell and Holcombe hailed the boat 
Alivardi Khan had ordered an ambush and a massacre; 
and the three baskets contained the heads of the Raja and 
his followers. One man escaped and told the tidings to the 
young Raja’s wife, who thereupon set the palace on fire, and 
perished in the flames with an infant son and all her female 
attendants. That same night the Raja’s city was attacked, 
plundered, and burnt by the forces of Alivardi Khan ; and 
the two Englishmen saw the fire and smoke from the place 
where they lay at anchor, 

Nawab Shuja Khan died in 1739, the same year that Sarfaraz 
Nadir Shah attacked Delhi. His son Sarfarhz Khan sue- Khan, 
ceeded to the throne, and turned out a worse profligate 
than his father.^ He was insolent and tyrannical, and at 
last gave mortal offence to a Hindu family of great wealth, 
who had long exercised a commanding influence at Mur- 
shedabad. 

Jagat Seth, the patriarch of the family, was the wealthiest Hindu 
banker in the Moghul empire, the Rothschild of Hindustan, family 
The wildest stories are told of the riches of his house, 

The Mahrattas carried off two millions sterling from his 
family, and the loss was no more felt than that of two 
trusses of straw. He knew all that was going on under 
every court in India; was security for most of the renters 

^ The old Nawabs of Bengal were so abominably wicked that 
there is not much to choose between them. Their vices were inde- 
.scribable. 


366 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part IIL 


A.D. 

1742-I750' 


Destrac- 
tion of 
Sarfaraz 
Khan, 

1741-42. 


Alivardi 
Khan, the 
iisui-per, 
1742.56. 


Mahratta 
invasions 
of Bengal, 
J742-50- 


m the Bengal provinces ; and always had vast sums at his 
command. His grandson, a mere boy, was married to a 
^rl of tender years. Out of mere caprice the Nawab in 
sisted on seeing the girl without a veil. This matter so 
tafling m European eyes, was regarded by Bengalis as an 
insult and disgrace which abrogated the marriage tie and 
for which nothing but death could atone. ’ 

The result was that a plot was formed by Hindus and 
Moghuls for the destruction of Sarfardz Khan. The con 
spirators invited Alivardi Khan to undertake the task, and 
engaged to make him Nawab of the three provinces iii the 
room of the doomed prince. It would be tedious to rake 
up the story of deceit, treachery, and bribery. Sarfardz Khan 
was lulled m security, whilst Alivardi Khan was hurrying an 
army through the narrow pass which leads from Behar into 
Bengal. At last Sarfardz Khan was suddenly aroused by the 
news that a rebel force was at his gates. He marched out 
with a large army and a train of artillery; but his officers 
were disaffected, and the guns were loaded with powder 
pnly, without_ ball. The battle was a sham ; but Sarfardz 
Khan was slain, and Alivardi Khan was proclaimed Nawab 
in his room. 

Alivardi Khan has been styled a usurper. He subse- 
quently displayed the insignia and letters of investiture* 
but whether they were forged, or were bought from the 
Delhi Vizier, is a question of no moment The day was 
fast approaching when no rights existed in India save those 
of the sword. 

Scarcely had Alivardi Khan secured himself as Nawab 
w:hen the three provinces were invaded by Mahrattas! 
It was said that the Great Moghul was so disgusted at re- 
ceiving little or no tribute from the Nawab that he told the 
Mahrattas to collect chout in Hengal. For eight years in 
succession, from 1742 to 1750, these merciless hordes of 
miscreants devastated the country to the southward of the 
Ganges, from October till June, and never retired until the 
approach of the rainy season. All this was done under 
pretence of collecting chout ; for by this time the Mahrattas 
began to consider that they possessed an inherent ri^-ht to 
collect chout fpm the whole of India. ^ 

In the first instance, Alivardi Khan tried to get rid of the 
Mahrattas by treachery and massacre. The commanders on 


Chap. II.] 


ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 


267 


either side were to meet in a tent and arrange the terms of a.d. 
chout. The bait was swallowed. A tent was prepared, and ^742-1750 
the Nawab posted an ambush between a double lining, rp 
The meeting took place ; the signal was given ; the men in aiXassaJ- 
ambush rushed out with drawn swords, and the Mahratta sination. 
general and most of his chief officers were slaughtered on 
the spot. 

The Mahratta army was paralysed for a moment at Mahratta 
this horrible murder of their leaders, and then wreaked i^evenge 
their vengeance upon the unoffending inhabitants. They 
ravaged the country with fire and sword, cutting off ■ ^ ' 
ears, noses, and hands, and committing countless bar- 
barities in the search of spoil. The wretched Bengalis 
fled in shoals across the Ganges, to take refuge, or per- 
chance to perish, in the hills and jungles to the north- 
ward of the river. It was at this juncture that the native 
inhabitants of Calcutta began to dig the once famous 
Mahratta ditch, to keep the enemy's horsemen out of the 
Company’s bounds.^ 

Alivardi Khan found himself powerless to act against the Afghan 
loose bands of Mahrattas. They evaded a general action, treachery ^ 
and if dispersed from one place, they soon reappeared else- 
where. At the same time there was treachery in his own ^rmy. 
camp. He relied much on a force of Afghan mercenaries 
commanded by an officer named Mustafa Khan ; but his 
brother, Hajf Ahmad, grew jealous of Mustafa Khan, and 
charged the Afghan with being in secret communication 
with the Mahrattas. Mustafa Khan suddenly fled with his 
Afghans towards Patna, but was pursued and slain ; and 
Hijl Ahmad cut off his head, and carried it in derision three 
times through the streets of Patna. 

The atrocity was soon avenged Hijf Ahmad fell into Afghnn 
the hands of the Afghans, and was put to a cruel death. 

He was scourged, insulted, and exposed to the derision 
of the mob, and then tied to the leg of an elephant, and 
dragged through the streets until death put an end to his 
agonies. 

Such details are revolting to all ; but it is necessary at 
times to lift the curtain from a few of the horrors of anarchy 

1 Every vestige of this once famous ditch has disappeared from Cal- 
cutta. It is supposed to have run along the site at present known as 
the Circular Road. 


268 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III, 


A.D. 

1750-1756 

Peace 

with 

the Mah- 
rattas : 
payment 
of choutj 

1750. ' 

Character 
of Alivardi 
Khan. 


Domestic 
life of 
Alivardi 
Khan, 

1750-56. 


and misrule. It will suffice to add that in 1750 Alivardi 
Khan came to terms with the Mahrattas. The whole pro- 
vince of Orissa was ceded to the Bhonsla Raja of Berar or 
Nagpore 7 and the Nawab agreed to pay a yearly sum of 
twelve lakhs of rupees, or a hundred and twenty thousand 
pounds sterling, as chout for Bengal and Behar. 

Alivardi Khan was now an old man, but the remainder of 
his days were spent in comparative peace. There were 
horrible scandals in his household at Murshedabad, as well 
as revolts and plots on the part of members of his family; 
but with all his crimes, he himself was free from vices. It is 
said that he was never a drunkard nor a profligate ; and that 
in this respect his private life differed from that of most 
Muhammadan princes in India. A few details of his daily 
occupations have been preserved by a native writer who 
enjoyed his patronage.^ The picture may be somewhat over- 
drawn, but it serves to illustrate the domestic life of an aged 
and respectable Muhammadan grandee : — 

‘‘ The Nawab Alivardi Khan always rose two hours before 
daylight, said his prayers at daybreak, and then drank coffee 
with his chosen friends. From seven, o’clock till nine he sat 
in the hall of audience, where he listened to the representa- 
tions of those of his officers and grandees who had anything 
to say. At nine o’clock he retired and amused himself with 
the company of particular friends, in listening to verses of 
poetry or pleasant stories, or in superintending the prepara- 
tion of different dishes, which were cooked in his presence 
and under his directions. At ten o’clock he partook of the 
chief meal of the day, but always in company ; and when 
it was over his guests washed their hands and withdrew, and 
he retired to his couch and was lulled to sleep by the story- 
tellers. At one o’clock he awoke and drank a cup of water 
cooled with ice or saltpetre, and performed his mid-day 
prayers. He next read a chapter of the Koran with a loud 
voice, according to the rule, and performed his afternoon 
prayers. Pious and learned men were then introduced, and 
regaled with coffee and hookahs ; and the Nawab drank 

^ Siyar-td-Muiaqherinihy Gholam Husain AH. Calcutta, 1786. Barge 
use has been made of this valuable work in dealing with the rise of the 
British empire in India ; but the author was a bigoted Shiah, and has 
strong likings and bitter dislikings, which must always be taken into 
consideration. 


Chap. IL] 


ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 


269 


coffee with them but never smoked.^ A Koran was set up, a,d. 
and conferences, readings and explanations would occupy i750“i7S^ 
two hours. Next the chiefs of offices were in attendance, 
and amongst others the wealthy Jagat Seth made his appear- 
ance ; and these men read or told him the news from all 
parts of India. Wits and buffoons followed, with whom he 
cracked jokes for another two hours. By this time it would 
be dusk, and the Nawab said his evening prayers. Then 
the audience hall was cleared of men, and the ladies of the 
family came to see him. A supper was served of fresh and 
dried fruits and sweetmeats, and the Nawab generally dis- 
tributed them amongst the ladies with his own hands. After 
supper the ladies retired to rest, and the hall was opened to 
officers of the guard, bed-watchers, and story-tellers ; and the 
Nawab again retired to his couch, and was lulled to sleep 
by stories. He generally awoke three or four times in the 
course of the night, but was always awake about two hours 
before dawn. 

“ The Nawab was troubled by the progress of affairs in Alivardi’s 
the Dekhan ; by the assassination of Nasir Jung during his alarm at 
march against the French at Pondicherry, and by the acces- 
sion of Muzaffir Jung, who was supported by the French. ^ 

He was troubled still more when Muzaffir Jung was slain, 
and SaHbut Jung was made Nizam of the Dekhan, and 
supported on the throne by the French foreigners. At the 
same time he received a pompous letter from Bussy, recom- 
mending the French at Chandernagore to his care and pro- 
tection. He sent no reply to the letter, but he was amazed 
and perplexed. ‘Those hat-men,’ he exclaimed, ‘will soon 
possess all the seaboard of India.’” 

Alivardi Chan had nominated a grandson to succeed him, Suraj-ud- 
named Suraj-ud-daula. This young man was insolent and daula, 
vindictive, as well as cruel and profligate. He was very 
bitter against the English at Calcutta, and complained to his yardi^' 
grandfather of their hostile designs ; but the old Nawab Khan : his 
was on his dying bed, and was deaf to all such representa- bitterness 

tiohs. Meanwhile news arrived at Murshedabad that the the 

English. 

^ It is a curious fact that Alivardi Khan never smoked. Originally 
he is said to have been ‘‘hookah bearer ” to Shuja Khan. His brother 
Haji Ahmad is said to have been originally a khitmutgar, or table- 
servant.; ■ 


270 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A.D. 


Suraj-ud- 

daula, 

Nawab, 

1756: 

marches 

ail army 

against 

Calcutta. 


Alarm of 
the 

English : 
inefficient 
defences. 


English had captured the great fortress of Gheria, the 
stronghold of Angria. About the same time, it was reported 
that the English at Calcutta were strengthening their fortifi- 
cations in order to fight the French at Chandernagore. 

The old Nawab died in April, 1756. Suraj-ud-daula 
succeeded to the throne at Murshedabad, in spite of hostile 
intrigues and plots in favour of other claimants.^ He was 
told that one of his enemies had found refuge in Calcutta, 
and demanded his immediate surrender; but his mes- 
senger was regarded with suspicion at Calcutta, and no reply 
was sent. Next he ordered Mr. Drake, the governor of 
Calcutta, to demolish his new fortifications. Mr. Drake 
replied that no new fortifications had been constructed ; that 
nothing had been done beyond repairing a line of guns to 
prevent the French from capturing Calcutta in the same 
way that they had captured Madras ten years before. The 
young Nawab was furious at the idea of the English fighting 
the French within his dominions. He sent a body of 
horsemen to surround the factory of Cossimbazar, in the 
suburbs of his capital, and to bring away the English there 
as his prisoners. He then assembled an army of fifty 
thousand men, and a train of artillery, and marched to 
Calcutta with such haste in the month of June, that many 
of his troops died of fatigue and sunstroke on the way, 

I'he English at Calcutta were bewildered by these tidings. 
They expected some demand for money, but were taken 
aback by the capture of Cossimbazar, The Mahrattas had 
caused an occasional scare at Calcutta, but many years had 
passed away since the English had the slightest grounds for 
expecting an attack from the Nawab, The defences had 
been neglected; warehouses had been built adjoining the 
fort; whilst the fort itself was overlooked by numerous 
buildings. The English at Calcutta were a mere handful. 
There were not five hundred men in all Calcutta, including 
Englishmen and mixed races. There were only a hundred 
and seventy European soldiers, and of these scarcely ten had 
seen any service beyond parade. Still, had Clive been there, 
he would have defied the Nawab and all his rabble host All 

^ One of these claimants had actually secured letters of investiture 
from Delhi for the three provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, by 
]3romising to send a yearly tribute to the Moghul treasury of one million 
sterling. 


Chap. II.] 


ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 


271 


tall houses would have been demolished; all inconvenient a.d. 
walls would have been thrown down; and any enemy en- i 75 o-i 75 ^ 
camped in the neighbourhood would have been kept in con- 
stant alarm, by shells during the day, and by sallies at night, 
until the besiegers thought proper to disappear from the 
scene. 

But instead of standing a siege in Fort William, as Clive Military 
had done in the citadel at Arcot, the English madly attempted operations, 
to defend the town of Calcutta by isolated outposts at a 
distance from the fort. The fighting began on Wednesday, 
the 1 6th of June. During Thursday and Friday the outposts 
were driven in by sheer force of numbers ; and after much 
desperate fighting in the streets and avenues the English 
fell back on the fort On Saturday, the 19th of June, the 
enemy opened a cannonade. The women were carried to 
the ships, and Mr. Drake and some others escaped with 
them ; and then, to the utter disgust of those left in the fort, 
the ships moved down the river. 

Next morning was Sunday the 20th of June. The enemy Calcutta 
tried to escalade the walls, but the rabble soldiery were surren- 
easily driven back, and there was a lull in the fighting. 6ered 0x1 
By this time, heat and fatigue had told on the English ^oth June 
garrison. The European soldiers broke into the arrack 1756; 
stores and got drunk. There was a flag of truce and a 
parley. Meanwhile the native soldiers climbed over the 
walls, and broke in at different openings, and there was a 
general surrender. 

The Nawab entered Fort William in great pomp, but found Tragedy of 
only fifty thousand rupees in the treasury. He sent for Mr. the Black 
Holwell, who represented the governor in the absence of 
Mr. Drake. He swore that no harm should befall the 
prisoners, but he was very angry at the small amount in the 
treasury. Mr. Holwell was soon dismissed, and returned 
to his fellow-prisoners, who were assembled under a strong 
guard in a low veranda in front of a line of barracks. For 
some time the Nawab's officers could find no place fitted for 
the eonfinement of the prisoners. At last, at the end of 
the chambers, they found the strong-room of the garrison, 
known as the Black Hole. It was not twenty feet square. 

There was no air except what came through the veranda 
and two little gratings in the door. Into this close dun- 
geon, on one of the hottest nights in a Calcutta June, a 


273 ' 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HR 


A.D. hundred and forty-six prisoners were thrust by swords and 
^ ^ 5^-17 57 clubs. The door was then shut, and the shrieking captives 
were left to die. Next morning, twenty-three fainting 
wretches were dragged out alive ; the remaining hundred 
and twenty- three were dead corpses. 

Strpge The question of who was to blame for this catastrophe has 
Sce^oF argued, but has long ceased to be of any moment. 

Asiatics. Suraj-ud-daula may have been free of blame. He left the 
custody of the prisoners to his officers, and then retired to 
rest, and no one dared to wake him. But next morning he 
was utterly callous to all that had happened, and only 
anxious to know where the English had secreted their vast 
treasures. The native inhabitants of Bengal were equally 
callous. The tale of horror thrilled through the British 
empire; and would have excited the same indignation had 
it occurred in the remotest village in England or Ireland. 
But in India it excited no horror at all ; it fell on the list- 
less ears of Asiatics and was forgotten, if indeed it was ever 
known. Muhammadan historians tell the story of the cap- 
ture of Calcutta, but they say nothing of the Black Hole.^ 
Hostile The terrible tidings of the capture of Calcutta and cata- 
prepara- strophe of the Black Hole reached Madras in August. It 
Madras created a stir in the settlement which is perhaps without a 
parallel in Madras history. Bussy and the French were 
forgotten; and it was speedily resolved that the force in- 
tended for the Dekhan should be despatched with all speed 
^ to Bengal. 

Recapture The fleet left Madras in October, 175 6, under the command 

of Calcutta of Admiral Watson; the land forces were commanded by 
and CUve^ Colonel Clive. The expedition reached Calcutta on the 
January, ’ ist of January, 1757. There was very little fighting. The 
1757. Moghul commander at Hughli had been appointed governor 
of Calcutta, and he fled in a panic on the arrival of the 
English. On the 2nd of January the English flag was 
hoisted on Fort William. On the loth the English advanced 

^ TMs utter want of political ties among the masses of natives of India 
is the cause of their depression. Individually they are the kindest and 
most compassionate people in the v^orld, but outside their own little 
circle of family or caste they are utterly heedless of what is going on. 
Within the last few years there has been a change for the better; 
the famines have enlarged their sympathies, and the political future of 
the Hindu people is more hopeful now than at any former period of 
their history. 


Chap. II.] 


ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 


m 


to the native town of Hughli, and speedily took possession a.d, 
of the place. ^ 1757-1761 

All this while the Nawab had been puffed up by the 
capture of the European fortress at Calcutta. He threatened the Nawab 
to punish the French and Dutch in like manner ; but they Suraj-ud- 
professed implicit obedience, and sent him large sums of^aula. 
money. He released his English prisoners, and thought 
that hostilities Were at an end. It never crossed his mind 
that the English would return in force and demand com- 
pensation and revenge. But the recovery of Calcutta and 

1 Some of the details of the fighting are valuable as illustrations of 
Asiatic warfai'e. The approach to Calcutta was guarded by the fort of 
Budge-budge, now spelt Baj-baj. Colonel Clivej : over-confident and 
contemptuous of the natives, expected to capture the place without 
much resistance ; and laid an ambuscade to cut off the retreat of the 
Muhammadan garrison. The enemy however attacked the ambuscade 
by surprise; and nothing but the cool intrepidity of Clive saved 
it from destruction. Meanwhile the artillery in the fort played upon 
the English squadron, and was only silenced by a heavy fire from the 
shipping. 

Under these circumstances Clive prepared to storm the place on the 
following morning. At night, whilst the storming party was resting on 
the ground, and all on board the shipping were retiring to rest, a roar 
of acclamation was heard from the shore, and news was brought to 
Admiral Watson that Baj-baj had been captured. It appeared that a 
drunken sailor, named Strahan, having a cutlass in one hand and a 
pistol in the other, had scaled a breach single-handed, fired his pistol, 
and rushed on the Muhammadan sentinels with wild huzzas. Two or 
three other sailors heard the uproar, and followed their comrade with 
shouts and yells. The garrison fled in a panic. The storming party of 
soldiers burst in pellmeli, without order or discipline, and found them- 
selves in possession *of the fort, with eighteen cannon and forty barrels 
of powder. 

Admiral Watson thought it necessary for the sake of discipline to be 
very angry with Stralian ; but the fellow said that he meant no harm, 
and promised never to take a fort again without orders. Subsequently 
the Admiral would have made the man a boatswain, but his habits were 
against him. It was afterwards discovered that Strahan^s ambition was 
to be appointed cook on board one of the ships, but whether his 
ambition was gratified is unknown to history,' 

Another absurd occurrence took place after the capture of Hughli. 

Three English sailors were missing, and were supposed to have been 
killed or seriously wounded. At night the officers on board the ships 
saw that several villages were in flames. Next morning the three sailors 
appeared floating on a raft. They had found themselves deserted by 
their companions, and had set the villages on fire to make the in- 
habitants believe that the English forces were still on shore. Subset 
quently they had found the raft, and escaped in safety before the natives 
had recovered from their panic. 


T 


274 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A.D. capture of Hughli filled Mm with alarm. He marched a 
1757-1761 large army towards Calcutta, but professed a desire for peace 
“■ and friendship, and promised to Gompensate the English for 
all their losses. 

At the same time Clive himself was anxious for peace. 
Clive’s All his thoughts were occupied by the coming war with 
anxiety for Rj^ance. He would have abandoned all ideas of punishment 
peace. or revenge, provided that the Nawab compensated the Eng- 
lish for their losses, and permitted him to capture the French 
settlement at Chandernagore. 

Vacilla- The Nawab agreed to everything that Clive proposed, 
tions of the but he was resolved in bis own heart to do nothing. A 
** was concluded without the slightest difficulty; but 

capUire ^live soon found that the Nawab had only made peace in 
Chander- order to gain time and procure help from the French. The 
nagorec Nawab promised to compensate the English for their losses 
at the capture of Calcutta, but he evaded every demand for 
a settlement. He sent letters and presents to Bussy, re- 
questing him to march up from the Dekhan and drive the 
English out of Bengal. He forbade the English to attack 
the French; but news arrived that the Afghans had cap- 
tured Delhi, and intended conquering Bengal In his terror 
he implored Clive to help him against the Afghans, Under 
the influence of this terror he permitted the English to 
attack Chandernagore, but then withdrew his permission. 
Both Clive and Watson considered the withdrawal as an 
indignity, and sailed against Chandernagore and captured it. 
The Nawab then sent letters of congratulation to Clive and 
Watson; and actually offered to make over the territory of 
Chandernagore to the English on the same terms that it had 
been held by the French. 

Hostility Meanwhile the dissimulation of the Nawab reached a 
of the climax. He harboured the French refugees from Chander- 

Nawab. ^agore ; and then supplied them with funds, and sent them 

up country. He posted a force at Piassy, on the way to 
Calcutta, under the command of an officer named Mir Jafir; 
and when Clive remonstrated with him on this hostile de- 
monstration, he joined Mir Jafir at Piassy with the whole of 
his army. 

Conspiracy At this juncture there was a widely spread disaffection 
against the against the Nawab. Mir Jafir at Piassy and Jagat Seth, the 
Nawab Hindu banker at Murshedabad, were deeply implicated, and 


Chap. IIJ 


ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 


27S 


they invited Glive to join in the general conspiracy. It was A.n. 
agreed that Clive should march an army to Plassy, and i757'i76i 
that Mir Jafir should desert the Nawab and join the English 
army with all his forces ; and a treaty was concluded under chve. ^ 
which Suraj-ud-daula was to be dethroned, and Mir Jafir was 
to be proclaimed Nawab in his room. 

Unfortunately the communication between the head con- Treachery 
spirators and Clive was carried on through a Hindu named of Omi- 
Omichund. This man threatened to divulge the whole plot/^^^^^^^* 
to Suraj-ud-daula unless an article was inserted in the treaty 
pledging Mir Jafir to pay him three hundred thousand pounds 
sterling as the price of his silence. There is no doubt that 
Omichund was a consummate rascal without honour or 
shame ; but the mode adopted for keeping him quiet was a 
slur upon the English character. Omichund was duped 
with a sham treaty containing the desired clause, which was 
omitted from the real treaty. Clive and others signed the 
sham treaty, but Watson refused to sign any treaty but the 
real one. Clive added the name of Watson to the sham 
treaty with the full knowledge of the admiral; and he in- 
variably urged to the day of his death that he was fully 
justified in all he had done.^ 

Clive advanced from Calcutta to Plassy with a small Decisive 
force of three thousand men and nine pieces of artillery, battle of 
The army of the Nawab consisted of fifty thousand foot, ^ 
eighteen thousand horse, and fifty pieces of artillery.^ The 
famous battle was fought on the 23 rd of June, 1757. It was 
little better than a cannonade. Mfr Jafir did nothing, 
and the whole brunt of the fighting fell upon the English. 

At last the English advanced to storm the camp of the 
Nawab, and Suraj-ud-daula was seized with a panic and fled 
from the field. 

^ This sham treaty is the one blot on Clive’s public character. He 
did not personally derive any advantage from it ; he thought himself 
iustified in taking such a step for defeating the perfidy of a villain like 
Omichund. He would not have been condemned by the public opinion 
of orientals, who regard all such fabrications as justifiable against an 
enemy. But it has been universally condemned by the public opinion 
of Europe, and will stain the memory of Clive until the end of time. 

2 No reliance whatever can be placed upon the estimated numbers of 
any native army. It is mere guess work. Clive himself ' reckoned the 
• army of the Nawab to consist of thirty-five thousand foot, fifteen 
thousand horse, and forty pieces of cannon. 


T 2 


. 2*jS^ 

A.D. 

1757-1761 

Mir Jafir 
installed as 
ISTawab : 
presents 
and pro- 
mises. 


Territory 
rented to 
the Com- 
pany. 


Clive’s 

jaghir. 


Kesponsi- 
hilities of 
the Eng- 
lish. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part HI. 

Clive next went to Murshedabad and placed Mir Jafir on 
the throne. The new Nawab was profuse with his presents 
and promises, but his resources are supposed to have been 
greatly exaggerated. The treasures of Siiraj-ud-daula had 
been estimated at forty millions sterling, but only a 
million and a half was realised. Mir Jafir engaged to 
pay a million to the East India Company ; three-quarters of 
a million to the inhabitants of Calcutta, natives as well as 
Europeans; and vast presents to Clive and other members 
of government. As a first instalment, a hundred boat-loads 
of silver, to the value of eight hundred thousand pounds, 
were sent down the river to Calcutta, and the whole popula- 
tion of the English settlement was wild with joy. 

Besides money the new Nawab ceded a large tract on 
the river Elughli, which had long been coveted by the East 
India Company. It was given as a jaghir according to 
Moghul fashion ; the Company collected the yearly revenue, 
valued at a hundred thousand pounds sterling, but was 
required to pay a quit-rent of thirty thousand pounds, 
nominally to the Great Moghul. 

Clive was a great stickler for Moghul forms. It will be 
seen hereafter that the recognition of the effete sovereignty 
of the Great Moghul was the keystone of his policy. Mir 
Jafir was virtually created a Nawab by Clive; for all prac- 
tical purposes he was an independent sovereign; yet he 
deemed it necessary to procure letters of investiture from the 
Moghul court for the three provinces of Bengal, Behar, and 
Orissa. At the same time Clive was created an Amir of the 
Moghul empire, with the honorary rank or command of six 
thousand foot and five thousand horse. Of course the force 
only existed on paper, but Clive asked for the jagWr supposed 
to be given for its maintenance. Mir Jafir was perplexed 
at the demand, but finally made over the quit- rent of the 
jaghfr previously granted to the Company. Thus Clive came 
into possession of thirty thousand a year payable by the 
East India Company, who were supposed to be his honour- 
able masters. 

The revolution effected by the battle of Plassy involved 
the English in endless difficulties which no one had fore- 
seen. The process of dethroning Suraj-ud-daula and setting 
up Mir Jafir in his room was a simple affair; but Mfr Jafir 
had no hold upon the grandees, and was soon regarded 


Chap. IL] 


ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 


m 


with jealousy and hatred, especially when they saw the a,d. 
boats loaded with silver going down to Calcutta. It was ^7S7'i7^3[ 
soon evident that as the English alone had placed Mir Jafir 
on the throne of Bengal and Behar, so the English alone 
would be able to keep him there. 

To make matters worse, it was discovered that Mir Jafir Incaj^adty 
was unfit for the dignity. He had served with credit as a of Mir 
commander in the field, but he had no administrative ability, 
civil or military. He idled away most of his time under Miran, 
the influence of bhang, or in the company of singing and 
dancing girls. He complained of an empty treasury, and 
his army was mutinous for want of pay ; but he always ap- 
peared loaded with costly jewels, with five or six bracelets 
of different gems on his arms, and three or four chaplets of 
pearls hanging from his neck.^ His son Miram rendered 
himself detestable by murders and assassinations. Ten days 
after the battle of Plassy, Suraj-ud-daula was taken prisoner 
and cruelly murdered in the palace at Murshedabad. Other 
members or partisans of the family, male and female, were 
put to death in like manner. Mir Jafir threw all the blame 
upon his son Miran. 

The English were anxious to maintain the dignity of the Colonel 
new Nawab by showing him every kind of deference ; but Clive's 
his dependence on the “ hat w^allahs,*' and his morbid terror Jackass, 
of Glive, rendered him the laughing-stock of his courtiers. 

Within a few months of his accession he was nicknamed 

^ There is reason to believe that the English were duped as regards 
the treasures of Murshedabad, and that enormous wealth to the value of 
many millions steiiing was concealed in the recesses of the Nawab's palace, 
and shared by Mir Jafir and some others. The author of the Siydr-ul- 
Mutaqherin says that the English only knew of the outer treasury. 

* ‘ Those renovared English,” says Gholam Husain Khan, ‘ ■ who looked 
down with contempt on the intellects and abilities of the Bengalis, and 
yet are perpetually baffled and duped by them, did not know anything of 
Ihe inner treasury, said to contain money and jewels to the value of 
eight millions sterling, and which, pursuant to a custom well known in 
India, was kept in the Zenana^ or women's apartments. This inner 
treasury was shared by Mir Jafir and three natives-” The author adds 
that tw'o of the natives were writers in the service of Clive, whose . 
respective salaries were only sixty rupees a month, or about four 
shillings per diem ; yet ten years afterwards one of these men died 
worth a million and a quarter sterling, whilst the other spent ninety 
thousand pounds on his mother’s funeral alone.— 
vol. L, page '773. 


27S 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


$ 


A.D. ‘‘Colonel Clive’s Jackass,” and he retained the title till his 
17 57-17 61 death. The story is told of a fray between the followers of a 
Moghul grandee and the servants of Clive. The Nawab 
'warned the grandee against any rupture. The grandee re- 
plied with a sneer : “ My lord Nawab, I am not likely to 
quarrel with the Colonel. I never rise in the morning without 
making three salams to his Jackass, and am the last man to 
fall out with the rider.” Such stories tell more of the current 
feeling at Murshedabad than pages of description.^ 
Revolution the change of Nawabs had revolutionised the 

of political political ideas of all the great men at court. Before the 
ideas. capture of Calcutta, the English had only appeared at Mur- 
shedabad as supplicants for trading privileges. After the 
battle of Plassy they were lords and masters, to be pro- 
pitiated as the representatives of a new and paramount 
power. Under such circumstances it was only natural that 
they should be feared and hated ; and those Moghuls who 
were loudest in their praises of the English would gladly 
have seen them at the bottom of the sea. 

Disaffec- Another circumstance was calculated to exasperate Mfr 
Jafir and the Moghuls against the English. Alivardi Khan 
Sai^ees higher offices and commands with Hindus, 

^ * who were raised to the rank of Rajas, and thus served as 

checks upon the Zemindars, who were mostly Muhammadans. 
His prime minister was a Hindu, and a so-called Raja ; 
so were the governors of most of the towns and districts. 
Such nominal Rajas were more amenable to orders, and less 
likely to rebel, than turbulent Muhammadans. Mir Jahr 
wanted to remove them from their posts, and replace them by 
his own kinsmen and dependants. The result was that plots 
and intrigues were seething in all directions. Some of the 
Hindu Rajas were in fear of their lives, and implored the 
protection of the English. Clive guaranteed the lives of 
some of these Hindus, but he could not keep them in their 
posts ; and thus disaffection was spreading over the province, 
whilst the English were more feared and hated than ever. 
English But this fear and hate were only felt by the gran- 
blamed for dees. The general complaint of the natives was that the 

^ Mill tells the story in his History of India^ and Macaulay copies it 
in his Essay on Clive j but both missed the point from ignorance of Mir 
Jafir’s nickname. Bistoiy of Bengal. Also Scott’s 

Hek/ian, vol. ii., page 376. 


Chap. 11. ] 


ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 


279 


English did not interfere to protect the people. A native a.p. 
contemporary observes that the presence of mind, firmness ^ 7 S 7 -^ 7 ^^ 
of temper, and undaunted bravery of the English were beyond noiv^iter- 
all question ; but they took no heed of the husbandmen, and ference. 
were apathetic and indifferent to the suffering masses. 

Suddenly Mir Jafir was threatened with new dangers. Malirattas 
The Mahrattas demanded arrears of chout for Bengal and demand 
Behar, and it was difficult to evade the claim.^ They had chout. 
compelled Alivardi Khan to pay chout ; and they conse- 
quently claimed it as their right from his successors. They 
did not enforce the payment by the actual invasion of 
Bengal ; but it is evident that they were only restrained by 
a wholesome fear of Clive. 

In 1758 the eldest son of the Great Moghul, known as Claim of 
the Shahzada, appeared in force near the Behar frontier at the Shah- 
the river Garumnassa, proclaiming that he had 
appointed to the government of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa ;Behar Wd 
by the Great Moghul. His cause was supported by Shuja- Orissa, 
ud-daula, the Nawab of Oude ; and also by a body of 
Frenchmen under M. Law, the ex-governor of Chanderna- 
gore. At the same time the Hindu deputy-governor of 
Behar, who had been threatened by Mir Jafir, was naturally 
intriguing with the Shahzada, and inclined to open the way 
to the invaders. 

The appearance of the Shahzada brings the Great Moghul Progress of 
upon the stage, and necessitates a glance at the progress of^^^^’s^t 
affairs at Delhi. Ever since the death of Muhammad Shah 
in 1748, the Moghul capital had been torn by distractions. * 

Muhammad Shah had been succeeded by his son Ahmad 
Shah. The new Padishah found himself threatened by the 
Afghans on one side, and the Mahrattas on the other. At the 
same time the post of Vizier was a bone of contention between 
the Sunnis and the Shiahs : the Sunnis as represented by a 
grandson of Nizam-ul-mulk, named Ghazi-ud-din ; and the 
Shiahs as represented by the Nawab of Oude.^ In the end 
the Sunnis triumphed, and Ghazi-ud-din became Vizier, 

^ The chout for Behar and Bengal was claimed by the Bhonsla Raja 
of Berar or Nagpore. At this time Janoji Bhonsla was the reigning 
Raja. The history of the Mahratta empire and its feudatories will be 
given hereafter in Chapter v. 

The Nawab of Oude at this time was Sufdar Jung. He had 
married a daughter of Saadut Ali Khan, and succeeded to the govern- 


28 o 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A.D. Ghazi'Ud-dfn aspired to exercise the sovereign power 
^7 57'^ 7 ^1 under the name of Vizier, just as the Saiyids had done in 
Usurpa- a previous generation. He found Ahmad Shah restive and 
tion of the dangerous, and consequently dethroned him, blinded him, 
Vizier : and consigned him to the state prison of Salimghur. He 

next placed an imbecile old prince on the throne of Delhi, 
a under the name of Alamghir. He then treated the Padi- 
shah as a pageant, and usurped the sovereign authority, 
selling titles and letters of investiture to Nawabs in remote 
provinces, and raising money in every possible way. 

Interfer- In 1757 , the year of the battle of Plassy, matters were 
enceof brought to a terrible stand-still, Ahmad Shah Abdali, the 
ShS.^Ab* Afghan empire, appeared at Delhi with a 

daU ruler army, and levied contributions from the inhabitants, 
of Afghan- with all the merciless ferocity of an old officer of Nadir 
istaix. Shah. He next marched down the valley of the Jumna 
to the sacred city of Mathura, plundering and destroying 
after the manner of Mahmud of Ghazni. He seems how- 
ever to have had some respect for the sovereignty of the 
Great Moghul. He allied himself with the family of the 
Moghul by marrying a daughter of the deceased Muhammad 
Shah. He appointed an Afghan, named Najib-ud-daula to be 
Amir of Amirs, and to act as guardian for Alamghir 
in the room of Ghazi-ud-din, the Vizier, who had fled into 
exile. Having thus arranged matters to his satisfaction, 
Ahmad Shah Abdali left Delhi and returned with the bulk 
of his army to Kandahar. 

Rising The Afghans at this period were threatening to become a 
formidable power in India. They already occupied the Pun- 
ghans in 3 ^^? neither Sikhs, Moghuls, nor Mahrattas could drive 
the Punjab them out. They had long founded a powerful principality in 
and Rohil- Hindustan to the north-east of Delhi, in a region known as 
kund. Rohilla country * it has disappeared from modern maps, 

but the principality is represented to this day by the little 

ment of Oude on the death of his father in 1739, (See page 224.) 
He obtained the post of Vizier during the reign of Ahmad Shah, son of 
Muhammad Shah ; but was subsequently forced to leave Delhi through 
the intrigues of Gbazi-ud-din. In 1753 Sufdar Jung collected a large 
force, and besieged Delbi ; and ultimately compelled the Moghul court 
to give him a forma! grant of the provinces of Oude and Allahabad for 
himself and his heirs. He died shortly afterwards, and was succeeded 
by bis son, the celebrated Shuja-ud-daula. Plis tomb is one of the 
sights at Delhi. 


Chap. IL1 


ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 


2Sr 

state of Rampore. Najib-ud-daula, the new guardian of the a.d. 
Moghul sovereign, was an Afghan of the Rohilla country. 1757'^ 7^* 
In a word the Afghans were in a fair way of supplanting 
the Moghuls, and once again becoming the dominant 
power in Hindustan. 

No sooner, however, had Ahmad Shah Abdali gone off ^^etum of 
to Kandahar, than Ghazi-ud-dfn, the ex-Vizier, subverted 
the Afghan power at Delhi. He raised a vast body of supported 
Mahratta mercenaries ; drove out Najib-ud-daula ; murdered by the 
or imprisoned all the grandees who had opposed him ; Mahrattas. 
reduced Alamghir to the condition of a puppet, and sought 
to murder the Shahzada, or eldest son and heir of 
Alamghir. 

Thus it was that the Shahzada fled from Delhi in terror Flight 
of his life. For a year the imperial exile fished in troubled of the 
waters, seeking in turns the protection of the Rohilla Shahzada. 
Afghans and the Mahrattas. At last he took refuge with 
Shuja-ud-daula, Nawab of Oude, the hereditary Shiah and 
mortal enemy of Ghazi-ud-din.^ But the Nawab of Oude 
was in no hurry to commit himself. He cared nothing for 
the Shahzada, but was very anxious to get the Bengal 
provinces into his own hands. He sent a force to accom- 
pany the Shahzada to the Behar frontier, and then waited 
for events. 

Meanwhile Clive and Mir Jafir were drawn into an extra- Clive’s 
ordinary correspondence with the Shahzada, and also with relations 
the Moghul court at Delhi. Clive received friendly letters 
from the Shahzada, who was anxious to win the support of court at 
the ever-victorious English general. M£r Jafir, however, Delhi, 
received orders from the Vizier, and also from the Great 
Moghul, to arrest the Shahzada, and send him prisoner to 
Delhi. So Clive wrote back to the Shahzada that he had 
been created an Amfr of the empire, and was consequently 
bound to support Mir Jafir, who had been invested by the , 

Great Moghul with the government of Bengal, Behar, and 
Grissa. 

The military operations that followed are of no interest. 

^ Gliazi"ud”din was, as already said, the grandson of Nizatn-ul-mulk, 
and consequently the hereditary Turk and Sunni. The race difference 
between Moghul and Turk, and the religious antagonism between 
Shiah and Sunni, will clear up much of the confusion that has pre- 
vailed in the history of Muhammadan India. 


2S3 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. Mir Jafir was in a helpless state of terror, and wanted to 
1757-1761 bribe the Shahzada to go away. Clive vehemently remon- 
- — .strated against this ruinous proceeding, and marched an 
English force to Patna, and soon disposed of the Shahzada. 
Shahzada, The helpless prince fled into obscurity, but was reduced to 
1758. such distress that Clive sent him a present of five hundred 
gold mohurs, or about eight hundred pounds sterling, which 

was gladly accepted. , , , . , , 

„ , 1 M Law and his Frenchmen, who had accompanied the 

Shahzada through all his troubles, were again thrown upon 
of tlig their own resources. Law remarlced to an intelligent native 
French in that he had travelled over the whole country from Bengal 
Hindustan. witnessed nothing but oppression. The 

grandees of Hindustan thought only of their own aggram 
disement, and let the' World go to ruin. He had proposed to 
both the Vizier at Delhi and the Nawab of Oude to restore 
order to the Moghul empire, as the re-establishment of the 
authority of the Moghul throughout Hindustan would render 
it easy to drive the English out of Bengal; but no one paid 
the slightest heed to his representations. Law failed to 
perceive that the order which he proposed to restore would 
have been destructive alike to the Delhi Vizier and the 

Nawab of Oude. , , , 

Dekhan Meanwhile the successes of the French in the Dekhan 
affairs: and Peninsula were forced upon the attention _of Clive. 

Bussy’s jjj 1756 the collision between the English and French 

, in the Dekhan had been averted for a while by the disaster 

%t Calcutta, whidv called away the English force from 
Poligars. Madras on the eve of its march to Hyderabad. In i 7 S 7 
Bussy made his peace with Salabut Jung, and returned to 
the Northern Circars, where he came into collision with 
Hindu Poligars of the old Rajput type. Amidst all 
the vicissitudes of Moghul rule_ these Poligars had mam- 
• tained a secure independence in hills and jungles; they 
were nominally pledged to pay tribute to the Nizam, but 
they withheld payment whenever they had an opportu- 
nity. Had they been united they might have resisted the 
demands of the French; but they were at deadly feud 
with each other; and one of them, known as the Rajaot 
Vizianagram, managed to turn the wrath of Bussy against 
(his neighbour of Bobili, who for generations had been liis 
mortal enemy. 


Chap. II.] 


ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 


283 


The Raja of Bobili claimed to be a Rajpiit of high a.d. 
descent, whose ancestors had fought under the ancient ,^757- J 7^1 
Maharajas of Jagganath in the old mythical wars against pe^'be' 
the south. He affected to scorn his Vizianagram neighbour tween the 
as a low-born chieftain of a new creation ; and his retainers Rajas of 
wreaked their spite, by turning off the rivulets which ran and 
into Vizianagram territory. Bussy was induced to take a 
part in the rivalry ; and ultimately to revenge some un- ^ 
explained outrage by driving the Bobili Raja out of his 
hereditary territories. 

The catastrophe that followed is a terrible story of Rajpilt Horrible 
desperation and revenge. The Bobili Raja retired to a 
remote stronghold in a deep jungle. Bussy broke down the 
battlements with his cannon, but for a long time failed to pdts. 
capture the place. The Rajpiit garrison was exposed to a 
withering fire, but resisted the escalading parties with the 
ferocity of wild beasts defending their dens and families. 

At last resistance was in vain. The garrison gathered all 
the women and children into the habitations in the centre 
of the fort, and set the whole on fire, stabbing or cutting 
down any one who attempted to escape. They then re- 
turned, like frantic demons, to die upon the walls. Quarter 
was refused, and the Raja perished with all his retainers, 
sword in hand. The French entered the fort in triumph, 
but there was no joy in the victory, and the sight of the 
horrible slaughter moved them to tears. Presently an old 
man appeared with a little boy; he had saved the son of 
the Raja contrary to the will of the father. 

The death of the Bobili Raja was followed by speedy re- Rajput re- 
tribution. Four retainers had seen him fall, and had escaped 
to the jungle, and sworn to be revenged. One night two of 
them crept to the quarters of the Raja of Vizianagram, and 
stabbed him to death ; they were cut to pieces by the 
guards, but died exulting in their crime. Had they failed, 
the other two remaining in the jungle were bound by the 
same oath to avenge the death of their Raja or perish in 
the attempt.^ 

The other Poligars in the Northern Circars were so^5^“jf'. 
terrified by the fate of Bobili that they hastened to settle 

^ Rajpiit revenge is the same in all ages. The revenge of the men of 
Bobili is paraiieled by the revenge of Aswatthama and his comrades on 
the sons of the Pandavas, after the war of the Maha Bharata. 


2S4 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. all arrears of tribute. The Poligar of Gumsur alone held 
1757-1761 compelled in the end to submit in like 

' manner. 

Bussy’s During this expedition Bussy received letters from Suraj- 
successes ud-daula, inviting him to Bengal ; and he would have marched 
to the relief of the Nawab, but was stopped by the news of 
* the fall of Chandemagore. In revenge for that capture he 
drove the English out of Vizagapatam, and took possession 
of three other factories which they had established further 
south on the coast of the delta of the Godavari. 

Contrast A. native contemporary writer contrasts the personal 
between appearance of Bussy with that of Clive, and treats each in 
Bussy and turn as a type of the French and English nations. Bussy 
Clive. embroidered clothes or brocade. He and his officers 

rode on elephants, preceded by “ chopdars/^ or mace- 
bearers with silver sticks, whilst musicians and eulogists 
were singing his praises. He received state visits while sit- 
ting on a throne embroidered with the arms of the King 
of France. His table was served with plate, and with three 
or four services. Clive always wore his regimentals in the 
field, and never wore silk except in town. He always rode 
on horseback. He kept a plentiful table, but in no way 
delicate, and never with more than two services.^ 

French ^ 75 ^ the fortunes of the French in India underwent 

force under entire change. In April a French fleet arrived at 
Daily Pondicherry. It brought a large force under the command 
reaches of Count de Daily, who had been appointed Governor- 
General of the French possessions in India. Dally was 
imbued with a bitter hatred against the English, and a 
profound distrust in the honesty or patriotism of his own 
countrymen in India. No sooner had he landed at Pondi- 
cherry than he organised an expedition against Fort St. 
David ; but he found that no preparations had been made 
by the French authorities. There was a want alike of coolies, 
draught cattle, provisions, and ready money. But the energy 
of Dally overcame all obstacles. The French authorities at 


Pondi- 

chen-y, 

1758. 


^ Gholatn Husain Ali in the Siy&r-uhMutaqherin, He adds tliat 
Warren Hastings, who plays apait in the after history, always wore 
a plain coat of English broad-cloth, and never anything like lace ch" ■ 
embroidery. His throne was a plain chair of mahogany. He was 
sparing in his diet, and his table was sometimes neglected. His address 
showed little of pride and still less of familiarity. 


Chap. II.] 


ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 


285. 

Pondicherry accused him of pressing natives and cattle ; but a. d. 
Laily retorted by declaring that the oppressions and rapacity i757-i7^i 
of the French government, and the extortions of its native 
servants, had alone prevented his obtaining all that he re- 
quired. 

In June, 1758, Lally captured Fort St. David. He then Laily cap- 
prepared to capture Madras as a preliminary to an advance 
on Bengal. He recalled Bussy from the Dekhan to help 
him with his Indian experiences ^ and he sent the Marquis Bussy. 
de Gonflans to succeed Bussy in the command of the 
Northern Circars. 

Bussy left the Dekhan with the utmost reluctance. He Reluctance 
had secured a paramount influence in the Northern of Bussy; 
Circars, and was anxious to remain and protect Salibut 
Jung against the designs of his younger brother Nizam Aii. 

Lally however was deaf to all remonstrances. He believed 
that Bussy was either deluded by others or desirous of 
deceiving him ; and he was confirmed in this belief 
when he found that Bussy, notwithstanding his alleged con- 
quests and commanding position, had no funds at his dis- 
posal, and was unable to raise any money for the prosecu- 
tion of the war against the English. 

The departure of Bussy from the Northern Circars was Successes 
disastrous to the French. The Raja of Vizianagram revolted ?f English 
against the French and sent to Calcutta for help. Clive 
despatched an English force to the Northern Circars, under circars, 
the command of Colonel Forde ; and in December, 1758, 1758. * 
Colonel Forde defeated the French under Conhans, and 
prepared to recover all the English factories on the coast 
which had been captured by Bussy. 

Meanwhile Count de Lally was actively engaged at Pon- Desperate 
dicherry in preparations for the siege of Madras. He hoped condition 
to capture Madras, and complete the destruction of the 
English in the Carnatic ; and then to march northward, 
capture Calcutta, and expel the English from Bengal. 

But he was without resources ; there was no money to be 
had in Pondicherry. At last he raised a small sum, chiefly 
out of his own funds, and began the march to Madras ; his 
officers preferring to risk death before the walls of Madras 
to certain starvation within the walls of Pondicherry. 

Lally reached Madras on the 12th of December, 1758, 
and at once took possession of Black Town. He then 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


■■ ' , 'SSS 

a.d. began the siege of Fort St. George with a vigour and 
^7 57" ^7 0^ activity which commanded the respect of his enemies. His 
Unsuccess- difficulties were enormous. For six weeks his officers and 
fnl siege of soldiers were on half pay ; for another six weeks they 
Madras, received no pay at all. During the last fifteen days they 
175^-59* had no provisions except rice and butter. Even the gun- 
powder was nearly exhausted. At last on the i6th of 
February, 1759, an English fleet arrived at Madras under 
Admiral Pocock, and Daily was compelled to raise the 
siege. Such was the state of party feeling amongst the 
French in India, that the retreat of Dally from Madras was 
received at Pondicherry with every demonstration of joy. 
French The career of Dally in India lasted for two years longer, 
disasters in namely from February, 1759, to February, 1761 ; it is a 
the Dek- series of hopeless struggles and wearying misfortunes. In 
the Dekhan, Saldbut Jung had been thrown into the utmost 
alarm by the departure of Bussy and defeat of Gonflans. 
He was exposed to the intrigues and plots of his younger 
brother Nizam Ali, and he despaired of obtaining further 
help from the French. Accordingly he opened up negotia- 
tions with Colonel Forde and the English. Forde on his 
part recovered all the captured factories, and drove the 
French out of the Northern Circars. He could not how- 
ever interfere in the domestic affairs of the Dekhan, by 
helping SaHbut Jung against Nizam Ali. In 1761 SaHbut 
Jung was dethroned and placed in confinement ; and Nizam 
Ali ascended the throne at Hyderabad as ruler of the 
Dekhan.^ 

Disasters In the Carnatic the French were in despair. In Januai*}^, 
in .the Car- 1760, Dally was defeated by Colonel Coote at Wandiwash, be- 
natic. tween Madras and Pondicherry. Dally opened up negotiations 

with Plyder Ali, who was rising to power in Mysore ; but 
Hyder Ali as yet could do little or nothing. 

Fall of At the end of 1760 Colonel Coote began the siege of 
chS-ry Tondicherry. Dally still held out at Pondicherry, but he 

1761. ^ Two years afterwards Salabut Jung was murdered. By the treaty 

of Paris, concluded between Great Britain and France in 1763, both 
nations agreed to recognise Salabut Jung as the rightful ruler of 
Hyderabad territory, although at that moment Salabut Jung was coii- 
fined in a fortress, and Nizam Ali occupied the throne of Hyderabad. 
Nizam Ali however removed all diplomatic difficulties by putting his 
brother to death, Nizam Ali lived on till 1803. Next to his father, 
Nizam-ul-mulk, Nizam Ali is the best known ruler of the dynasty. 


Chap. II.] 


ENGLISH IN BENGAL 


,287 


was ill in health, and worn out with vexation and fatigue. A,rl 
The settlement was torn by dissensions. In January, ^ 757 -i 7 ^i 
1761, the garrison was starved into a capitulation, and the 
town and fortifications were levelled with the ground. A 
few weeks afterwards the French were compelled to sur- 
render the strong hill-fortress of Jingf, and their military 
power in the Carnatic was brought to a close. 

The fate of Lally is more to be pitied than that ofMelan- 
Diipleix. He had not sought his own aggrandisement, but choly end 
the honour and glory of the French nation ; and he had 9 °??^ 

been thwarted by the apathy of selfish traders who cared ^ 
only for themselves. On his return to France he was 
sacrificed to save the reputation of the French ministers. 

France was furious at the loss of her possessions in India, 
and the enemies of Lally combined to make him the 
victim. The unfortunate Count, after an honourable ser- 
vice of forty- five years, was thrown into the Bastille ; and a 
number of vague or frivolous charges were trumped up 
against him. Fie was tried by the parliament of Paris, but 
backbiting and detraction had poisoned the mind of the nation 
against him, and Lally was a ruined man. In May, 1766, he 
was condemned not only to death, but to immediate execu- 
tion. The suddenness of the doom drove him frantic. He 
took a pair of compasses with which he had been sketching 
a map of the coast of Coromandel, and tried to drive them 
to his heart. His hand was stayed, his mouth was gagged, 
and he was dragged with ignominy to execution. Thus fell 
the last of the three martyrs of the French East India 
Company,— Labourdonnais, Dupleix, and Lally. 

Meanwhile there had been great changes in Bengal Clive’s de- 
In June, 1758, Clive had been appointed Governor of all parture to 
the Company's settlements in Bengal In 1759 Lally had 
been compelled to raise the siege of Madras, and Forde 
had pursued his career of victory in the Northern Circars. 

There was nothing further to fear from the French in India ; 
and in February, 1760, Clive resigned his post in Bengal 
and returned to England. He was succeeded for a few 
months by Mr. Holwell and afterwards by Mr. Vansittart ; 
but the times were out of joint. No one but Clive seemed 
to comprehend the revolutionary character of the crisis; 
and the Company's government in Bengal drifted on, it 
knew not where, like a ship labouring through a troubled sea. 


288 


BRITISH INDIA; 


[Part Hi. 


^A.D. Before Glive left India he was convinced that so long as 
T- W-il Si Mir Jafir was allowed to reign as Nawab, the Company’s 
Necessity Settlements in Bengal would be exposed to sore peril Hin- 
for a per- dustan was swarming with adventurers at the head of warlike 
manent bands, Mahratta and Afghan ; and Mir Jafir and his rabble 
army would have been powerless of themselves to contend 
such hardy warriors. A permanent force of two 
thousand European soldiers, and a corresponding army of 
drilled sepoys, could maintain Bengal and Behar against 
all comers; but who was to pay the cost? The entire 
revenue of the provinces was swallowed up by the Nawab ; 
and it was out of the question that the Company should 
maintain such a force out of the profits of their trade, even 
supposing that they could bear the strain. 

Clive’s Under these circumstances Clive made a proposal to 
scheme for Mr. William Pitt, the great war minister of England ; and 
theacqui- coming, as it did, from a servant of the Company, it must 
Be^i^alby somewhat staggered that illustrious statesman. He 
the British proposed that the British nation, and not the Company, 
nation. should take possession of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa in full 
sovereignty, He explained that the Great Moghul would 
readily grant the three provinces to any one who would 
guarantee the regular yearly payment of some half million 
sterling to the imperial treasury. He further explained that 
the Vizier had already offered him the post of Dewan, or 
collector of the revenue for the three provinces, on these 
conditions. Pie summed up the advantages to the British 
nation as follows. The total revenue was certainly two if 
not three millions. Thus after deducting half a million as 
tribute to the Great Moghul, and another half a million 
for the maintenance of a military force, there would remain 
a handsome surplus for the payment of the national debt, 
or any other national undertaking.^ 

^ Clive’s letter to Pitt was dated 7th of January, 1759. (See 
Malcolm’s Life of Clive, vol. ii.) Strange to say, a similar proposal had 
been drawn up by a Colonel James Mill as far back as 1746. Colonel 
Mill planned the conquest of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, under the flag 
of Germany, and in behalf of the Great Moghul. The original paper 
may be found, in the Appendix to Bolt’s Affairs in Bengal, 'I'he follow- 
ing remarks throw a curious light on the contemporary condition of the 
Moghul empire 

‘‘The Moghul empire,*’ says Colonel Mill, ‘*is overflowing with gold 
and silver. She has always been feeble and defenceless. It is a miracle 


Chap. IL] 


ENGLISH IN BENGAL. 


289 


Pitt was not indined to accept Clive’s proposal. He feared a,t>, 
tliat the acquisition of Bengal would render the British ^ 757 ' 
Grown too powerful, and might endanger the liberties of the ob~t^ 
English people. Thus the grand scheme for acquiring of 
possession of Bengal for the British nation, rather than for 
the East India Company, was allowed to drop into oblivion. 

About this time there was another i*e volution at Delhi. Revolution 
The Vizier discovered that his imperial master, Alamghir, ^-t Belhi *. 
was corresponding with Ahmad Shah Abdali, and inviting 
the Afghan ruler to return to Delhi. Accordingly he 
treacherously assassinated the aged Padishah, and tried to set 
up another puppet to represent the Great Moghul. But his 
career of ambition and atrocity was drawing to a close. 

The avenging army of Afghans once more advanced to Delhi 
under their dreaded ruler; and the Vizier fled aw^ay from 
Delhi to begin a new set of intrigues >to stir up the 
Mahrattas against the Afghans, and to oppose the return of 
the Shahzada to Delhi. Struggle 

The Mahrattas soon began to dispute with the Afghans for 
the possession of the Moghul empire. The war lasted some and Mah- 
months, but was brought to a-close in January, 1761, by the rattas : 

that no European prince with a maritime power has ever attempted the 
conquest of Bengal. By a single stroke infinite wealth might be acquired, 
which would counterbalance the mines of Brazil and Peru. 

“ The policy of the Moghuls is bad ; their army is worse ; they are 
without a navy. The empire is exposed to perpetual revolts. Their ports 
and rivers are open to foreigners. The country might be conquered, 
or laid under contribution, as easily as the Spaniards overwhelmed the 
naked Indians of America. 

“ A rebel subject, named Alivardi Khan, has torn away the three 
provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, from the Moghul empire. He 
has treasure to the value of thirty millions sterling. His yearly revenue 
must be at least two millions. The provinces are open to the sea. 

Three ships with fifteen hundred or two thousand regulai’s would 
suffice for the conquest of the three provinces, which might be cai-ried 
out in the name of the Great Moghul, for the destruction of a rebel 
against his lawful suzerainty,” 

The proposals of Colonel Mill have been overlooked by Indian 
historians; but they are valuable as the outcome of his twenty years 
experience of India during the second quarter of the eighteenth century. 

The so-called Moghul empire had reached a crisis and its conquest 
was inevitable ; and as no Asiatic power was able to effect it, and no 
European power would accept the responsibility, the conquest was 
forced on a company of English traders, a contingency which alone 
saved the people of India from becoming alternately the prey of 
Mahrattas and Afghans. 


290 


[PartIII. 


A.D. 

1757-1761 

Decisive 
battle of 
Paniput, 
January, 
1761. 


Ahmad 
Shah Ab- 
dali at 
Delhi. 


BRITISH: INDIA. 

terrible battle of Paniput in the neighbourhood of Delhi.! 
This battle was one of the bloodiest in the annals of the 
world, Gn the 7th of January the Mahrattas were defeated 
with horrible slaughter. A mob of fugitives escaped to the 
village of Paniput, with a multitude of women and children. 
The Afghans surrounded the village throughout the night 
to cut off all chance of escape. Next morning the male 
prisoners were brought out in files and beheaded in cold 
blood. The women and children were carried away into 
hopeless slavery. Generations passed away before the 
bloody field , of Paniput was forgotten by the Mahrattas. It 
was said that two hundred thousand Mahrattas had fallen in 
that murderous campaign. 

Ahmad Shah Abdali was once more the arbiter of the 
fate of the Moghul empire, tie would have placed the 
Shahzada on the throne at Delhi, but the heir of the 
murdered Alamghir was a fugitive and an exile. Accordingly 
he placed a son of the Shahzada, named Jewan Bakht, upon 
the throne, to reign as the deputy of his father. He also 
appointed Najib-ud-daula, the Rohilla Afghan, to act as 
guardian of the young prince under the title of Amfr of 
Amirs, in the same way that he had previously appointed 
him to be guardian of the mm'dered Alamghir. 

^ The details of Mahratta history, before and after the battle of 
Paniput, will be told hereafter in Chapter v. 


CHAPTER III. 

REVOLt^TIONARY THROES. 

A.D. 1761 TO 1765. 

The year 1761, like 174S, is an epoch in Indian history. a.d. 

It saw the fall of Pondicherry, the overthrow of the Mali- 
rattas, and the ascendancy of the Afghans. The revolution Eventful 
at Delhi brought the Shahzada once more to the front, and character 
the Moghul prince began to play a part in the history. He the year 
was proclaimed Padishah under the title of Shah Alam; 
and he assumed the dignity of Great Moghul by taking his the^new^^^^ 
seat upon a throne surmounted with the umbrella of sove- Padishah, 
reignty. Finally he appointed Shuja-ud-daula, Nawab of 
Oude, to the honorary but nominal post of Vizier of the 
Moghul empire. 

Shuja-ud“daula gladly accepted the empty title, and Views of 
hoped to obtain solid advantages. The Mahrattas were 
prostrate ; the Afghan conqueror was favourable to ShaliQ^^^^ ^* 
Alam; and Clive had gone to England. Accordingly the 
Nawab Vizier contemplated wresting Behar and Bengal from 
the feeble hands of Mir Jafir in the name and under the 
authority of the Great Moghul. 

Shah Alam and the Nawab Vizier once more appeared with Incapacity 
a large army on the Behar frontier and threatened Patna. The of Mir 
incapacity of Mir Jafir at this crisis was insufferable. He . 

was worse than useless, whilst his army was a rabble in a 
chronic state of mutiny for want of pay. Mr. Vansittart 
was Governor at Calcutta, and thought to meet the diffi- 
culty by appointing a grandee of capacity to act as a 
deputy-Nawab, who would do all the work, whilst Mfr Jafr 
retained the name and dignity. 


u 2 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


292 

A.-D. 

1761. 

Vacilla- 
tions of 
Governor 
Vansittart. 


Treaty 
with Mir 
Kasim. 


Vansittart 
refuses a 
bribe. 


Mir Jafir had a son-in-law, named Mir Kasim, or Cossim 
who seemed a likely man for the post Accordingly 
Governor Vansittart proceeded to Murshedabad, and pro- 
posed the measure to the Nawab and his son-in-law, but 
found them both to be impracticable. Indeed both men 
were disgusted with the proposal. Mir Kasim had been 
scheming to become Nawab, and was angry at being offered 
the post of deputy. Mir Jafir saw that he was to be shelved, 
and was furious at the threatened loss of power. Accord- 
ingly, after some vacillation. Governor Vansittart determined 
to dethrone Mir Jafir and set up Mir Kasim. 

Of course there was a preliminary treaty with Mir Kasim, 
and the Nawab expectant naturally yielded to every de- 
mand. He pledged himself to respect every privilege that 
had been granted to the English by Mir Jafir. He also 
agreed to pay up all arrears due to the English from Mir 
Jafir; to contribute fifty thousand pounds sterling towards 
the expenses of the war against the French in the Carnatic; 
and to cede the three districts of Burdwan, Midnapore, 
and Chittagong, which yielded a yearly revenue of half a 
million sterling. By this last measure Mir Kasim hoped 
to guard against the money disputes which had embittered 
the relations between the English and Mir Jafir; as it pro- 
vided for the military defence of the provinces on the 
scale recommended by Clive, without the necessity of pay- 
ing hard cash out of the Nawab’s treasury. 

In oriental countries little can be done without presents. 
Mir Jafir had been profuse in his presents to Clive and 
other English officers and members of council ; and Mir 
Kasim was prepared in like manner to purchase the favour 
and goodwill of the English gentlemen at Calcutta. Ac- 
cordingly Mir Kasim offered twenty lakhs of rupees, or two 
hundred thousand pounds sterling, to Governor Vansittart to 
be shared by himself and members of the council. Vansit- 
tart, however, refused to take the money. Mr. Mill, the 
historian of India, declares on the evidence of a native, 
that the money was accepted ; ^ but recent researches in 
the government records at Calcutta prove beyond all question 

^ For many years this groundless charge, originating with Mr. Mill, 
has clung to the memory of Governor Vansittart. The evidence con- 
tradicting it may be found in Chapter ix. of Early Recm'ds of British 
India, published by the author of the present volume. 


Chap. III.] REVOLUTIONARY THROES. 


m 


that the money was refused, and that Mr. Vansittart was an S| a,d; 
upright and honourable man. 1761. 

The change of Nawabs was carried into effect without 
any opposition. The people of Bengal were indifferent to change 0/ 
the revolution. Mfr Jafir yielded to his fate, and gave up Nawabs. 
the title as well as the dignity. But he was conscious that 
his life was no longer safe at Murshedabad; and that he 
would be murdered without scruple by the new Nawab to 
prevent further complications. Accordingly, in spite of his 
anger at the English for dethroning him, he hastened to 
Calcutta and placed his family and treasures under their 
protection. 

The new Nawab soon paid off the arrears due to the Defeat and 
English government at Calcutta, and also satisfied the fight of the 
claims of his own army. He then took the held against 
Shah Alam, accompanied by an English force under Major ^ 
Carnac. The army of Shah Alam was utterly routed, 
and the Nawab Vizier fled back to Oude. 

But there was a political difficulty as regards Shah Alam. Negotia- 
He was generally recognised as the rightful Padishah and tions 
Great Moghul; and though the assumed sovereignty was 
but the shadow of a name, it was thought necessary to 
come to terms with him. Accordingly Major Carnac paid 
a complimentary visit to Shah Alam, and conducted the 
pageant Padishah to Patna, the capital of Mir Kasim's 
province of Behar. 

At Patna the English factory was converted into a palace Installa* 
for the installation of the Great Moghul. The centre room tion of the 
was hung with stuffs and formed a hall of audience. The 
dining-tables were covered with carpets and turned into an 
imperial throne. Shah Alam was carried in grand procession 
to the factory and enthroned on the dining- tables. Mir 
Kasim entered the hall and paid his homage to the Padishah, 
and presented a honorary gift of a thousand and one gold 
mohurs. 

The English were dazzled with the ancient glory of the Letters of 
Great Moghul ; and Shah Alam profited accordingly. Letters investiture, 
of investiture were procured from the Padishah conferring 
the Nawabship of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, on Mir Kasim ; 
but in return Mir Kasim was obliged to pledge himself to 
pay a yearly tribute of a quarter of a million sterling to Shah 
Alam. Mir Kasim could have made better terms, since he 


m 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

1761-1762 


Proposed 
advance 
of the 
English to 
Delhi. 


Secret 

negotia- 

tions. 


had Shah Alam in his power, and might have compelled him 
by threats or torture to do his bidding ; but the English in- 
terfered to protect the Great Moghul, and Mir Kasim was 
foiled. But the English were foiled in their turn. They asked 
Shah Alam to grant them letters of investiture for the three 
districts of Burdwan, Midnapore, and Chittagong, which 
had been ceded by Mir Kasim. Also, as a legal safeguard 
against any future contingency, they asked for letters of 
investiture in behalf of Muhammad Ali, the Nawab they had 
set up in the Carnatic. The English seemed to expect that 
these letters would be granted for nothing as a matter of 
course ; or at any rate as a mark of gratitude on the part 
of Shah Alam towards his foreign protectors. But Shah 
Alam refused to give any letters of investiture unless a cor- 
responding yearly tribute wms paid into the imperial treasury. 
Accordingly Governor Vansittart was told that if the English 
would pay tribute for the three districts, and if the Nawab 
would also pay tribute for the Carnatic, letters of investb 
ture would be granted, but not otherwise. 

At this time however Shah Alam would have granted 
almost any request, provided only that the English would 
conduct him to Delhi. Strange to say, the English were 
prepared to carry out this extravagant scheme, and were 
only prevented by sheer force of circumstances. Mir Kasim 
refused to Join in a mad-cap expedition to Delhi. Then 
again the services of European soldiers were absolutely 
necessary; and at this Juncture a European regiment w^as 
detained in the Carnatic to carry on the war against the 
French. Accordingly Vansittart was induced to negative 
a proposal which would have withdrawn a British force to 
a distance of a thousand miles from Calcutta, and left it to 
struggle as it best could against the successive attacks of 
Mahrattas and Afghans. 

Shah Alam made Governor Vansittart the same offer of 
the post of Dewan of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, which had 
been made to Clive. But Vansittart was afraid to embroil 
himself with Mir Kasim, and declined the offer. Accord- 
ingly, Shah Alam returned to Oude, still harping upon going 
to Delhi, and hoping that the Nawab Vizier would conduct 
him there. 

Mfr Kasim had some inkling of these negotiations between 
Shah Alam and the English ; especially of the offer made 


Chap. IIL] KEVOLUTIONARY THROES. 


to Vansittart of the post of Dewan for the three Bengal pro- A.p. 
vinees ; and he must have been perfectly aware that they *7^2. 
foreboded no good to the permanence of his own authority. 

Indeed, from this time Mir Kasim appears to have made pre- of Mix 
parations for coming to a collision with the English. He Kasim : 
reduced his expenditure ; forced the Zemindars to pay up secret pre- 
arrears 3 and squeezed Hindu officials and grandees of their 
hoarded wealth. He discharged a large portion of his 
rabble soldiery, and formed an army of picked men. He 
cut off all close relations with the English by removing his 
capital from Murshedabad, which was little more than a 
hundred miles from Calcutta, to Monghyr, which was more 
than three hundred miles. At Monghyr he drilled his 
army in English fashion, cast guns, manufactured muskets, 
and prepared for war. 

In 1762 disputes arose between the English and Mir Quarrel 
Kasim about the payment of transit duties. Bengal was pd* 
traversed by water ways, and at every important turning a 
toll-house was set up for collecting duties on all goods going ' 
and coming. In former times the English had obtained 
firmans from the Moghul court at Delhi, granting them the 
privilege of carrying goods, duty free, to any part of the 
three provinces. Every boat claiming the privilege was 
obliged to carry the English flag, and the Company’s per- 
mit ” or dustuck, bearing the Company’s seal In return 
for this privilege the Company paid yearly a block sum of 
three thousand rupees into the Nawab’s treasury at Hughli. 

Before the battle of Plassy this right of dustuck was re- Freedom 
stricted by the Nawab to goods imported or exported by from 
sea. Moreover, it was confined to the goods belonging to 
the Company, and was never extended to private goods 
belonging to the Company’s servants. Indeed, before the 
battle of Plassy none of the Company’s servants had 
attempted to trade with the people of Bengal on their 
private account. But after the battle of Plassy there was 
an entire change. The English were masters, and Mir 
Jafir pledged himself to permit all goods of every kind and 
sort to be carried, duty free, under the Company’s dustuck, 
without any reservation as to whom they belonged. 

The consequence was that the Company’s servants, whose 
incomes depended infinitely more upon their private trade 
than upon their official salaries, began to trade in the 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


296 

A.D. 

1762. 

Trade in 
country 
commodi- 
ties and 
sale of 
dustucks. 


Outrage- 
ous pro- 
ceedings 
native 
agents. 


Violent 
debates at 
Calcutta. 


products of tlie country, such as salt, tobacco, betel, dried hsh, 
oil, ghee, rice, straw, ginger, sugar, and opium. Freedom 
from duties enabled them to undersell all native dealers, and 
they began to absorb the whole commerce of the country, 
to the detriment of the Nawab’s revenue, and the ruin of 
native dealers. To crown all, every servant of the Company 
claimed the privilege of using the Company's seal and selling 
dustucks ; and young writers, whose ofificial salaries were 
only fifteen or twenty pounds a year, were to be seen at 
Calcutta spending fifteen hundred or two thousand. 

The conduct of the native agents of the English gentle- 
. men was still more outrageous. Bengalis of no character 
or position, who had been seen in Calcutta walking in rags, 
were sent up country as agents or gomastas of the English. 
They assumed the dress of English sepoys, displayed the 
English flag and Company’s dustuck, set the Nawab’s ser- 
vants at defiance, and gave themselves all the airs of men in 
office and authority. They compelled the natives to sell 
their goods at half their market value, and to pay double for 
all they required. They thus bullied sellers and buyers, 
insulted the Nawab’s officers, and probably cheated their 
English masters. Mir Kasim bitterly complained that the 
English gentlemen were crippling his revenues by withhold- 
ing payment of duties, whilst their gomastas were bringing 
his government into contempt in the eyes of the people of 
the country. 

Governor Vansittart was fully alive to these evils. So 
was Mr. Warren Hastings, who at this time was arising man 
of thirty, and the youngest member of the Calcutta council. 
Both Vansittart and Hastings contended that trade in the 
country commodities ought not to be carried on by the 
Company’s servants to the prejudice of the Nawab’s govern- 
ment But they spoke to men whose daily gains were at 
stake, and who were blind to all other considerations. 
Moreover, at this very time complaints arrived at Calcutta 
that the Nawab’s officers had stopped the boats belonging 
to the Company’s servants and demanded payment of 
duties. The passions of the council were aroused. The 
majority demanded the fulfilment of the privilege granted 
by Mir Jafir and confirmed by Mir Kasim ; and no amount 
of pleading from Vansittart or Hastings could lull the 
■■'Storm. 


Chap; III.] REVOLUTIONARY THROES. 


Governor Vansittart tried to bring about a compromise by a.d. 
paying a visit to the Nawab at Monghyr ; but he lacked 1762-1763 
judgment and firmness of temper, and vacillated between the 
Nawab and his own council. In fact no one, but a strong- Vansittart 
minded man like Clive, could have arbitrated between a as an arbi- 
Nawab, indignant at the loss of revenue, and a body of trator. 
Englishmen, infuriated at the threatened loss of income. 

The question of right or wrong was cast to the winds. The 
Nawab considered himself to be an independent prince, 
confirmed in his sovereignty by the letters of the Great 
Moghul. The majority of the English considered that 
the Nawab was a creature of their own, whom they had 
raised to the throne, and might dethrone at will. 

To make matters worse, the council at Calcutta was torn Factious 
by faction. Hitherto the Company's servants had been opposition 
generally promoted by seniority; but Mr. Vansittart bad 
been brought up from Madras, and appointed Governor of 
the English settlements in Eengal, through the personal 
influence of Giive. Vansittart had thus superseded a Bengal 
civilian named Amyatt ; and Amyatt opposed every measure 
proposed by Vansittart, and was warmly supported by a 
majority of the Calcutta council. 

In 1763 Mfr Kasim brought matters to a crisis. He General 
abolished the payment of all duties; and thus granted the abolition of 
same privileges to his own subjects which had been 
monopolised by the English gentlemen. This measure 
put the question on a totally new footing. It stopped the 
sale of dustucks. It silenced all wrangling as to the right 
of the servants of the Company to deal in country com- 
modities. It narrowed down all controversy to the single 
point of whether the Nawab had or had not a right to grant 
a remission of duties to his own subjects. 

The majority of the council at Calcutta decided that the New con- 
Nawab had no such right. The decision was unjust and ab- troversy. 
surd ; but still the majority had a show of reason on their side. 

They contended that the spirit and intention of the treaty 
arrangements with MiT Jafir and Mfr Kasim were to grant ex- 
clusive privileges to the English servants of the Company; 
and they argued, that the general exemption of all his 
subjects from the payment of duties destroyed the value of 
those exclusive privileges, and was thus a violation of the 
spirit and intention of the treaties* They failed to see that 


298 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. the monopoly had been broken by the force of circum- 
1763- stances, and could not be restored without a violation of 

public law. Warren Hastings saw the point clearly. “ The 

Nawab,” he said, “has granted a boon to his subjects ; and 
there are no grounds for demanding that a sovereign prince 
should withdraw such a boon, or for threatening him with 
war in the event of refusal.” . In reply Hastings was told 
that such language became an agent of the Nawab rather 
than a member of the Calcutta council. Then followed a 
retort, a blow, and a duel : and though Warren Hastings 
obtained an apology from the offender, the resolution of 
the council remained the same. 

Violent Meanwhile the isolated Englishmen at remote factories 
conduct of -svere as violent as the council at Calcutta. If the Nawab’s' 
officers stopped English boats, tliey were liable to be beaten 
nO coL^ by English sepoys ; and in some instances the Nawab’s 
factories, people were sent down to Calcutta for trial by the Eng- 
lish for having obeyed the orders of their master. Mr. Ellis, 
the chief of the .factory at Patna, rendered himself parti- 
cularly obnoxious to the Nawab ; yet his position was one 
of real peril, for he was posted with a mere handful of 
European troops more than four hundred miles from 
Calcutta; and was moreover cut off from Calcutta by 
the Nawab’s capital and army at Monghyr. 

Deputa- In April, 1763, the Calcutta council sent two of their 
tion of number, Messrs. Amyatt and Ha.y, to present an ultimatum 
to the Nawab. Before the deputies left Calcutta the Nawab 
Moiwhyr had refused to receive them ; “ he had abolished all duties,” 
° ' he said, “and consequently there was nothing to settle.” On 

reaching Monghyr, however, they met with a hospitable 
reception; for the Nawab performed all the duties of an 
oriental host towards his European visitors. them, 

gave them presents, and entertained them with music and 

dancing-girls. But all this while he kept them under strict 
surveillance. He remembered the secret plots that led 
ttf the destruction of Suraj-ud-daula, and he was constantly 
suspecting his grandees of a design to betray him to the 

English. He ordered the two grandsons of Jagat Seth to 

be arrested at Murshedabad and sent to Monghyr. He sent 
to Shah Alam and the Nawab Vizier of Oude for help against 
the English. He was for ever lying in wait for signs of some 
understanding between his grandees and the English. 


Chap. III.] REVOLUTIONARY THROES. 


299 

In May a boat arrived at Mongh3n: laden with goods for a.d. 
the factory at Patna, and laden also with five hundred fire- ^763- 
locks for the English garrison. The sight of the arms filled stop^e 
the Nawab with fresh suspicions and alarms. He stopped of arms at 
the boat and refused to allow the firelocks to go on to Patna. Monghyr. 
He permitted Amyatt to return to Calcutta, but kept Hay as 
a hostage at Monghyr for the safety of certain officers of his 
own who had been arrested by the English, 

The story that follows is a mournful page in Indian Peril of 
history. Mr. Ellis, at Patna, was in correspondence with 
Amyatt, and he foresaw that the moment Amyatt reached 
Calcutta the council would declare war against the Nawab. 

The factory in the suburbs of Patna would then be in 
extreme peril. It was untenable, and might be easily 
surrounded and captured by the NawaNs troops. Accord- 
ingly Mr. Ellis resolved to attack and occupy the town 
and fort of Patna as a better place of defence in the event 
of a war. 

At early morning on the 25th of June, 1763, the English Capture of 
took the town of Patna by surprise ; the native com- 
mandant fied in a panic with most of his troops. The 
English next attacked the fort but were repulsed. They 1763. * 

then began to disperse over the streets and bazars. The 
sepoys were plundering shops and houses, and European 
soldiers were getting drunk and incapable. There was no 
idea of danger, and consequently no measures were taken 
for the defence of the town against any return of the fugitive 
garrison. 

Suddenly, at hot noon, the flying garrison recovered heart Recovery 
and re-entered the town of Patna. They had been joined Patna 
by a reinforcement coming from Monghyr, and had, more- ]/awab’s 
over, been told that the fort at Patna was still holding out troops, 
against the English. They met with little resistance, and 
were soon in possession of the town. The English were 
bewildered and overpowered, but they managed to spike 
their guns and retreat to the factory. 

The English in the factory were utterly cast down by the Flight and 
disaster. They saw that they were being surrounded by surrender 
the Nawab's troops; and they hurried off to their boats 
with the vain hope of escaping up the river Ganges into ’ 
the territory of the Nawab Vizier of Oude. But they found 
every outlet closed against them, a instead of cutting 


300 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A.D. 

1763. 


Elation 
of Mir 
Kasim. 


Murder of 
Amyatt. 


Cries for 
war and 
revenge. 


their way through the Nawab’s troops, they committed the 
fatal error of surrendering to Asiatics. The/ were all sent 
as prisoners to Monghyr, and found that they were not 
alone in their misfortunes. The factory of Cossimbazar, 
in the suburb of Murshedabad, had been captured and 
plundered by the Nawab’s troops ; and all the English at 
Cossimbazar had been sent to Monghyr as prisoners of war. 

All this while Mir Kasim had been waiting at Monghyr in 
an agony of suspense. News arrived of the loss of Patna, and 
filled him with despair. At dead of night other tidings arrived ; 
the town had been recovered, and the English were at his 
mercy. The Nawab was intoxicated with joy and exulta- 
tion. He ordered the kettledrums to announce the glorious 
victory to the sleeping city. Next morning every grandee 
in Monghyr hurried to the palace with presents and con- 
gratulations; and Mir Kasim sent out circulars ordering 
his officers throughout Behar and Bengal to attack the 
English wherever they were to be found, and to slaughter 
them on the spot or bring them away as prisoners to 
Monghyr. 

The capture of the English factory at Cossimbazar was 
the first result of this cruel order, but Mr. Amyatt was 
the first victim. The unfortunate gentleman was proceeding 
down the river towards Calcutta, when his boat was hailed 
by a detachment of the Nawab’ s troops, and he was invited 
by the native commander to an entertainment on shore. 
The dancing-girls were there, but Amyatt had his mis- 
givings, and sent his excuses. Next he was peremptorily 
ordered to come on shore, but refused to go. Shots were 
fired; the Nawab’s troops boarded the boat. Amyatt went 
ashore and mounted the bank with a pistol in each hand; 
but he was overwhelmed by numbers, and hacked to 
pieces, and his head was carried off in trumph to the 
Nawab at Monghyr. 

The news of the barbarous murder of Mr. Amyatt filled 
the Calcutta council with horror; and the majority 
clamoured for prompt vengeance on the Nawab, Vansit- 
tart begged them to remember that Mr. Ellis, and a multi- 
tude of Englishmen from Patna and Cossimbazar, were at 
the mercy of Mfr Kasim; and that it would be better to 
make terms, and secure the lives of their fellow-country- 
men, before they talked of war and revenge. But his 



Chap. III.] REVOLUTIONARY THROES. 


301 


warning was unheeded ; scarcely a soul in the council would a.b. 
listen to his words. They loudly declared, — and they wrote *763. 
out their declaration on paper and affixed their signatures, — “ 

that they would not come to terms with Mfr Kasim, nor defer 
their revenge, although every prisoner in his hands was 
slaughtered to a man. 

The council then left the chamber, and proceeded to the Mir Jafir 
house of Mfr Jafir within the precincts of Calcutta, and proclaimed 
proclaimed him Nawab of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, -^^awab. 
The ex-Nawab was overjoyed at his unexpected restora- 
tion to a throne, and readily agreed to everything that the 
council wanted. He pledged himself to compensate the 
Company and its servants for all losses; to pay the ex- 
penses of the war against Mfr Kasim ; and to reverse the 
measures of Mfr Kasim, by collecting the duties from his 
own subjects, and permitting the English servants of the 
Company to trade in the commodities of the country duty 
free. 

In July the avenging army of the English was on its way English 
to Piassy and Patna accompanied by Mfr Jafir. The advance to 
English captured Murshedabad and defeated the flower of ^^nghyr. 
the Nawab’s army ; but they found the enemy stronger than 
they had anticipated. The Nawab's troops had been drilled 
and disciplined in English fashion, and fought better than 
any native army had ever fought before under a native com- 
mander. But the steadiness of the European forces over- 
came every obstacle ; and after a series of victories, they 
began to advance towards Mongh5nr. 

Meanwhile Mfr Kasim was inflamed by his reverses to Flight of 
commit fresh acts of cruelty. He ordered several Hindu Mir Kasim 
prisoners to execution, including the two grandsons of Jagat 
Seth. Pie collected his scattered forces at Monghyr, and 
finally proceeded to Patna, carrying with him all his English 
prisoners, to the number of a hundred and fifty souls. 

Terrible news followed him to Patna. The English had Fall of 
captured his new capital at Monghyr. Then followed one of Monghyr ; 
the most awful massacres of Europeans which is recorded 
the history of British India. In a paroxysm of rage at the ^asim. 
loss of Monghyr, Mfr Kasim ordered the English prisoners to 
be put to death in cold blood. The native commanders 
shrank from the slaughter of unarmed men ; but a European 
deserter of the worst character agreed to perform the hateful 


303 

A.D. 

1763. 

Sombre,” 

alias 

Sumru. 


Massacre 
of a 
hundred 
and fifty 
English- 
men. 


Storming 
of Patna: 
flight of 
Mir Kasim 
into Oixde. 


Schemes of 

the Nawab 

Vizier: 

mutiny 

in the 

English 

army. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

service, wMcli lias handed down his name to everlasting 
infamy. , 

A morose Franco-German, named Walter Reinhardt, had 
deserted’ more than once from the English to the French 
and back again. He had re-enlisted in an English regiment 
tinder the name of Somers ; but his comrades nicknamed 
him Sombre on account of his evil expression. Finally 
he had deserted to the service of Mir Kasim, and obtained 
the command of a brigade under the Hinduised name of 
Sumru. 

The English prisoners were lodged in a house or palace 
which had belonged to Haji Ahmad, the ill-fated brother 
of Alivardi Khan. It was a large range of buildings with a 
square court in the centre, like a college quadrangle. On 
the fourth of October 1763, the prisoners were deprived of 
their knives and forks by Sumru’s orders, under pretence of 
a feast on the morrow. The morrow came. The house 
was surrounded with sepoys. Messrs. Ellis, Hay, and Lush- 
ington were called upon to come out, and were slaughtered 
outside. The sepoys climbed to the roof of the buildings, 
and fired upon the prisoners in the square, but were attacked 
with brickbats, bottles, and articles of furniture. They were 
struck with admiration at the courage of the English. They 
cried out that they would not fire upon men without arms. 

They were sepoys,” they said, and not executioners !’^ 
But Sumru was furious at the hesitation. He struck down 
the foremost with his own hands, and compelled them to fire 
until every prisoner was slain. 

The massacre at Patna sent a thrill of horror through the 
British empire. The errors of the victims were forgotten 
in their sufferings, and the cry for vengeance was universal. 
The Nawab was still hoping that the English would come to 
terms y possibly he thought that they would be frightened 
into an accommodation; but he soon found that the bloody 
deed had sealed his doom. In November Patna was taken 
by. storm, and Mir Kasim fled away into Gude with his 
family and treasures, accompanied by the infamous Sumru. 

The Nawab Vizier had bound himself by an oath on the 
Koran to support Mfir Kasim against the English; but his 
only object was to secure the Bengal provinces for himself. 
The moment was most favourable for an advance of the 
Nawab Vizier against the English. The victorious army. 


Chap. III.] REVOLUTIONARY THROES. 


which had fought its way from Plassy to Patna, was in a a,d. 
state of mutiny. Soldiers and sepoys had expected extra- 1763- 1764 
ordinary rewards for their extraordinary successes, but had 
received nothing beyond their pay and were starving for 
want of provisions ; and they had talked themselves into 
such a state of disaffection that many were prepared to desert 
their colours and go over to the enemy. 

Weeks and months passed away. In April 1764 the Repulse of 
Nawab Vizier, accompanied by Shah Alam, invaded Behar Nawab 
with what appeared to be an overwhelming army. "The 
English force was encamped on the frontier, but %vas dis- April/ 
heartened at the numbers of the enemy, and retreated slowly 1764. 
towards Patna. But the invading array is described by a 
native eyewitness as a mob of highwaymen.^ The lawless 
soldiery of the Nawab Vizier fought, murdered and plundered 
each other in the middle of the camp ; or went out killing 
and marauding in the surrounding country. A battle was 
fought in the neighbourhood of Patna, and "the Nawab Vizier 
was repulsed. He then threw over Mir Kasim, and tried to 
make separate terms with Mir ] ahr ; but he insisted on the 
cession of Behar. At the same time the English insisted on the 
surrender of Mir Kasim andSumru; and the Nawab Vizier, 
unscrupulous as he was, shrunk from the infamy of sur- 
rendering fugitives. Accordingly nothing was done, and as 
the rainy season was approaching, the Nawab Vizier returned 
to Oude. 

Subsequently Major Hector Munro arrived at Patna with Hector 
reinforcements. He found the English troops threatening 
to desert to the enemy and carry off their officers. Shortly 
after his arrival, an entire battalion of sepoys went off to blowing 
join the Nawab Vizier with their arms and accoutrements, from tile 
Munro pursued them in the night, found them asleep, and 
brought them back as his prisoners. He ordered the native 
officers to select twenty-four ringleaders, and to try them by 
court-martial. The whole were found guilty of mutiny and 
desertion ; and Munro ordered eight to be blown from guns 
on the spot, and sent the rest to other cantonments to be 
executed in like manner. He then told the remainder that 
if they were' not satisfied with their present pay, they might 
lay down their arms and be dismissed the service, for they 


304 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Tart IH. 


A.D. 

1764. 


Decisive 
battle of 
Buxar, 
October, 

1764. 


Import- 
ance of 
the 

victory. 


Negotia- 

tions. 


would get no better terms. The delinquents expressed 
their penitence, and promised to serve the Company very 
faithfully for the future.^ 

In September the rainy season was over, and Major 
Munro took the field. On the 23rd of October he defeated 
the Nawab Vizier in the decisive battle of. Buxar; and 
the English army then advanced to Lucknow. The Nawab 
Vizier fled away to the Rohilla country; whilst Shah Alam 
joined the English, complaining that he had been set up 
as the Great Moghul, and then kept as a state prisoner 
by his own Vizier. 

Next to Plassy, the battle of Buxar is the most famous 
in the history of British conquest in India. It broke up the 
strength and prestige of Shuja-ud-daula, the last and 
greatest of the Moghul Viceroys of provinces, excepting 
perhaps the Nizam. It threw the whole of the territories of 
Oude into the hands of the English; placed the Moghul 
Padishah under British protection ; and established the 
British nation as the foremost power in India. 

The Nawab Vizier was seeking the help of the Rohilla 
Afghans and the Mahrattas, whilst his minister was trying 
in the name of his master to make peace with the English. 
The demand for the surrender of Mir Kasim and the in- 
famous Sumru was the main difficulty. But Mir Kasim 
had been despoiled by the Nawab Vizier of the bulk of his 
treasures, and fled away to the north-west, where he sub- 
sequently perished in obscurity. As regards Sumru it was 
proposed on the part of the Nawab Vizier to invite the 
miscreant to an entertainment, and put him to death in the 
presence of any English gentleman who might be deputed 
to witness the assassination. ^ 

^ Mr, Mill tells the story somewhat differently, but here as elsewhere 
the original authorities have been consulted. The narrative in the text is 
based on Major Munro’s own account of the transaction in a letter to 
Governor Vansittart, dated 1 6th September, 1769. 

® The after career of Sumru or Sombre is a strange episode in Indian 
history. He deserted the Nawab Vizier with a battalion of sepoys 
and a body of European outcasts, the scum of different nations. He 
entered -the service of the Raja of the Jats, the ancestor of the present 
Raja of Bhurtpore. Lastly he entered the service of the so-called 
imperial army of Moghuls under Najib-ud-daula the Rohilla. Subse- 
quently he married a dancing-girl, who afterwards became known as the 
Begum Sombre. 

The villain who murdered the English at Patna afterwards became a 


Chap. III.] REVOLUTIONARY THROES. 


305 


About this time a Hindu grandee, named Raja Sliitab a.d. 
Rai, came to the front. He was a shrewd, keen-witted ^7^4-17^5 
native, who had started in life as a small office clerk at 
Delhi, and risen to posts of power and wealth in Bengal and Raja 
Behar. He was a fair type of the Hindus of capacity, Shitab 
who made themselves useful, and were ultimately rewarded Bai. 

■with the title of Raja, He was demonstrative in his 
friendship for the English, and busied ^ himself in all that 
was going on. He was an agent for the English in the 
negotiations with the Nawab Vizier. He brought over the 
Raja of Benares, Bulwunt Singh, from the cause of the 
Nawab Vizier to that of the English. He had been mixed 
up in some secret intrigues for inducing the commanders 
of fortresses in Oude territory to surrender to the English. 

In a word, he lost no opportunity of ingratiating himself with 
the English in the hope of profiting by their ascendancy. 

Meanwhile the English refused to listen to the proposals English 
for the assassination of Sumru. They took possession of occupy 
the territories of the Nawab Vizier; appointed officers to 
the command of the several districts ; and intrusted the 
settlement of the revenue and judicial administration to 
Shitab Rai and Bulwunt Singh. 

The Nawab Vizier was still reluctant to come to terms. Final 
He sought the help of Rohilla Afghans and Mahrattas. The . 

Rohilla chiefs engaged to join him, but did nothing. The ' 

Mahrattas under Mulhar Rao Holkar were eager for the 
plunder of Oude, and readily marched to his support But 
Holkar was not accustomed to English artillery. He and 
his Mahratta horsemen advanced against the English army, 
but were received with such a terrible fire that they galloped 
off in consternation. 

The Nawab Vizier saw that his cause was ruined. He Nawab 
complained bitterly of the Rohilla chiefs, but they plied 
him with excuses. He had no alternative but to proceed 
to the English camp, and throw himself upon the mercy of English, 
the conquerors. Raja Shitab Rai was again busy as a nego- 
tiator ; and the Nawab Vizier was led to believe that the 

prince, and acquired great wealth, after the manner of Plindu and 
Muhammadan adventurers of the eighteenth century. The territory of 
Sirdhana was granted him in jaghir by the Moghul court for the main- 
tenance of his sepoys and Europeans. He died in 1778, leaving his 
weMth and principality to the Begum Sombre. 


X 


3o6 BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

A.D. payment of fifty lakhs, or half a million sterling, ^ would . 
1764-1765 enable him to recover his lost territories. 

_ — — About this time there was a change of Governors at Cal- 

Gownors cutta. Vansittart returned to England, and was succeeded 
at by a Mr. -Spencer ; whilst a scheme was brewing for -making 
Calcutta, oyer Oude to Najib-ud-daula, the Delhi minister, and 
conducting Shah Alam to Delhi. The scheme came to 
nothing, but it probably accounts for the reluctance of the 
Rohilla chiefs to join the Nawab Vizier.i 
I)eathof Mir Jafir died in January, 1765 ; and the appointment 
Mir Jafir. of a successor to the Nawabship of Bengal and Behar 
January, ^ question of grave importance. Spencer was 

Scheme of only a temporary Governor. He knew_ that Clive, now 
Spencer an Irish Peer, was coming to Bengal with the powers of 
a dictator ; and he would have acted wisely if he had 
awaited the arrival of Lord Clive; but he resolved to 
forestal Lord Clive in the disposal of the vacant throne 
at Murshedabad. There were two claimants to the sue- 
. cession, namely, an illegitimate son of Mir Jafir, aged twenty, 
and a legitimate grandson, aged six, a son of the deceased 
Miran; and the question was, which of the two was 
likely to prove the most subservient to the interests of 
the Company. No doubt the boy would have been most 
amenable to the will of the English ; but Spencer 
chose the elder claimant, in spite of his illegitimacy, as 
'the most amenable to the pecuniary rapacity of himself 
and his colleagues. 

e , Four members of the Calcutta council proceeded as a 

Itno-al deputation to Murshedabad, and made a hurried bargain 
andBeha- • with a clever Mussulman grandee, named Muhammad 

1 The scheme of Governor Spencer was more extravagant than that 
of Governor Vansittart. The proposal to conduct Shah Alam to Delhi 
■ -was wild but possible ; and had an English officer, endowed -with the 
genius of an Alexander or a Napoleon, been appointed to the command, 
he mivht have established a British empire over Hindustan. But the 
proposed cession of all the territories of the Nawab Vizier of Oude 
to his rival, the Afghan guardian at Delhi, would have been ruinous 
to the En<rlish There was only one way by which Najib-ud-daula 
could have occupied Oude, namely, by parcelling out the whole country 
as military jaghir-s, or fiefs, amongst the Rohilla chiefs. This occu- 
pation would have amounted to the re-establishment of an Afghan 
empire down the valleys of the Jumna and Ganges as far as the Cai-um- 
nassa, which would have proved a peipetual menace jo Behar and Bengal, 


Chap. IIL] REVOLUTIONARY THROES* 


Reza Khan. It was agreed that the illegitimate son, aged a.d. 
twenty, should be proclaimed Nawab ; that Muhammad *7^4"i765 
Reza Khan should exercise all real power, under the name ' “ 

of Naib, or deputy Nawab ; and that twenty lakhs of rupees, 
or about two hundred thousand pounds sterling, should be 
distributed to the Governor and certain select members of 
the council at Calcutta. 

The bargaining at Murshedabad, and virtual sale of The 
Bengal and Behar to Muhammad Reza Khan, w^as the last 
public act of the counting-house administrators of Calcutta, 

The Company’s servants at this period were no better and 
no worse than the Prmtorian guards, who sold the throne of 
the Caesars to the highest bidder ; but they were followed 
by men of the stamp of Robert Clive and Warren Hastings, 
who knew something of courts and armies, and were anxious 
to maintain a character in the eyes of their countrymen* 

The transaction however was strictly mercantile ; and had it 
been concluded in the name of the East India Company, 
and not as an underhand stroke of private trade, it might 
have been regarded by the merchants of Leadenhall Street 
as a financial success. Indeed commercial statesmen might 
still be found, who would sell India back to native princes 
as the readiest means of getting rid of the supposed incubus 
of an Indian empire. But crimes against history are 
avenged by history. The men who sold Bengal and Behar 
to fill their own pockets are remembered only to be despised. 

But the soldiers and administrators that came after them, 
who delivered the native populations from the bondage of 
oriental despotism, and laboured to raise them to the level 
of Englishmen, have left a mark upon the people of India 
which will remain for all time. 


CHAPTER IV. 


A.D,’ 

1765-1767 

Startling 

tidings. 


Con-' 
templated 
policy of 
Lord 
Clive. 


DOUBLE GOVERNMENT: CLIVE, ETC. 

A.D. 1765 TO 1771. 

Lord Clive, who at this time was on his way to India, was 
forty years of age. He had been named by nearly all 
parties in England as the only man who could save the 
Company’s affairs in India. He reached Madras in April, 
1765, and was greeted with startling tidings. Nizam Ali, 
who had murdered his brother SaMbut Jung in 1763, had 
invaded the Carnatic with unusual ferocity; but had been 
compelled to retire to Hyderabad before the united forces 
of the English and Muhammad Ali. This matter was 
allowed to stand over ; Lord Clive had already made up his 
mind how to deal with the Nizam. But another event struck 
him nearer home. He was told that Mir Jafir had died in 
the previous January. 

Lord Clive was delighted at the news, for it enabled him 
to carry out a part of the grand scheme that he had un- 
folded to Pitt more than seven years before ; namely^ to 
take over the sovereignty of Bengal and Behar in the name 
of the East India Company, but to veil this sovereignty 
from the public eye by the forms of Moghul imperialism. 
He wanted a Nawab, who should be only a cypher ; and 
the legitimate grandson of Mir Jafir, aged six, was ready to 
his hand. Lord Clive proposed to leave the native ad- 
ministration under the puppet Nawab and native ministers, 
who should be wholly dependent on the English ; but to 
take over the entire revenue of the provinces. He calcu- 
lated that after paying for the defence of the country, and 
the maintenance of the state pageant, there w^ould remain 


Chap. IV.] double GOVERNMENT: CLIVE, ETC. 


309 


a yearly surplus of one or two millions sterling for the use a.d, 
of 'the Company. ,* i!/6S'i767 

Lord Clive reached Calcutta in May, and soon discovered 
the corrupt transactions of Governor Spencer. Of course Calcutta 
he was furious with rage. Governor Spencer and his May, 1765: 
council had forestalled him only to fill their own pockets, his wrath 
They had placed a grown-up Nawab on the throne only to 
facilitate their corrupt bargaining with Muhammad Teza. 

Khan. Clive declared in his wrath that the whites had united 
with the blacks to empty the public treasury. In vain he 
was told that the Governor and council had only followed 
the example which he had himself set at Murshedabad after 
the battle of Piassy. He retorted that he had rendered 
great public services by his victory at Piassy, whilst 
Spencer and the others had rendered no services whatever j 
that after Piassy, presents had been permitted, but that at 
the death of Mir Jafir they had been strictly forbidden by 
the Court of Directors. But Lord Clive was powerless to 
compel the offenders to refund, or to punish them in any 
way whatever ; and most of them resigned the service and 
returned to England to fight the question with the Directors 
in the courts of law. ,■ 

Lord Clive made the best arrangement he could under Anamge- 
the circumstances. He accepted the Nawab who had been 
set up by Governor Spencer. He left Muhammad Reza Khan ^^^slieda- 
to act as deputy Nawab at Murshedabad, and he appointed bad and * 
Raja Shitab Rai to act in the same capacity at Patna. Both Patna, 
men wielded enormous powers. They were at the head of law 
and justice ; they superintended the collections of revenue j 
and they were supposed to make over the whole of the 
proceeds to the English. But the story of their doings or 
misdoings will be told hereafter. 

Lord Clive felt that whilst the English exercised sovereign En glbh 
powers in Bengal and Beliar, it was necessary to conceal 
that sovereignty from the eyes of the world; as it would only 
excite the murmurs of the English parliament, and provoke Moghul 
the jealousies of French and Dutch rivals.^ Accordingly fonns. 
Lord Clive planned that the English were to act solely in 
the name of the cypher Nawab, and under the affectation of 

^ The Seven Years’ War between Great Britain and France was 
brought to a close by the Treaty of Paris in 1763, under which Clian- 
dernagore and Pondicherry were restored to the French. 


310 


BRITISH INDIA. 


I 


l) i: 


i ■ i 


*1 


3^0 BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

A.D. being the officers of the Great Moghul. In other words, 
the English were to accept from Shah Alam the post of 
Dewan, or manager of the revenues of the Bengal provinces : 
to pay the salaries of the Nawab and his officials ; to set 
aside a fixed yearly sum as tribute to the Great Moghul 
as represented by Shah Alam ; to provide for the defence 
of the provinces against all external and internal enemies ; ^ 
and to transfer the surplus revenue to the coffers of the 
Company. 

Policy as Lord Clivers idea was to resuscitate the Moghul empire 
regards the under Moghul forms, whilst keeping Shah Alam as a puppet 
Mo^ahui 0^ pageant in his own hands. He utterly scouted Spencer’s 
^ ‘ scheme of policy. To have ceded Oucle to the Rohilla 

Afghans would have drawn the Afghans to the frontier of 
Behar. To have conducted Shah Alam to Delhi would have 
carried the English army hundreds of miles from the frontier, 
and have embroiled the British authorities with Afghans or 
Mahrattas. Lord Clive was anxious to keep Shah Alam in 
the Bengal provinces, — at Patna, if not at Calcutta ; and to 
set him up as a symbol of the Great Moghul. In other 
words, Shah Alam was to have been an imperial idol; and 
the English were to have issued their orders and com- 
mands as the oracles of the idol. 

Restora- At the same time Lord Clive determined to restore Oude 
tion to the Nawab Vizier. It was too remote from Calcutta for 
of Oude English to hold it as a conquered territory. Its defence 
NuvvSd would have drawn the European troops far away to the 
Vizier. norih-west, and left Behar and Bengal exposed to the de- 
mands or assaults of Mahrattas or Afghans. Its adminis- 
tration would have been out of the reach of all control from 
Calcutta. But the restoration of Oude to the Nawab Vizier 
would relieve the Company of all further expense and re- 
sponsibilit}'', and convert the government of Oude into a 
natural barrier for Behar and Bengal against the Afghans 
and Mahrattas of Hindustan. 

Settlement Full of these grand schemes, Lord Clive left Calcutta, 
at AHaha- and hastened up the Ganges to meet Shah Alam and the 
bad. Nawab Vizier at Allahabad. There, to use the language 

1 The military defence of a province Tinder Moghul rule was not the 
duty of the Devyan, but of the Nawab Nazim. The exigencies of the 
time compelled Lord Clive to overlook the niceties of Moghul forms as 
regards the relative functions of Dewan and Nawab Nazim. 




Chap. IV 4 DOUBLE GOVERNMENT r CLIVE, ETC. 311 

of a native contemporary, he disposed of provinces with as a. d. 

much ease as if he had been seliing cattle.^ Without any of 1765*^ 7^7 
the endless negotiations, cavillings, and delays, which are 
the pride and glory of native diplomatists, he settled all 
questions by his own authority as the supreme arbiter of 
the destinies of Hindustan. The Nawab Vizier eagerly 
agreed to receive back his lost territories ; to pay a sum of 
half a million sterling towards the expenses of the late war ; 
and to cede by way of tribute to Shah Alam the revenues of 
Korah and Allahabad. On the other hand, Shah Alam 
was equally ready to accept the provinces of Allahabad and 
Korah in lieu of a tribute which for many years had never 
been paid. But Shah Alam refused to remove to Patna, or 
to any other place in Behar or Bengal. He was much 
chagrined atthe Tefusal of Lord Clive to conduct him to 
Delhi f and he was still bent on going there at the first 
* opportunity. Accordingly he decided on living at Allahabad 
in the empty state of a Great Moghul without a kingdom, 
but in the immediate neighbourhood of Shuja-ud-daula as 
his Vizier. A British force was posted at Allahabad for his 
protection ; and it may be remarked that at this period, and 
for years afterwards, the forces of the Company were formed 
into three brigades, one of which was posted at Monghyr, 
a second at Patna, and a third at Allahabad. 

The affairs of the Bengal provinces were settled with the Office of 
same ease as those of Oude, Shah Alam gave letters Dewan of 
patent to Lord Clive investing the English Company with Behfr and 
the office of Dewan ; and in return Lord Clive agreed that Q^ssa. 
the English should pay him as Padishah a yearly tribute of 
something like a quarter of a million sterling, or about 
the same amount that Mir Kasim had agreed to give Shah 
Alam under the settlement of 1761, 

It has already been explained that under the constitution of Distinction 
the later Moghul empire every province was administered by , 

two officers, a Nawab and a Dewan, The Nawab, or Nawab 
Nazim, held the military command, and in that capacity and the 
supeiin tended the administration of law, justice, and police. Dewan. 
The Dewan was the accountant-general or finance minister, 
and looked solely after the revenue and expenditure. 

Under Lord Clivers scheme the Company became nomi- 

^ Siydr-%d-Mutaqherin^ by Gholam Husain Ali. Calcutta translation. 


1 ! 


312 

! 

III '' 

A.D. 

? 'f 


1765-1767 

i,i 


Double 


powers 

1 ■! 

'1 

1 . 

of the 

Company. 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part Hi. 


II- 


Political 

results. 


Financial 

results. 


Golden 
prospects 
of the 
East India 
Company. 


nally Dewali, and practically Nawab Nazim ; for the English 
compelled the young .Nawab Nazira to disband his rabble 
army,' and took upon themselves the military defence of the 
country, as well as the disposal of the revenue. The duties 
of the Nawab Nazim were thus limited to the nominal 
superintendence of law, justice, and police; and it will 
be seen hereafter that the English were soon forced by 
the general anarchy to take these branches of the adminis- 
tration into their own hands. Thus within a few years 
the Nawab Nazim dwindled into a pageant, having no 
duties to perform beyond the superintendence of his own 
household.^ 

The political result of this arrangement was that the 
English remained in military charge of Bengal and Behar, 
with a claim on Orissa whenever they could procure it from 
the Mahrattas. Shuja-ud~daula was converted into a friendly 
ally; and it was hoped that he would succeed in guarding’ 
the English frontier at the Carumnassa river from Mahrattas 
and Afghans. 

The financial results were still more satisfactory. The 
yearly revenue of Bengal and Behar was roughly estimated 
at three or four millions sterling, but hopes were expressed 
that it might reach five millions. Out of this gross sura the 
English were to pay half a million to the Nawab, and a 
quarter of a million to Shah Alam ; and were then at liberty 
to appropriate the remainder. 

The political system of Lord Clive must have appeared 
on paper to be the perfection of wisdom. So far as the 
Company believed in his golden dreams of the future, it 
held out most brilliant prospects. The civil adminis- 
tration in all matters of law, justice, and police was left 
in the hands of the natives, so that there were no respon- 
sibilities on that score. At the same time it was fondly 
expected that the surplus revenues of Bengal would meet 

^ The yearly allowances of the Nawab Nazim were fixed in the first 
instance by Lord Clive at fifty-three lakhs of rupees, or more than half 
a million sterling. The first puppet Nawab died within a year of his 
accession from sheer self-indulgence ; his successors were equally useless 
and equally worthless, and, wdthin seven years, the yearly allowance 
was reduced to T6o,ooa^ Strange to say, this latter rate has been main- 
tained down to our owm time ; and thus, for more than a century, a 
yearly expenditure, which would have supported a university, has been 
wasted on a useless pageant without duties and without clhims. 


r 



(Ihap. IV.] DOUBLE GOVERNMENT: CLIVE, ETC. 313 

all charges against the Company in India; including a. 
all the expenses of the Company’s settlements, all the J 7 ^ 5 ' 1767 
civil and military salaries/ and even all investments in ^ 
India and China goods. Could these visions have been 
realised, the East India Company would have enjoyed the 
grandest monopoly the world ever saw. The Company 
already carried on a trade with India and China, from which 
all other Englishmen were excluded ; and the further con- 
venience of making the people of Bengal and Behar pay for 
all they bought in the east, would have enabled them to 
pocket the gross receipts of all they sold in England. 
Meanwhile, and for many years, so much secrecy was 
observed, and so much confusion was created by the use. of 
oriental terms, that few outside the Company’s service 
could possibly understand or realise the actual state of 
affairs. . 

The external policy of Lord Clive was more clear and External 
intelligible to men of business. In theory it was a strict 
adherence to the principles of non-intervention, amounting vendon^^' 
to political isolation. The English in Bengal were to leave 
all the native states outside the frontier to their own devices* 

They had formed an alliance with Shah Alam and his Nawab 
Vizier, but they were to abstain from making any other 
alliances whatever. Afghans and Mahrattas might fight 
each other, and kill each other like Kilkenny cats ; the 
English were not to interfere, especially as the territories of 
the Nawab Vizier were supposed to form a political barrier 
against both the antagonistic races. . 

Lord Clive had some misgivings about the Mahrattas of Misgivings 
Berar. The Bhonsla Raja of Berar, or Nagpore, was press- 
ing for the payment of chout for Bengal and Behar with 
arrears ; and Clive was inclined to keep him quiet by paying 
' the chout, on the condition that the Raja ceded the province 
of Orissa, which he had held ever since the agreement with 
Alivardi Khan in 1750. Again the Mahrattas were recover- 
ing from their defeat at Paniput, and beginning to xe-assert 
their ascendancy in the Dekhan and Hindustan. Ac- 
cordingly, Lord Clive threw out some hints of an alliance 
with the Nizam of the Dekhan which should maintain the 
•balance of power against the Mahrattas. 

The Directors in London took the alarm. They saw no Non-inter- 
necessity for paying chout ; they did not want Orissa ; and vention. 


3^4 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


a.d. they protested vigorously against any alliance with the 
I 765 - 1 767 Nizam, or any other native power. ^|The Carumnassa,’^ 
enforced repeated, “is your boundary; go not beyond the 

by the Carumnassa 1 Leave the Mahrattas to fight the Afghans, 
Directors, and the Nizam to fight the Mahrattas, and devote all your 
attention to revenue and trade ! 

Breach But Lord Clive had already dealt with Nizam Ali accord- 
with ing to his peculiar scheme of imperial policy. On arriving 
Nizam All. Xndia in 1765, he had been told that Nizam Ali had been 
ravaging the Carnatic; and he saw that strong measures 
must be taken to repress such a troublesome and refractory 
neighbour. The quarrel was about the Northern Circars ; 
namely, the five maritime districts on the coast of Coromandel, 
extending northward from the frontier of the Carnatic to the 
pagoda of Jagganath.^ SaMbut Jung had ceded this terri- 
tory to Bussy and the French, and afterwards to Colonel 
Forde and the English; but his younger brother, Nizam Ali, 
who usurped the throne at Hyderabad in 1761, and mur- 
dered Saldbut Jung in 1763, refused to submit to the loss of 
territory. 

Firman of Lord Clive tried to settle the question by putting forward 
a puppet Shah Alam as the rightful sovereign of India. Shah Alam, as 
Padishah, the Great Moghul, was encouraged to maintain a little court 
at Allahabad ; but he was otherwise treated as the tool and 
creature of the English ; and a story is told that the English 
officer in command at Allahabad refused to allow the page- 
ant prince to sound the imperial kettle-drums, because they 
made too much noise. However, Lord Clive obtained a 
firmdn from Shah Alam, granting the Northern Circars to 
the English in full sovereignty, in defiance of the hereditary 
claims of Nizam Ali. 

Assump- The assumption was enormous. It amounted to an as- 
tionof sertion, on the part of Shah Alam, of a sovereign right to 

Moghul dispose at will of all the territories of the old Moghul empire, 

sovereignty, had been practically converted into 

hereditary kingdoms ever since the invasion of Nadir Shah. 
If Shah Alam possessed the right to cede a portion of a 
province, like the Northern Circars, it would have been im- 
possible to deny his right to cede whole provinces like Oude, 
Hyderabad, or the Carnatic. 

^ See pages 255, 285, and 286. 


Chap. IV.] DOUBLE GOVERNMENT : CLIVE, ETC. 


315 


Had Lord Clive been an Asiatic conqueror, remaining for a.d. 
the rest of his life in India, he might possibly have ruledd 765 'J 7^7 
over the whole empire of Aurangzeb in the name of the ciivT^ 
Great Moghul Shah Alam would have been the half- Moghul 
deified symbol of sovereignty. Lord Clive would have Peishwa. 
been prime minister or Peishwa; and as such might have 
compelled all rebellious Viceroys and refractory Rajas to 
do his bidding. He was already the virtual sovereign of 
Behar and Bengal He had disposed of Oude at will ; and 
had he remained in India he would have held the Northern 
Circars under the authority of the firman, liis genius was 
cast in the iron mould of military despotism ; and the 
prestige of his name was sufficient to render the decrees of 
Shah Alam as irresistible as those of Aurangzeb. 

But Lord Clive was thwarted by the Madras authorities. Thwarted 
In 1766 he sent an expedition under General Calliaud to 
take possession of the Northern Circars. But the English 
at Madras were alarmed at reports that Nizam Ali was 
making prodigious preparations for the invasion of the 
Carnatic ; and they ordered General Calliaud to proceed to 
Hyderabad, and conclude a peace on almost any terms with 
Nizam Ali. 

At the end of 1766 General Calliaud negotiated a treaty Treaty ^pf 
with Nizam Ali. The firmdn of Shah Alam was ignored. 

The English agreed to pay Nizam Ali a yearly tribute 
seventy thousand pounds for the Northern Circars.^ At the 
same time the English and Nizam Ali agreed to assist each 
other against any enemy ; and in the first instance resolved 
on a joint expedition against Hyder Ali of Mysore, who had 
already threatened the dominions of Nizam Ali, and aroused 
the jealousy of the English by his leanings towards the 
French. 

In January, 1767, Lord Clive left India never to return.^Thve suc- 
He was succeeded by Mr, Verelst as Governor of Bengal Veretst 
Meanwhile the joint, expedition of Nizam Ali and the 1767. ' * 

^ There was some special arrangement as regards the Gimtoor Circar, 
hetween the Gundlacama and Kistna rivers, which had been assigned as 
a jaghir to Basahit Jung, the eldest brother of Nizam Ali. The Circar 
of Guntoor was not to be made over to the East India Company until 
after the death of Basalut Jung. 

2 Lord Clive was only forty-two when his career in India was brought 
to a close. He died in England in 1774, at the age of forty-nine. 


I:. 


•3i6 


BRITISH INDIA.' 


[Part Hi. 


a.d. English against Hyder Ali of Mysore was opening out a 
x7 67-iy 7i phase in Indian history. 

Mysore: Hyder Ali is a sign of the times. This 

rise of * adventurer was a Muhammadan of obscure origin, tie 
Hyder All. is said to have served as a soldier in the French army.^ 
Subsequently he left the French army and raised a body of 
troops on the basis of plunder, giving his men the half of 
all they stole, and taking care that nothing was stolen with- 
out his knowledge. Hyder's men seized every description 
of property, great and small ; they would carry off sheep, 
cattle, or grain, or they would strip the villagers of their 
clothes and ear-rings. 

Tricks and Hyder Ali next appeared as a commander in the service 
treacheries, of the Hindu Eaja of Mysore during the operations against . 

Trichinopoly. He received a money allowance for every 
man under his command, and a donation for every one who 
was wounded ; and he naturally cheated the Hindu govern- 
ment by false musters, and by bandaging men without a 
scratch, in order to pass them off as wounded. Meanwhile 
the Mysore government was distracted by a rivalry between 
a young Raja, who was a minor, and an uncle, named 
Nunjeraj, who acted as regent, and Hyder Ali did not fail 
to take advantage of the occasion. Gradually, by tricks and 
treacheries as bewildering as the feats of a conjuror, Hyder 
Ali destroyed the influence of the regent and used the Raja 
as a pageant, until at last he assumed the sovereign power 
in his own name. 

Founds a Hyder Ali was not a mere freebooter. He subjugated 
Mysore several small states to the north and west of Mysore, includ- 

empire. j^g Kanara and Malabar. In this fashion he converted 

the Hindu Raj of Mysore into the seat of a new Muham- 
madan empire. He formed no political alliances. He 
committed raids on the territories of all his neighbours ; on 
the Mahrattas of Poona, the Nizam of Hyderabad, and the 
Nawab of the Gamatic. At the same time he excited the 
jealous alarm of the English by secret dealings with the 
French of Pondiclierry. 

1 The author of Hyder Ali was 

originally a French sepoy. The story is extremely probable, although 
it would be suppressed or denied by the court annalists at Mysore or 
Seringapatam. It would explain Hyder Ali’s subsequent leanings 
towards the French, which are otherwise inexplicable. 



Chap. IV.] DOUBLE GOVERNMENT: CLIVE, ETC. 


317 


The English were soon disgusted with their alliance with A.i>. 
Nizam Ali. The united armies invaded Mysore and cap- 
tiired Bangalore. Meantime Nizam Aii was secretly i^^* Ni2atirAli 
triguing with the Mysore court. He tried to win over thejoiS^ ^ 
regent Nunjeraj; but Hyder Ali discovered the plot, andHyderAli: 
nothing more was heard of Niinjeraj, Nizam Ali next tried i^wasion 
to win over Hyder Ali. This plot succeeded. Nizam Ali 
deserted the English, and joined his forces with those of 
Hyder Ali; and the new confederates began to attack the 
English and invade the Carnatic. 

The English army was taken aback at this sudden treach- Humilia- 
ery, and retired towards Madras; but reinforcements came 
up, and they succeeded in inflicting two decisive defeats 
on the Muhammadan confederates. Nizam Ali was much 1768. 
alarmed at these disasters. He had expected to crush the 
English and recover the Carnatic from Muhammad Ali ; but 
he began to fear that his own dominions were in danger. 
Accordingly he repented of his treachery, deserted Hyder 
Ali, fled towards Hyderabad, and sued the English for 
peace. In 176B another treaty was concluded between the 
English and Nizam Ali, and relations were restored to their 
former footing. 

Nizam Ali had grounds for his alarm. Whilst he was Second fir- 
uniting his forces with Hyder Ali against the English, of a 

the puppet Padishah at Allahabad was once more 
into play. Mr. Verelst, the successor of Lord Clive, thought 
to checkmate Nizam Ali, and put an effectual stop to his 
intrigues with Hyder Ali, by procuring a blank firmdn, with 
the seals of the Great Moghul, granting the whole of 
the Nizam’s dominions to any one whom the English might 
choose. The firman “was actually sent to Madras, leaving 
the English there to fill in the name of any candidate that 
pleased them. The Directors loudly condemned this trans- 
action and ordered it to be cancelled.! 

! The cool attempt of Mr. Verelst to deprive Nizam Ali of his domi- 
nions by a simple finnan from Shah Alam excited great wrath and 
astonishment at the time. Nevertheless Verelst continued to regret 
that the design was not carried out. At a subsequent period, wlien 
Shah Alam had fled from Allahabad to Delhi, it was discovered that 
Hyder Ali of Mysore had been equally clever. Hyder Ali had 
actually purchased letters of investiture from the pageant Padishah at 
Delhi, under which he himself was appointed to the government of ail 
the dominions of the Nizam. ; 


318 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

1767-1771 

Successes 
of Hyder 
All, 1768- 
1769. 


Offensive 

and 

defensive 
treaty at 
Madras, 
1769. 


Crisis in 

Bengal, 

1776-71. 


Rapid fall 
in land 
revenue, 
1767-71. 


Strange to say, Hyder Ali was relieved by the defection 
of Nizam Ali. He retired to Mysore ; but after collecting 
his resources, he fought the English with varying success, 
and then engaged in a series of rapid inarches, which re- 
sembled the movements and surprises of Sivaji. He exacted 
a contribution from the Raja of Tanjore ; re-opened com- 
munications with the reviving French settlement at Pondi- 
cherry ; and threatened to join the Mahrattas of Poona 
against the English, unless the English joined him against 
the Mahrattas. Finally he appeared at St. Thome, near 
Madras, with an army of six thousand chosen horsemen. 

The English at Madras were filled with consternation. 
Their resources were exhausted ; they were alarmed for the 
safety of their garden houses in the suburbs of Madras ; and 
they hastened to make peace, because, as they said, they had 
no money to carry on the %var. In April, 1769, they con- 
cluded an offensive and defensive treaty with Hyder AIL 
Each party agreed to restore all conquests, and to help the 
other in the event of an invasion from the Mahrattas or any 
other power. 

All this while the affairs of the Company in Bengal were 
drifting into financial anarchy. There was no war, nor 
rumours of war, beyond an occasional demand from the 
Bhonsla Raja of Berar for the payment of chout ; but there 
was an alarming decline in the public revenue; money was 
disappearing from Bengal, and many of the native popula- 
tion were sinking into helpless penury. In 1770 Mr. Verelst 
returned to England, and was succeeded by Mr. Cartier as 
Governor of Bengal. But there was no prospect of improve- 
ment. In 1770-71 a terrible famine in Bengal added to the 
general 'desolation. At last in 1771 Lord Clive’s political 
sham of a Moghul empire suddenly collapsed. Shah Alam 
threw himself into the hands of the Mahrattas, and went off 
to Delhi ; and the destinies of the native powers of India 
entered upon a new phase, which is closely associated with 
the Mahratta empire, and will demand separate consideration 
in the following chapter. 

The system of government introduced by Lord Clive 
had turned out a total failure. This was obvious before Lord 
Clive left Calcutta ; but for three or four years the system 
was lauded to the skies as the grand discovery of the age. 
At last the rapid diminution of the revenues of Bengal and 


Chap. IV.] DOUBLE GOVERNMENT ; CLIVE, ETC. 319 

Behar Opened the eyes of the Directors, and induced them a.d. 
to break up the political sham, and to intrust the collection 17^7-1771 
of the land rents and the administration of justice to their 
European servants. 

The system introduced by Lord Glive was a double Double 
government, under which the English took over the govern- 
reyenue and garrisoned the country, and left the ad minis- 
tration in the hands of native officials without prestige govern- 
or authority. This double government must not be con- ment. 
founded with party government. There never has been 
a party government in India with the natives on one side 
and the English on the other. In the double government 
of Lord Clive the English cared for nothing but the money, 
and left the native officials to prey upon the people and 
ruin the country without check or hindrance, so long as they 
collected the land rents and paid over a satisfactory block 
sum into the English treasury. 

This anomaly was not the fault of Lord Clive. It was Protection 
forced upon him, partly, as already seen, from motives of of native 
policy as regards the French and Dutch, and partly also by 
the force of public opinion in England. Strong indignation 
had been felt in England at the interference of the servants 
of the Company in the administration of Mfr Kasim ; and 
strong opinions had been expressed that native officials 
should be left alone. Accordingly Lord Clive had been 
induced to recognise Muhammad Reza Khan as deputy 
Nawab at Murshedabad, and to appoint Raja Shitab Rai as 
deputy Nawab at Patna, in order that these two officials 
might conduct the native administration. He also ap- 
pointed a British Resident at both places for the two- 
fold purpose of taking over the revenue from the deputy 
Nawabs, and of protecting the native administration from 
any encroachments of the English. He overlooked the 
fact that the power which takes over the revenue is 
responsible for the well-being of the people. The result 
was that all the vices of oriental rule were left to fester in 
the native ad-ministration ; whilst the restrictions imposed 
upon the British Residents prevented the possibility of any 
^ reform.':' 

In Bengal and Behar the bulk ox the revenue was derived Zemindars 
from the land, which was assumed to be the property of the and Ryots, 
state. The Ryots cultivated the land, paying rent to the 


330 . BRITISH INDIA. I Part ill. 

A.D. Zemindar of the district. The Zemindar collected the rents 
1 7 ^7^^ 7 7 of his district in the mixed character of landholder and 
revenue-collector, and made monthly payments into the 
treasury at Murshedabad or Patna. The income of the 
Zemindar was thus derived, not from his rental, but from 
profit. It comprised the difference between the gross rents 
he received from the Ryots and the net proceeds which he 
paid into the treasury at headquarters. 

Oppressive Ryots were mostly Hindus,— servile, timid, and help- 

treatment less. The Zemindars were mostly Muhammadans from 
of the Persia, bred amidst the tyranny and corruption which pre- 

Ryots, vailed in Persia, and devoid of all sympathy for the Hindu 
population.^ They collected not only rents but irregular 
cesses ; and whenever there was a marriage in the house of 
a Zemindar, or a son was born, or a fine was levied on the 
Zemindar on account of some delay or defalcation, the 
Ryots were compelled to contribute according to their 
means. There was no way of escape, except by bribing the 
servants of the Zemindar, reaping the crops at night and 
hiding the grain, or throwing up the holding and flying the 
country. 

- , All this while the Zemindar was magistrate of the district, 

powers He could fine, imprison, torture, and even execute heinous 
of the offenders, and there was no one to control him. There were 
Zemindars. Muhammadan Kdzis and Brahman Pundits to decide civil 
cases, and there were higher courts of appeal ; but no one 
could obtain redress without a large expenditure in presents 
or bribes, or the interference of some powerful grandee. 
Deputy addition to the Zemindars, there always had been 

Nawabs. governors or deputy Nawabs of the same type as Muham- 
mad Reza Khan and Raja Shitab Rai. They governed 
large towns or circles f received the collections from the 
Zemindars ; and kept the peace throughout their respective 
jurisdictions. Originally their posts had been filled by 
Muhammadan officers j but later Nawabs preferred pro- 
moting Hindu officials, and giving them the honorary title 
of ^^Raja .”2 

^ See VerelstV^£’«'^<! 2 :/. Also Early Records of British India, 

2 Muhammadan governors were often turbulent and refractory ; and 
they squandered all their ill-gotten gains on pomp and pleasure. Hindus 
were more amenable to authority, and delighted in hoarding up gold 
and jewels; so that as occasion served they could be squeezed 




Chap. IV.] DOUBLE GOVERNMENT: CLIVE, ETC. 321 

The only check on Zemindars and deputy Nawabs was a.d. 
the nghtof petition to the Nawab; and this check in olden 1767-1771 
toe had exercised a restraining influence on oppression, 

F ormer Nawabs would often sit in state, and spend a great otlt 
part of their days m hearing petitions and passing judg- Zemindars, 
ments with the assistance of law officers. Sometimes the 
iniquitous oppressions and exactions of a Zemindar were 
forced on the attention of a Nawab, and were punished 
by the confiscation of his goods and removal from his 
Zemindary. Sometimes, justly or unjustly, a Hindu Raja 
was recalled from his post, deprived of all his goods and 
chattels, and put to an ignominious death as a punishment 
tor his misdeeds, or in order to replenish the coffers of a 
grasping Nawab. 

But under the double government created by Lord Clive, Aggrava- 

oppression flourished as in tion of evil 
a hotbed. Not only was there no check, but there 
every temptation to guilty collusion. No Zemindars could 
have been anxious to swell the collections of revenue for ment. 
the benefit of the East India Company; nor were the 
deputy Nawabs eager to detect defalcations and abuses 
when tlmy might be bribed to silence by a share in the 
spoil. The new puppet Nawab Nazim had no inducement 
to hear petitions, and no power to enforce judgment. The 
deputy Nawabs Muhammad Reza Khan at Murshedabad 
and Raja Shitab Rai at Patna, were supposed to hear peti- 
dons; but they had a thousand interests to consult of 
Englishmen as well as Zemindars, and it is impossible to 
know whether they performed their duties well or ill. Mean- 
while the English servants of the East Indian Company 
were merchants, educated for the counting-house, skilled in 
bai gaming and commerce, and impressed with the convic- 
tion that the one aim and object of life in India was to make 
a fortune and return to England at the earliest possible 
opportunity. ^ 

_ The outward working of the Nizamut may be gathered 
fiom a solemn farce which was played every year at Mur- 

llman Mir Jafir removed some of the 

Hindu Rajas, and appointed Muhammadan kinsmen of his own to the 
vacant posts. Muhammad Reza Khan was a fair sample S a Mu W 

was a 


322 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part lit. 


A.D, 

1767-1771 

Mock 
pageantry 
at Mursixe- 
dabad. 


Bengal 
drained of 
silver. 


Verelst’s 
experi- 
ences of 
native 
adminis- 
tration. 


sliedabad. The annual revenue settlements were arranged 
at a yearly festival known as the Poona. The Zemindars 
assembled at the capital to make their agreements as regards 
the monthly payments of revenue for the ensuing year. 
The Nawab Nazim took his seat on the throne in empty 
dignity; whilst the English Governor of Bengal and Behar 
stood on his right hand as representing the Honourable 
Company in the quality of Dewan. 

One result of the new system of government was the 
rapid disappearance of rupees. Silver was no longer im- 
ported from Europe for the purchase of commodities or 
payment of salaries; whilst large quantities were exported 
to Madras and China, or carried to Europe by the Com- 
pany’s servants, who retired with large fortunes. The old 
Nawabs of Murshedabad had squandered enormous sums 
on pomps and pleasures, which, however useless in ' them- 
selves, had kept the money in the country. Under the 
English regime these expenses had been largely curtailed ; 
the army was disbanded, the vast menageries of animals and 
birds were broken up, and there were large reductions in 
the household and zenana. But the money thus saved was 
sent out of Bengal ; and a host of native soldiery and 
parasites were reduced to beggary. A native contemporary 
remarked, in the language of oriental hyperbole, that grain 
had become exceedingly cheap because there was no money 
to buy it ; that a native horseman was becoming as rare as a 
phoenix ; and that but for the money spent by the English 
in the purchase of raw silk, opium, and white piece goods, a 
silver rupee, or a gold mohur, would have been as rare as a 
' philosopher’s stone, ^ 

The stoppage of the exports of' silver from Bengal to 
China, and increased public expenditure in Bengal, lessened 
the evils arising from the outflow of silver; but nothing 
would check the rapid decline of the revenue. Mr. Verelst, 
who succeeded Lord Clive as Governor of Bengal, seems to 
have understood the causes of the decrease. For years he 
had overlooked the revenue administration in Burdwan, 
Midnaporeand Chittagong, and had seen the roguery which 
pervaded all classes of native officials, and the unMushing 
rascality of their servants and dependants. But Verelst 

^ Siyhr^uhMutaqherin^ by Gkolam Husain Ali. 


Chap. IV.] DOUBLE GOVERNMENT: CLIVE, ETC. 


3 , 23 : 


was hampered by Clivers political system of non-interference, a.d. 
and was compelled to use the utmost caution in intro- ^767'i77^ 
ducing European supervision. ' 

In the first instance Verelst appointed English supra- Encriish 
visors into the different districts, with instructions to report su^^-a- 
all that was going on, but not to interfere in the native visors and 
administration. Subsequently the English Residents at Mur- 
shedabad and Patna were encouraged to inquire into the 
conduct of affairs ; and ultimately committees of English- 
men were appointed in association with Muhammad Reza 
Khan and Sliitab Rai. 

At this crisis the natives were taken aback by a social closer 
revolution. Hitherto the English had kept aloof from native relations 
gentlemen, and taken no pleasure in their society ; but now 
they began to form intimacies with Muhammadan and Hindu 
grandees, and to converse with them on political affairs. It natives, 
was remarked by the native writer already quoted, that the 
English eagerly inquired into the laws, usages, and modes 
of transacting public business, and wrote down all they 
heard in books for the information of other Englishmen. 
Meanwhile the native grandees were envious and jealous of 
each other ; and every one was ready to report the misdoings 
of the others, in order to win the favour of the English 
gentlemen, or to conceal his own backslidings and short 
comings. 

The English gentlemen, it was said, also attended courts Native 
of justice, and sometimes expressed surprise at what they adminis- 
saw or heard. When an offender was convicted and fined, 
his accuser also was required to pay a fine by way 
thanksgiving. The English could not understand this, and 
asked why a man should be fined w^ho had committed no 
offence? They were told it was the custom of the country. 

Again, when a Zemindar or Kdzi tried a civil case, he took 
a fourth-part of the amount in dispute as his fee. This 
again the English could not understand, as they had no 
such custom in their country, 

Under such circumstances the native grandees would be An 
most polite and obliging, whilst an Englishman would be English 
sometimes gulled. A Mr. George Vansittart ^ was sent to 
Patna, where Raja Shitab Rai was acting as deputy Nawab ; 

^ This was a brother of Governor Vansittart, who perished at sea 
during a return voyage to India. 


Y 2 


324 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


Fears of 
Raja 
vS bitab 
Rai. 


The Raja 
and the 
English- 
man. 


A.D. and Gholam Husain AH describes the circumstances of 
1.767-1771 their meeting, and the ultimate results, with much apparent 
truthfulness and simplicity : — 

“When it was known that Mr. Vansittart was coming to 
Patna, all the enemies of Shitab Rai conceived mighty hopes 
from the change. The capacity and politeness of the Raja 
were such that few could have found fault with his adminis- 
tration ; but many were envious of his greatness, and pre- 
pared to light up a mighty flame, so that he himself was 
fearful of the consequences. The hem of his robe was 
pretty free from dirt, and the blemishes in it were few in 
comparison with his many services ; yet he was so alive to the 
inconveniences that might arise from the difference of nation 
and language, and his ignorance of Mr. Vansittart’s 
character and genius, that he was very doubtful of his fate. 

“When Mr. Vansittart approached Patna, the Raja went 
out to meet him, took him on his elephant, and brought him 
into the city. This was very mortifying to the enemies of 
the Raja, who were hastening to wait on Mr. Vansittart in 
order to set up a shop of chicanery and malice. They were 
all struck dumb by his artful behaviour. As a gi*eat states-^ 
man and accountant, he had ready every kind of paper that 
could be called for. He was firm and steady in his be- 
haviour and answers ; never boggled or prevaricated ; never 
hesitated to furnish any information that was required ; and 
answered with so much propriety as to leave no opening 
for an imputation on his character. Accordingly Mr. 
Vansittart was so convinced of his fidelity, wisdom, and 
knowledge, that he opened the gates of friendship and 
union. Nor was the Raja wanting to himself in such an 
overture. By respectful behaviour, and a number of curious 
presents, he gained so much on the mind of Mr. Vansittart, 
that the latter gentleman was thoroughly satisfied. 

Politeness Shitab Rai behaved to men of virtue and distinction 

and "with a modesty and humility that disarmed envy. He was 
generosity quick at understanding the intent of every man's petition. 

If he granted a request it was with the utmost condescen- 
sion ; if he refused a petition it was with handsome excuses 
and in condoling language. He was engaged in business, 
and in conferences with different people, from daybreak till 
noon, and from evening till three o’clock in the morning. 
He never seemed fatigued with the number of applicants, 


CHAP. IV.] DOUBLE GOVERNMENT : CLIVE, ETC. 325 

or impatient at the extravagance of their demands; and a.d. 
he never used a harsh word, or the language of abuse or 1767*^ 771 
reprimand. He was generous and hospitable, after the 
manner of a middle-class Moghul Amir of Hindustan. 
Whenever a person of distinction came to Patna the Raja 
always sent him a number of trays of sweetmeats, delicacies, 
and dressed victuals according to his rank and station. 

“ But Rajah Shitab Rai was not wholly free from blame. Failings 
He. was too fond of obliging and gratifying his friends and of 
acquaintances. He religiously abstained from appropriating 
the public money, but his salary and private means fell very 
short of his expenses, and he was obliged moreover to 
bestow suras of money on Europeans. In order, therefore, 
to adjust his means to his expenses, he adopted two methods, 
which were both iniquitous. When a man was indebted to 
the public treasury it was customary to send one or two 
constables to compel payment, and to charge their diet 
money to the debtor. But Shitab Rai sent dozens of con- 
stables, and entered but a very small part of the diet money 
in the book of receipts, and kept the remainder to expend 
on his liberalities. Again, Shitab Rai called upon all jag- 
hfrdars and other landholders to produce their title-deeds 
on the pretence that some English gentlemen wanted to 
examine them ; and he refused to return the documents 
until the incumbent had contributed a sum of money in pro- 
portion to his means. All these contributions he bestowed 
on Englishmen that had been recom.mended to him ; and 
seemed to be wholly occupied in keeping the gentlemen of 
that nation in good humour.”^ 

The observations and admissions of Gholam Husain Results 
Ali sufficiently reveal the early results of the collision 
between the European and Hindu mind during the rise of ^^tween 
British power in Bengal Raja Shitab Rai was a type of Euro- 
the native grandees and officials of the eighteenth century, peans 
and a prototype of a considerable number of the nineteenth. 

By readiness and business habits, and a constant study of 
the temper of his employers, he had gradually risen from 
one post to another, until he had gained the favour of Lord 
Clive, and was appointed deputy Nawab at Patna. Of course 
the Raja was most attentive and profoundly respectful to the 


^ Siydr’Ul-Mutaqhedn^ Calcutta translation. 


325 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A.D. 

1767-1771 


Wrath 
of the 
Directors 
at their 
English 
servantSo 


Losses 
in the 
Company’ 
trade. 


Englisli gentieman 3 for it was currently believed by every 
native of standing and experience that all Englishmen, espe- 
cially officials, were gratified with the language of flattery 
and adulation. The Raja was also ever ready with his 
explanations, having probably learnt them by heart before 
Mr. Vansittart^s arrival; being well aware that nothing ex- 
asperates an Englishman so much as boggling or prevarica- 
tion, and that almost any lie may be swallowed so long as it 
is prompt and plausible. Meanwhile, the number and value 
of the Raja’s presents could scarcely fail to make a 
gratifying impression on Mr. Vansittart, and have thoroughly ■ 
satisfied that gentleman of his faithfulness and capacity. 

The public conduct of the Raja towards petitioners was 
modelled after that of the most polished oriental states- 
men, as being the best calculated for confirming friends and 
disarming enemies. Unfortunately Shitab Rai found that 
he must keep on good terras with English gentlemen at any 
price ; and consequently he was driven to commit those 
acts of embezzlement and oppression, which his best friends 
must have deplored, and for which the Englishmen of those 
days were more or less responsible, 

Meanwhile, the Directors in England threw all the blame 
of the declining revenues on the crafty practices of the 
native officials, and the corrupt collusion between their own 
English servants and the deputy Nawabs at Murshedabad 
and Patna — Muhammad Reza Khan and Raja Shitab Rai. 

How far they were justified in these conclusions may be 
gathered from the admissions of Gholam Husain Ali, who 
evidently entertained a high opinion of Shitab Rai. Gho- 
lam Husain Ali was infinitely more bitter against Muham- 
mad Reza Khan, charging him with pride and insolence, 
corruption and crime ; but as the writer was notoriously * 
an enemy to Muhammad Reza Khan, it would be invidious 
to repeat the accusations. 1 

The Directors in England were exasperated beyond | 

measure by their losses in trade. The Indian commodities | 

^ and manufactures had risen in price and deteriorated in | 

value, chiefly, it was believed, through the culpable heedless- j 

ness, or still more guilty connivance, of their servants in the i 

different factories. At the same time, the public expenditure j 

in Bengal had risen to such a pitch that the Company was | 

brought to the verge of ruin. Yet year after year the | 


Chap. IVJ DOUBLE GOVERNMENT: CLIVE, ETC. 


327 


Company's servants returned to England loaded with wealth, a.d. 
which they were supposed to have wrung out of native 1767-177 * 
princes, or acquired by oppressing the native population. “ ' 

It is needless to dwell on obsolete scandals. No doubt General 
presents were received from native contractors, and dus- corruption 
toori," or commission, from native dealers and manufac- 1 ^ Bengal, 
turers. N 0 one was better acquainted with the Company’s 
trade at the factories up country than Warren Hastings ; 
and he bitterly complained that the Directors were rigid 
about salaries, whilst they were indifferent about perquisites, 
though the former were but pittances, whilst the latter 
amounted to lakhs.^ Corruption was equally rampant at 
Calcutta. Contracts were given to Europeans for every 
kind of public expenditure, vrhilst the work was entrusted 
to natives ; and whoever obtained a contract seemed to 
make a fortune. The Directors saw that large sums were 
entered in the public accounts, which they were unable to 
audit, and which only confirmed their worst suspicions. 

All this while the people of the country were bitterly Native 
complaining of being abandoned to the oppression and opinion 
extortion of native officials. The author of the 
Mutaqherin testifies to the superiority of the English, but 
denounces their selfish neglect of the masses. When," he 
says, ‘Hhe Slializada invaded Behar, the people prayed 
that he might be victorious and prosperous, for they re- 
membered the good government and favours they had 
enjoyed under his ancestors. But when they found them- 
selves harassed and plundered by his disorderly soldiery, 
and saw that the English never touched a blade of grass, 
nor injured the weakest individual, they changed their 
minds ; and when the Sbahzada was proclaimed Badishah, 
and invaded Behar under the name of Shah Alam, they 
loaded him with reproaches, and prayed for victory and 
prosperity for the English army. But they soon ceased to 
pray for the English; for the new rulers paid no attention 
to the concerns of the people of Hindustan, and suffered 
them to be mercilessly plundered, oppressed and tormented, 
by officers of their own appointing." 

In 1771 matters were brought to a climax by a horrible Bengal 
famine in Bengal. It is needless to dwell upon the details famine of 
of death and desolation. Indian famines have been 
^ GMg^s Mem^z'rs of Warren Hastings, vol. i, chap, viii. 


323 

A, D, 

1767-1771 


Warren 
Hastings 
Governor 
of Bengal, 
1772-85. 


Contem- 
porary 
history of 
Bombay 
and the 
Mahrattas. 


BRITISH INDIA. ' [Part III. 

familiarised to readers of the present generation, but were 
intensified in the eighteenth century by the inadequacy of the 
measures taken to meet the evil. Many English gentlemen, 
as well as Shitab Rai, and perhaps other grandees, laboured 
hard to alleviate the general suffering by feeding thousands 
at their own expense, and bringing down stores of grain 
from cheaper markets. But alarming hews had reached 
England that certain Englishmen had confederated with 
Muhammad Reza Khan to profit by the national disaster by 
hoarding up large stocks of grain and selling it out at famine 
prices. 

The result of all these complicated suspicions and charges 
was that the Directors determined on a radical reform; and 
to entrust this important work to Mr. Warren Hastings by 
appointing him to be Governor of Bengal. Hastings was a 
man of large Indian experience and clear-headed capacity; 
and up to this period was regarded as a man of probity. 
Accordingly the Directors expected Hastings to bring 
back their European servants to a sense of duty, moderation, 
and loyalty to the Company; and to remodel the adminis- 
tration by transferring the collection of the revenue from 
natives to Europeans. 

The advent of Warren Hastings is the beginning of a 
new era. He introduced British administration into Bengal 
and Behar ; and he was drawn by the Bombay government 
into hostilities on a large scale against the Mahrattas. 
Accordingly, before entering on the history of his govern- 
ment, it will be as well to review the progress of affairs in 
Bombay and the neighbouring empire of the Mahrattas. 


CHAPTER V. 


BOMBAY : HAHRATTA EMPIRE, 

A.D. 174 $ TO 1772. 

During the eighteenth century Madras, Calcutta, and x,r>. 
Bombay had each a political life of its own. This individuality 1748-1772 

is disappearing in an age of railways and telegraphs ; but it ^ 

has left lasting marks on the traditions of the past ; and 
before proceeding further with the history, it may be as well dencies. 
to sum up the distinctive characteristics in the annals of each 
of the three Presidencies. 

Madras is seated in an open roadstead on the sandy and Madras on 
surf-bound coast of Coromandel. On the sea side it looks the Coro- 
over the large expanse of the Bay of Bengal towards Burma, 

Siam, Sumatra, the Eastern Archipelago, and the more * 
remote territories of China and Japan. On the land side it 
was associated with the establishment of the Nawabs of 
the Carnatic and Nizams of Hyderabad as independent 
princes ; with old wars between England and France ; with 
the capture of Madras by Labourdonnais, the ambitious 
dreams of Dupleix, the siege of Tricliinopoly by Chunda 
Sahib and the French, the defence of Arcot by Clive, the 
victory of Eyre Coote at Wandiwash, and the temporary 
destruction of Pondicherry in 1761 ; and finally with the rise 
:-t Hyder Aii in the western table-land of Mysore. 

Calcutta is situated a hundred miles up the river Hughli, Calcutta, a 
amidst green rice-fields and overgrown jungles. It is re- hundred 
mote from the sea and busied with shipping in the river. 

Before the age of railways a water communication united Huahir 
Calcutta with Patna and Benares, and opened up the heart ■ 


330 

A.D. 

1748-1772 


Bombay, 
facing 
Persia and 
the Red 
Sea ; land- 
locked by 
Mahrattas, 


Maritime 
neigh- 
bours : 
Seedees 
and< 

xVngrias. 


Mahratta 
empire 
and feuda- 
tories. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

of Hindustan. The English settlement was associated with 
memories of the Black Hole, the reco very of Calcutta from the 
Nawab, the expulsion of the French from Chandernagore, the 
triumph at Plassy, the setting up of Nawabs at Murshedabad, 
the acquisition of Bengal and Behar in 1765, the subsequent 
introduction of British administration into Bengal and Behar 
by Warren Hastings, and the rise of a British empire which 
was to overshadow Hindustan and establish a dominion 
from the Brahmaputra to the Indus. 

Bombay is a small island on the Malabar coast, command- 
ing the finest harbour on the eastern seas, and looking over 
the Indian Ocean towards Muscat and Madagascar, the 
Persian Gulf and the E.ed Sea. It was the dowry of 
Catherine, the Portuguese wife of Charles the Second. On 
the land side it was hemmed round with Mahrattas, who 
exercised dominion, or collected chout, from Bombay 
to Bengal, from Guzerat to Orissa, and from Malwa to 
Mysore. 

The other neighbours of the English settlement at Bombay 
were maritime powers. On the north and south were the 
Abyssinians of Surat and Jinjeera, whose hereditary chiefs- 
known as the Seedees, or Sidis,^ were the nominal lord high 
admirals of the Moghul ; the protectors of Moghul traders 
and Mecca pilgrims against the pirates of Malabar. 
Further to the south were the Mahratta pirates of Malabar ; 
the hereditary Angrias of Gheriah ; the representatives of 
the Malabar corsairs, who had been the terror of the Indian 
Ocean since the days of Pliny and the C^sars. 

The frontiers of the great Mahratta empire were ever 
changing like those of the Parthians. In fact, the Mahrattas 
were the Parthians of India, and their dominion extended 
as far as the Mahratta horsemen could harry and destroy. 
But a distinction must be drawn between Maharashtra 
proper, the homes of the Mahratta- speaking people, and the 
outlying military dominion of Mahratta feudatories, Maha- 
rashtra proper was the hereditary kingdom of the Maharajas 
of the house of Sivaji. The military lieutenants outside the 
Mahratta pale, were freebooting chiefs, -who originally held 

^ The term Seedee, when assumed by the Africans," is a term of 
dignity corresponding to the Arabic term Saiyid, or lord. In India 
however it was sometimes used as a term of reproach, rather than of 
distinction.— 


Chap. V.] BOMBAY : MAHR ATTA EMPIRE. 


33 ^ 

commissions from the reigning Maharaja, but who gradually a.d. 
grew into vassal princes ; whilst the outlying territories which ^ 743 . 
they plundered, hardened into semi-independent provinces ““““ 
of a loose Mahratta empire. 

The seats of the home government of the Mahratta Maliratta 
country are indicated by three important fortresses, running country ; 
from north to south, and known as Poona, Satara, and 
Kolhapore. Poona was situated about seventy miles to the Kolhapore. 
south-east of Bombay ; it was originally the stronghold of 
Sivaji, the founder of the Mahratta empire, but was subse- 
quently surrendered to the generals of Aurangzeb. Satara 
was the capital of Sahu, the grandson of Sivaji, and last of 
the Bhonsla dynasty. Kolhapore was the capital of an 
independent principality founded by a rival branch of the 
same Bhonsla family.^ 

The four leading Mahratta feudatories have already been Outlying 
mentioned; namely, the Gaekwar in Guzeiat; Holkar and feuda- 
Sindia in Malwa, between the Nerbudda and the Chambal * 
rivers; and the Raja of Berar and Nagpore to the north of 
the Njzam of Hyderabad.^ The three former were of low Sindia/ 
caste ; but the Berar Raja belonged to the tribe of Bhonslas, Bhonsla 
of which Sivaji was a member. The Bhonsla Raja 
Berar was also the most powerful of the four; for he had 
conquered large territories from the Nizam of the Dekhan, 
and occupied the Orissa country to the south of Behan and 
Bengal. 

The early history of the Mahratta feudatories is a confused Early 
narrative of family quarrels, assassinations, and predatory annals, 
exploits, varied by frequent disputes with the Maharaja's 
government as to the amount of revenue or chout to be paid 
into the Maharaja's treasury. About the middle of the 
eighteenth century the four great feudatories were beginning 
to found dynasties, namely, Damaji Gaekwar, Mulhar Rao 
Holkar, Ranuji Sindia, and Rughuji Bhonsla. 

Maharaja Sahu, grandson of Sivaji, died at Satara in 1748. 

For some years before his death he had been nearly imbecile. 

^ The Raj of Kolhapore fwas held by a younger brother of Sahu, 
known as Sambhaji the Second, to distinguish him from his father, the 
first Sambhaji, who was executed by Aurangzeb. See page 181. 

Further south, near Goa, was the Bhonsla chief of Saw'ant^Waree, 
blit he has played little or no part in history. 

^ See ante, pages 218, 219. 


332 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A.D. 

174S. 

Death of 
Sahu, 

1748 : his 
imbecility.. 


Plots for 
the succes- 
sion: Tara 
Bai and 
Raja Ram. 


Sukwar 
Bai : her 
vow. 


Schemes 
of Balaji 
Rao, third 
Peishwa. 


A favourite dog had saved his life while hunting a tiger. He 
conferred a jaghxr on the dog, and provided it with a 
palanquin and bearers. He dressed the dog in brocade and 
jewels, placed his own turban on its head, and in this fashion 
received Mahratta chiefs in full durbar. He was conscious 
of his dependence on his Brahman prime minister, or 
Peishwa, and boasted that he had conquered India from the 
Muhammadans and given it to the Brahmans. 

Sahu died childless ; consequently before his death there 
had been plots in the zenana as regards the succession. An 
old princess of the family, named Tara Bai, produced a 
boy, named Raja Ram, whom she declared was her own 
grandson. Nothing was known of the boy, but she per- 
suaded the dying Sahii that he was the legitimate descendant 
of Sivaji, and consequently the rightful heir to the throne at 
Satara. Her object was to secure the throne for the boy, 
and then to rule the Mahratta empire as regent during the 
minority of her reputed grandson.^ 

Sukwar Bai, the chief wife of Sahu, was hotly opposed to 
the scheme of Tara Bai, She had no notion of seeing Tara 
Bai occupy the post of regent. She declared that Raja 
Ram was an impostor. She intrigued in behalf of a 
claimant of the house of Kolhapore, who was also a 
descendant of Sivaji. She secretly won over several par- 
tisans, but sought to conceal her plans by publicly declaring 
that on the death of Sahu she would burn herself alive on 
his funeral pile. 

All this while Balaji Rao, the third Peishwa, was bent on 
usurping the sovereignty of the Mahratta empire,^ Like his 
predecessors, he was a type of those secular Brahmans who 

^ Tara Bai was a widow of Raja Ram, tlie youngest son of Sivaji. 
When Sambhaji the First, the elder son of Sivaji, was executed by 
Aurangzeb in 1689, Raja Ram succeeded to the sovereignty of the 
Mahrattas. Raja Ram died in 1 700, and Tara Bai became regent 
during the minority of a son who was an idiot. In 1708 Tara Bai was 
deposed and imprisoned. Forty years afterwards, she was, as stated in 
the text, once more intriguing for the regency. Pertinacity is a national 
characteristic of the Mahrattas, male and female. 

2 There were three Peishwas, who successively exercised supreme 
power at Satara as the hereditary prime ministers of Maharaja Sahu. 
Balaji Vishvanath, the grandfather, died in 1720. Baji Rao, the sod^ 
died in 1740. Balaji Rao, the grandson, and third Peishwa, succeeded 
to the post in 1740, and usurped the sovereignty in 1748. S&eane, 
pages 217 — 223,238. 


Chap. V,] BOMBAY : MAH R ATT A EMPIRE. 


333 


ignore the religious duties of their caste in order to pursue a.d. 
their ambitious designs. He kept a watchful eye on the two i74-^-^75^ 
princesses, who were plotting for the sovereign power, which ' " 

he was resolved to secure for himself and his son after him. 

For a long time he was anxious and hesitating as to whose 
cause he should espouse. At last he professed to believe in 
the legitimacy of Raja Ram; intending in the end to set 
aside the regency of Tara Bai, and treat the boy Maharaja 
as a puppet of his own. 

On the death of Sahu, Balaji Rao occupied Satara with Cruel 
troops, and threw the partisans of Sukwar Bai into prison, treatment 
He then got rid of Sukwar Bai by insidiously begging her 
not to burn herself, whilst persuading her kinsfolk that the ^ 
family would be dishonoured by the violation of her vow. 
Maddened with wrath against the Peishwa, the distracted 
widow was forced to perish in the flames which consumed 
the body of her deceased husband. 

Balaji Rao behaved very differently to Tara Bai. For a Tara Bai 
while he treated her with the utmost respect and deference. 

Indeed her influence was necessary to secure the allegiance of 
of the great feudatories of the Mahratta empire ; the Raja Ram. 
Gaekwar in Guzerat, Sindia and Holkar in Malwa, and 
the Bhonsla Raja of Berar. The Bhonsla Raja of Berar 
was especially dreaded by the Peishwa; for he not only 
belonged to the same tribe as Sivaji, but he had always 
nursed a secret design on the throne of Satai'a by virtue of 
his kinship to Sivaji. The Bhonsla on his part was very 
jealous of the ascendancy of the Brahmans ; very suspicious 
of Balaji Rao ; and very sceptical as regards the legitimacy 
of Raja Ram. Tara Bai, however, clenched the matter by 
eating with Raja Ram in the presence of the Bhonsla 
tribe, and swearing on the food that he was her legitimate 
grandson. The Bhonsla of Berar u’as thus compelled 
to acquiesce in the succession of Raja Ram; and none of 
the other feudatories were prepared to resist the authority of 
the hereditary Peishwa. 

Balaji Rao next proceeded to Poona, the old stronghold Balaji Rao 
of Sivaji, leaving Tara Bai and Raja Ram at Satara. He 
produced a deed, purporting to be under the hand of 
deceased Sahu, granting to himself, as Peishwa, the guardian- 
ship of the Mahratta empire, so long as he maintained a 
descendant of the famous Sivaji on the throne of Satara, 


334 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Past: hi. 


A.D. 

1748-1751 


Eight 
Purdhans, 
or minis- 
ters. 


Mahratta 
invasions 
of the 
Bekhan 
and 

Carnatic- 


Tara Bai 
plots at 
Satara. 


He removed all the officials and records to Poona ; and 
henceforth Poona, and not Satara, was regarded as the 
capital of the Mahratta empire. 

At Poona Balaji Rao retained the forms of the old 
Mahratta constitution. Sivajihad appointed eight Purdhans 
or ministers, beginning with the Peishwa or premier, and 
including a treasurer, public record keeper, private record 
keeper, war minister, foreign minister, chief justice, and 
head Shastri.^ Balaji Rao retained these ministers in 
nominal employ ; but he kept all real power in his own 
hands. 

Balaji Rao was soon prepared to take advantage of the 
troubled politics of the times. The year 1748, as already 
stated, was an epoch in India. ^ The war between the 
English and French in Southern India had been brought to 
a close by the treaty of Aix-ia-Chapelle ; but rival Nizams 
were fighting for the throne of Hyderabad, and rival Nawabs 
were fighting in the Carnatic for the throne of Arcot ; and 
in spite of the peace between Great Britain and France, 
the English and French were soon fighting against each 
other under pretence of taking opposite sides in the native 
wars for the succession. Under such circumstances, Balaji 
Rao, like a true Mahratta, was soon invading both the 
Dekhan and Carnatic ; not to take any part in the dissen- 
sions, unless he was paid for it, but chiefly to collect chout 
and annex districts, whilst the regular forces, which might 
have checked his inroads, were fighting elsewhere. 

Suddenly Balaji Rao was recalled to Satara. Tara Bai 
had resolved to throw off his yoke. She tried to stir up 
the boy Raja Ram to assert his sovereignty ; and she called 
on Damaji Gaekwar to deliver the lad from the thraldom 
of the Brahman. Raja Ram was too stupid or feeble for 
her purpose; but Damaji Gaekwar obeyed her summons. 
Meanwhile she struck at the root of the Peishwa’s authority 
by confessing that Raja Ram was no descendant of Sivaji, 

1 The head Shastri was an important member of the Mahratta 
government. He was the expounder of Hindu law and scriptures, and 
general referee in all matters of religion, criminal law and judicial 
astrology. At a later period the office was held by a celebrated 
Brahman, named Ram Shastri, Who played an important part in the 
history. 

2 See ante, page 343. 


Chap. V.] BOMBAY : MAHRATTA EMPIRE. 


but a low-caste boy who had been changed for her grand- a.d. 
son. Accordingly she threw R.aja Ram into a dungeon, and i7Si-i7SS 
vowed to atone for her perjury by rites and sacrifices on the ’ 
bank of the holy Kistna. 

Balaji Rao was equal to the emergency. He feigned to Counter 
make terms with the Gaekwar, and then treacherously 
surrounded him and carried him off prisoner to Poona. 

But Tara Bai set the Peishwa at defiance; refused to 
surrender Raja Ram; and prepared to stand a siege at 
Satara. Balaji Rao left her alone for a while ; he saw that 
the Mahratta people still regarded her as their rightful 
regent; and meanwhile she was ruining her claim to the 
regency by shutting up the boy Maharaja in the fortress, 
and declaring him to be an impostor. 

For some years Balaji Rao carried on a variety of opera- Mahratta 
tions in the Dekhan and Carnatic. Villages were ruthlessly aggres- 
plundered, and village officials were put to the torture ; and 
if a fortress ventured to hold out, and was reduced by force 1751! 5 5. 
of arms, the whole garrison was put to the sword. 

All this while Balaji Rao was carrying on some obscure Intrigues 
intrigues with Delhi. Muhammad Shah, the last of the Moghul 
Padishahs worthy of the name, had died in 1748, the same ^ 
year as Sahu. Since then the Moghul court at Delhi had 
presented a troubled scene of anarchy and bloodshed. 

The successors of Muhammad Shah were mere pageants, 
who were set up, deposed, or murdered by the Vizier; 
whilst the grandees plotted against each other, or intrigued 
with Afghans or Mahrattas, in order to obtain the post of 
Vizier, or that of Amir of Amirs. Ghazi-ud-dfn, the 
grandson of Nizam-ul-muik, carried on a secret correspon- 
dence with the Mahrattas, and ultimately obtained the post 
of Vizier. Nothing however is known of these intrigues 
beyond the characteristic fact that Balaji Rao found it 
convenient to procure from the Vizier imperial firmdns for 
all the territories which he had acquired on the side of 
Hyderabad during the wars for the succession. In return 
Balaji Rao gave help or countenance to Ghazi-ud-din. 

Damaji Gaekwar was still a prisoner at Poona, whilst Obsthiacy 
Tara Bai was fretting and fuming at Satara Balaji Rao 
did his best to conciliate the old lady ; but she insisted that 
he should come to Satara and acknowledge her authority 
as regent. He sent a force to invest Satara, and her 


336 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III, 


A.D. 

1751-1755 


General 

reconcilia- 

tion. 


Relations 

of the 

Peishwa 

with 

Bombay. 

Joint 

expedition 

against 

Gheriah 

pirates. 


commandant, thinking that her cause was hopeless, formed a 
plan for carrying Raja Ram out of the fort, and making him 
over to the besiegers. But Tara Bai discovered the plot, 
and ordered the traitor to be beheaded; and the garrison 
was persuaded to put their own commandant to death, 
together with other officers who had been implicated in the 
conspiracy. 

The protracted imprisonment of Damaji Gaekwar was 
inconvenient to the Peishwa. So long as the Gaekwar was 
shut up in Poona, no revenue or tribute was forthcoming 
from Guzerat. Accordingly the Peishwa and Gaekwar were 
forced to come to terms ; and the latter was released and 
returned to Guzerat At the same time Tara Bai was 
persuaded to come to Poona. She still hated Balaji Rao and 
the Brahmans, but submitted to her destiny. Balaji Rao 
was still anxious that Raja Ram should remain shut up in 
Satara ; and he effected his object by entreating the old lady 
to release the boy. Tara Bai was deaf to the feigned 
entreaties of the Peishwa, and persisted in keeping Raja 
Ram a close prisoner until her death. 

The English at Bombay were on friendly terms with 
Balaji Rao. They would have joined him in an expedition 
to drive the French out of the Dekhan, but for the' treaty 
of Pondicherry in 1755, which put an end to the war. 

Subsequently the hlnglish and Mahrattas concerted a joint 
attack on the piratical forts of Angria. Colonel Clive and 
Admiral Watson stormed the strongholds at Gheriah, but the 
Mahratta generals held off, and carried on some treacherous 
negotiations with Angria. Ultimately the forts and territory 
were made over to the Peishwa according to a previous 
arrangement ; but Balaji Rao was very angry because the 
English kept the treasure and stores as prize for the forces 
engaged.^ He wrote wrathful letters to the Governor of 
Madras and King George the Second on the subject. 
Subsequently he heard that the Nawab of Bengal had cap- 
tured Calcutta, and that Great Britain was at war with 
France, and he began to bluster. The victory at Piassy, 
however, brought him to his senses, and nothing more was 
heard of the Gheriah prize-money, 

^ The treasure in the forts at Gheriah fell very far short of what was 
expected. But Angria escaped from the place before the engagement 
began, and there is ho doubt that he feribed the Mahratta generals. 


Chap. V.] BOMBAY ; MAHRATTA EMPIRE. 


337 


Balaji Rao himself was neither a soldier nor an adminis- a.i>. 
trator. He was an intriguing Brahman, — restless, tortuous, i7S4‘i759 
and crafty, but otherwise indolent and sensual. He gave the 
command of his army in Hindustan to his brother, Rugho- trSon of 
nath Rao, who was associated with Mulhar Rao Holkar and BalajiRao. 
Jyapa Sindia.^ He entrusted the civil administration at 
Poona to his cousin, Sivad£s Rao Bhao j ^ but often em- 
ployed him to command his expeditions in the Dekhan and 
Carnatic. 

Mahratta affairs at this period resembled a stormy sea. Mahratta 
The tides of war and plunder were ever and anon bursting wars from 
on remote quarters on Mysore and the Carnatic in the 
Peninsula; on. Hyderabad and Orissa in the eastern ^ 
Dekhan; on Guzerat, Malwa, and Bundelkund in Hmd.u- 
stan; and as far northward as Lahore and the Rohilla 
country. To trace these impetuous currents of bloodshed 
and desolation would be tedious and bewildering. It will 
suffice to say that wherever there was weakness or war, 
black swarms of Mahratta horsemen flew like vultures to 
the prey ; whilst their presence excited as great a panic at 
Delhi and Lahore as at Arcot or Seringapatam. 

Meanwhile the reign of terror in Delhi was followed by a Mahrattas 
revolution. In 1754 the Vizier, Ghazi-ud-dm, deposed and at Delhi 
blinded Ahmad Shah, the son and successor of Muhammad 
Shah. He next set up an old Moghul prince, named 
Alamghir, as a pageant. In these violent proceedings he 
was supported by the Mahratta army under Rughonath Rao, 
the brother of the Peishwa, who was encamped in the 
neighbourhood of Delhi. From Delhi, Rughonath Rao ad- 
vanced to Lahore, and for a brief period the Mahrattas were 
masters of the Punjab in the room of the Afghans. 

All this time the new Padishah, Alamghir, was in fear Delhi 
of his life, and began to open up secret negotiations with trj^edies* 
Ahmad Shah Abdali, the Afghan. His eldest son, known 
as the Shahzada, shared his terrors, and fled from Delhi 
towards Bengal, where he fell into the hands of Clive. In 

1 Jyapa, eldest son of Ranuji Sindia, succeeded to the command or 
principality of his father about 1754. Jyapa Sindia was assassinated at 
Jodhpur in 1759, and was succeeded by a younger brother, named 
Mahadaji Sindia, who played an important part in the later history. 

^ This Mahratta officer is known to readers of Grant- DufPs Mahratta 
history by the name of Sewdasheo Bhow. 

■'Z ' ;,v' 


338 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III 


A.D. 1759 the Vizier put Alamghir to death on suspicion of in- 
17 59-17 61 triguing with the Afghans ; and he then placed another 
" ^ puppet on the throne at Delhi ; whilst the Shahzada, as the 

eldest son of the murdered Moghul, was proclaimed 
Padishah in Oude and Behar, under the name of Shah 
Alam. 

Afghan At this crisis the avenging Nemesis appeared upon the 
supremacy scene in the person of Ahmad Shah Abdali, the Afghan 
at Delhi, conqueror, who had been building up an Afghan empire 
ever since the death of Nadir Shah. Ahmad Shah Abdali 
was furious at the audacity of the Mahrattas in entering his 
province of the Punjab. He drove out Rughonath Rao 
and advanced to Delhi, and became for a while the arbiter 
of the destinies of the Moghul throne. Ghazi-ud-dfii fled 
from his wrath into perpetual exile. Jewan Bakht, a son of 
Shah Alam, was placed upon the throne of Delhi as the 
deputy of his father ; and Najib-ud-daula, the Rohilla 
Afghan, was appointed regent, or guardian of the Moghul 
throne, under the title of Amir of Amirs. 

Repulse tide of Mahratta conquest was thrown back by the 

of the Afghan invasion. Rughonath Rao returned to Poona, and 
Mahrattas. -was reproached for the heavy losses he had incurred in the 
Punjab. He had left Holkar and Sindia to maintain their 
hold on upper Hindustan; but news soon reached the 
Dekhan that both had been routed by the Afghans and were 
flying from the Jumna to the Chambal. • 

Surgingup The pride of Balaji Rao was deeply wounded by these 
of Hindus repulses. He had been puffed up by his conquests, and 
was burning to wipe away the disgrace which had fallen upon 
guans. same time a national spirit seemed to 

kindle the Hindoo people against the Afghan invaders. The 
Mahratta army of the Dekhan was pushed to the northward 
over the Nerbudda to the Chambal under the command of 
Sivadas Rao Bhao. Beyond the Chambal the Mahratta 
army was joined by Holkar, Sindia, and the Gaekwar. 
Many Rajpiit princes also hastened to support the national 
cause ; whilst Jdts, Pindharies, and other irregular forces, 
flocked to the increasing host, to reap a harvest of plunder, 
if not to share in the glory of driving the Afghans out of 
Plindustan. 

Crushing In January, 1761, the Mahrattas received a crushing 
disaster at defeat at Paniput. The Retails of that horrible slaughter 


Chap. V.] BOMBAY ; MAHRATTA EMPIRE. 


339 


have been told in a previous chapter.^ The tidings of the a.p. 
massacre spread weeping and wailing throughout the 
Mahratta empire. Balaji Rao died broken-hearted at the pamput 
disaster. His death was followed by that of Tara Bai at 1761 : * 
the advanced age of eighty-six, exulting in the thought that death of 
she had lived to see the end of her hated and successful BalajiRao. 
rival,^ 

Balaji Rao was succeeded on the throne at Poona by his Mahdu 
young son, Mahdu Rao. The boy Peishwa, the fourth of Pao, 
the name and second of the dynasty, was a minor of seven- * 

teen; and his uncle Rughonath Rao, who planted the 
Mahratta Bag at Lahore and then retreated to Poona, became 
regent during the minority. 

The reign of Mahdu Rao began with the solemn farce Farce of 
which is the main feature of Mahratta history. / The young hivestiture 
Peishwa, accompanied by his uncle, the regent, proceeded 
from Poona to Satara to receive his investiture as Peishwa, ^ 
or minister, from the puppet descendant of Sivaji, who was 
reigning in a state prison at Satara as Maharaja of the 
Mahratta empire. Mahdu Rao however was an amiable 
youth, and his sympathies were enlisted in behalf of his 
. imprisoned sovereign. Accordingly, Ram Raja was re- 
leased from the fortress, and permitted to live henceforth as 
a prisoner at large in the town of Satara. 

At this juncture, the war for the succession to the throne Aggi-es- 
of Hyderabad was brought to a close. Saldbut Jung was a sions of 
prisoner whilst his younger brother Nizam Ali reigned in his die Nizam, 
room, Nizam Ali took advantage of the disaster of the 
Mahrattas at Paniput to advance an army towards Poona, 
in the hope of recovering the territories which Balaji Rao 
had wrested from the Hyderabad dominion. The** threatened 
invasion was stopped by a compromise, and Nizam Ali 
was pacified with the cession of apart of the debateable 
territory. 

At this period Mahdu Rao was hemmed round with 
enemies. He was anxious to take a part in the government, 
but was thwarted by his uncle the regent. The Mahratta . ' 

^ See page 290. 

2 The life of Tara Bai would malce a Mahratta romance. She was 
bom in 1675, when Sivaji was reigning at Poona and Charles the Second 
was reigning at Whitehall. She died in 1761, the first year of the reign 
of George the Third. 


340 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A.D. 

1761-1762 

Enemies 
of Mahdu 
Rao : 

Riiglionatli 

Rao, 

Janoji 
Bhonsla, 
and Nizam 
Ali. 


Quarrels 

between 

the 

Peishwa 
and his 
uncle : 
move- 
ments of 
Nizam Ali 
and the 
Berar 
Raja. 


Violence 
of Rugho- 
nath Rao 
Brahman 
intrigues. 


feudatories were growing disaffected, especially the Bhonsla 
Raja of Berar. Rughuji Bhonsla died in 1754; but his son 
and successor, Janoji Bhonsla, had inherited the family 
jealousy of the Brahmans, and the latent desire to seize the 
Mahratta suzerainty. All this while Nizam Ali of Hyder- 
abad was watching the progress of affairs at Poona; ready 
to take advantage of the quarrels between Mahdu Rao 
and his uncle, or of the secret designs of Janoji Bhonsla, or 
of any other turn in affairs, which might enable him to 
recover territory and revenue from the Peishwa, or cripple 
the Mahratta power. 

The disputes between Mahdu Rao and his uncle ended in 
the flight of Rughonath Rao from Poona ; but the fugitive 
regent bought the support of Nizam Ali by promising to cede 
more territory. At the same time Janoji Bhonsla of Berar 
advanced an army towards Poona, without any avowed 
purpose, but, like Nizam Ali, with the intention of profiting 
by any change that turned up. These complications were 
brought to a close by the young Peishwa, who suddenly 
submitted himself to his uncle, Rughonath Rao, and was 
promptly imprisoned. Nizam Ali then demanded the 
cession of territory which had been promised him; but as 
the regent had got the better of his nephew, and was 
strong enough to defy the Nizam, he refused to fulfil his 
promise. Nazim Ali saw that fortune was in favour of the 
regent, and feigned great pleasure at the submission of 
the nephew to the uncle, and withdrew for a while from 
the scene. 

Rughonath Rao, finding himself uncontrolled regent at 

• Poona, proceeded, after oriental fashion, to revenge himself 

• on his domestic enemies by removing them from office, and 
confiscating their, property. This led to plots against him; 
and the leadei'S made overtures to the Brahman minister of 
Nizam AhA The Brahman suggested to his Muhammadan 
master that the best way of overturning the regency of 


^ Both Nizam Ali of Hyderabad and Hyder AH of Mysore were 
Muhammadan princes, and as . such were natural enemies of Hindu 
idolaters like the Mahrattas ; but both entertained Brahman ministers, 
and consequently, in spite of any open v^ars that were being carried on, 
there were constant undercurrents of intrigue between the Brahman 
rulers of Poona and the Brahman ministers at Hyderabad and Mysore. 


Chap, V.] BOMBAY : MAHRATTA EMPIRE. 


54S 


Rughonath Rao was to declare that the Bhonsla Raja of a.d; 
Berar was the rightful regent of the Mahratta empire.^ 1761 -1763 

Accordingly, Nizam Ali authorised his minister to com- "T."T. 
plete the negotiations with the Berar Raja:, and J an oj i of^ Nizam 
Bhonsla entered very warmly into the scheme for his own Ali. 
aggrandisement Meanwhile Nizam Ali, with his charac- 
teristic duplicity, opened up a secret correspondence with 
another member of the Bhonsla clan, known as the Raja 
of Kohlapore, in order to have a competitor in reserve in 
the event of Janoji Bhonsla proving troublesome. 

Rughonath Rao soon had an inkling of the coming Plunder 
danger. His nephew, Mahdu Rao, although still kept in of Berar. 
confinement, supported him with influence and counsel. 

Moreover he was joined by Damaji Gaekwar of Baroda and 
Mulhar Rao Holkar • and the three Mahratta armies 
formed a junction in order to give battle to Nizam Ali 
and the recreant Bhonsla of Berar. Suddenly however the 
three armies avoided an action, and rushed off in Mahratta 
fashion to plunder Berar territory by way of punishing the 
perfidious disloyalty of Janoji Bhonsla. 

Nizam Ali and the Bhonsla tried to overtake the enemy, Plunder of 
but found it impossible, and accordingly followed their Poona, 
example, and marched with all haste to the plunder of 
Poona. The inhabitants of Poona were thrown into a panic 
at the report of their approach, and most of them fled for 
refuge to the neighbouring mountains. The united armies 
ransacked the city, and burnt and* destroyed every house 
that the inmates were unable to ransom. 

Meanwhile Rughonath Rao had gone on to Hyderabad, Plunder of 
and raised a contribution from the Nizam's capital He Hydera- 
also opened up a secret correspondence with Janoji Bhonsla, . 
who began to think that he had been deceived by 
Brahman minister of Nizam All; and the Bhonsla was Berar 
bought over, by a promised cession of territory, to desert Baja. 
Nizam Ali at a fitting opportunity, and join his forces to 
those of Rughonath Rao. 

The hour soon arrived for carrying out the scheme. 
Rughonath Rao became reconciled to his nephew, the young 

^ This incident is remarkable, as showing the absence of caste sym- 
pathy between the Brahman minister at Hyderabad and the Brahman 
regent at Poona. The former was proposing to set up a Bhonsla as 
regent in the room of a Brahman. 


342 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Bart HI. 


A..D. 

1764-1765 

Treacher- 

ous 

slauj^hter 
of half the 
Nizamis 
army. 


Recon- 
ciliation of 
Nizam 
Ali and 
Rughonalh 
Rao. 


Berar 
Raja 
rrbuhed 
by the 
Peihhwa. 


Mahratta 
successes 
against 
Hyder Ali 
of Mysore, 

1764-5* 


Peishwa, and moved towards the camp of Nizam Ali on the 
bank of the river Godavari. One half of the Nizam’s army- 
crossed the river, leaving the remaining troops under the 
command of his Brahman minister to guard the spot until 
the baggage and stores had been sent over. Janoji 
Bhonsla lay encamped with the Brahman, but feigned to be 
offended at the non-payment of some money, and retreated 
to a distance. The movement was a signal to Riighonath 
Rao, who fell upon the forces of the Brahman minister and 
indicted a crushing defeat. The battle raged for two days ; 
the losses of the Mahrattas are unknown; but ten thousand 
of the enemy were reported to have fallen on the field, and 
the Brahman minister was amongst the slain. 

During the battle Nizam Ali tried to open a cannonade 
from the opposite bank, but without effect ; and he was 
compelled to witness the slaughter of his soldiery, and then 
to beat a retreat into his own territories. Rughonath Rao 
followed with his Mahratta army, but a reconciliation was 
effected. The matter is inexplicable. It is only known 
that Nizam Ali visited Rughonath Rao, expressed contrition, 
laid the blame of all that occurred on the dead Brahman 
minister, and so worked on the weakness or good-nature 
of the Mahratta regent, that the latter forgave all that had 
happened, and actually presented Nizam Ali with territory 
yielding a yearly revenue of about a hundred thousand 
pounds sterling. 

Rughonath Rao paid the Berar Raja the price of his 
treachery ; but the young Peishwa publicly reproached 
Janoji Bhonsla for his duplicity towards both parties, and 
especially for having joined the Muhammadan, Nizam Ali, 
in trying to subvert the house of the Peishwas, to whom 
the Mahratta princes owed all their power. 

About 1764, the rise of Hyder Ali in Mysore excited the 
alarm of the Mahrattas. Rughonath Rao had become 
reconciled to his nephew, and Mahdu Rao marched a large 
army to the south for the subjugation of Hyder Ali. The 
campaign was successful, and Mahdu Rao tried to keep on 
good terras with his uncle, by inviting Rughonath Rao to 
join the Mahratta camp, bring the war to a close, and con- 
clude a treaty of peace. 

Subsequently fresh quarrels broke out between Mahdu 
Rao and _ his uncle, and were inflamed by two Mahratta 


Cl-UP.V.] BOMBAY :MAHRATTA EMPIRE. 


343 


princesses, namely, the mother of the Peishwa and the wife a*d, 
of Rughonath Rao. Mahdu Rao was urged by his mother 
to imprison his uncle, but he put off doing so. Ke was presh 
afraid that his uncle would gain the support of Nizam Ali, or quarrels 
of Janoji Bhonsla, or of both combined. Mahdu Rao next between 
joined Nizam Ali in an invasion of Berar ; and Janoji 
Bhonsla was compelled to cede back nearly all the terri- 
tories he had acquired by his double treachery. 

Subsequently Rughonath Rao engaged in some secret in- Imprison- 
trigue with Mulhar Rao Holkar, for the purpose of dividing ment of 
the Mahratta suzerainty ; but Holkar died in 1767 and the 
design was abandoned. Rughonath Rao next proposed to 1758.72. * 
retire from the world, and devote the remainder of his life 
to religious contemplation at Benares. In 1768 he broke 
out in open rebellion, and was ultimately overpowered and 
imprisoned in a fortress, where he remained until the close 
of the rdgn. 

The death of Mulhar Rao Holkar in 1767 is an import- Death of 
ant event in the history of the Holkar dynasty. Mulhar Mulhar 
Rao had obtained commissions for collecting chout in 
Malwa as far back as the reign of Maharaja Sahu. He left accesXn 
no heir. His son was dead, but his son’s widow carried on of Allah 
the civil administration, and appointed an officer, named Bai and 
Tukaji Plolkar, to be commander-in-chief. This daughter- 
in-law of Mulhar Rao Plolkar is celebrated in Mahratta 
history under the name of Ailah Bai. She was very super- 
stitious and extremely lavish to the Brahmans. Accordingly 
she is much praised in Brahmanical traditions as the incar- 
nation of every virtue, masculine and feminine. Otherwise 
there is no reason to believe that she was anything more 
than a clever Mahratta queen of the ordinary type, who 
conciliated the Brahmans by her largesses, and appointed a 
favourite to be commander-in-chief. 

A characteristic anecdote is told of Mahdu Rao, At one Religious 
time he sought to fulfil his religious obligations as a Brah- vagaries 
man by engaging in divine contemplations for the deliver- 
ance of his soul from the vortex of transmigrations. At 
this period the head Shastri in the Poona cabinet was an 
eminent Brahman, named Ram Shastri. One day Ram 
Shastri visited the Peishwa on business, and found Mahdu 
Rao absorbed in pious abstraction from the world, with every 
faculty of mind and body engaged in meditations on the 




w 


i 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A D. 

1765*1772 


Ram 

Shastn,tlie 

upright 

Brahman. 


Mahratta 
demands 
on the 
English in 
Bengal. 


Relations 

between 

Bombay 

and 

Poona. 


Supreme Spirit. Ram Shastri hastily left the room, but 
next day begged permission to retire from court and go to 
Benares. Mahdu Rao saw he had given offence, and 
apologised for his apparent neglect on the previous day, 
but defended it on the score of piety. Ram Shastri, how- 
ever, rebuked him, sa3dng that if he wished to fulfil his 
duties as a Brahman he should abdicate the throne and 
devote the remainder of his days to contemplating the 
Supreme Spirit at Benares ; but that if he chose to reign 
as Peishwa he should give all his time and energies to the 
welfare of his people, as the only way by which the Brah- 
man Peishwas could justify their assumption of sovereignty. 
Mahdu Rao received the rebuke in a becoming spirit, and 
abstained ever afterwards from all religious practices which 
interfered with his duties as a sovereign. 

Ram Shastri is celebrated in Mahratta annals as a pure 
and upright judge. He was born at a village near Satara, 
but left his home at an early age to study at Benares. Later 
on he was selected, without any solicitation on his part, for 
the post of head Shastri at Poona ; and when Mahdu Rao 
began to take a part in the government, it was Ram Shastri 
who instructed him in the conduct of the administration. 
The greatest evil-doers at Poona are said to have stood in 
awe of Ram Shastri ; and although persons of rank and 
riches occasionally tried to corrupt him, yet no one dared to 
repeat the experiment, or to impeach his integrity. 

Throughout the whole reign of Mahdu Rao, the English 
in Bengal were struggling through a sea of difficulties. 
Janoji Bhonsla, Raja of Berar, was incessantly demanding 
chout for Bengal and Behar, first from Mir Jafir, then from 
Mir Kasim, and finally from Lord Clive; and Clive was 
prepared to pay the chout provided the Mahrattas ceded 
Orissa, but the Directors in England utterly scouted the 
idea. Fortunately, as already seen, the Bhonsla was too 
busy with the intrigues at Hyderabad and Poona, and 
too much alarmed at the artillery and battalions of the 
English Company, to attempt to collect the chout by force 
of arms. 

All this while the English at Bombay were making friendly 
advances to Mahdu Rao, the Peishwa. They were anxious 
to possess the island of Salsette and peninsula of Bassein, in 
the immediate neighbourhood of Bombayj for the protection 


Chap. V.l BOMBAY : MAHRATTA EMPIRE. 


345 


of their harbour ; but the Mahrattas had conquered those a.d. 
places from the Portuguese, and were so proud of their sue- 
cess against Europeans that they would not part with either ’ 
on any terms. In 1767, and again in 1772, an English 
Resident was sent to the court of Poona. He was instructed 
to cultivate friendly relations with the Peishwa and his 
ministers, and to leave no stone unturned that would 
induce the Poona government to part with Salsette and 
Bassein by sale, or by any other way. 

s These relations between Bombay and the Peishwa led to Dilemma 
an awkward diplomatic difficulty in the relations between ^ 

Madras and Hyder Ali of Mysore. In 1769 a defensive ^^dras ^ 
treaty had been concluded with Hyder Ali. Subsequently 
Hyder Ali engaged in a fresh war with the Peishwa, and 
called upon the English at Madras to help him in accord- 
ance with this treaty. The English at Madras were thus 
placed in a dilemma. It would have been the height of folly 
for Madras to have helped in a war against the Peishwa, 
whilst Bombay was trying to coax the Peishwa into parting 
with Salsette and Bassein. Again the English at Madras 
could not possibly secure the Carnatic from invasion. If 
they helped Hyder Ali the Mahrattas would invade the 
Carnatic, and if they did not help him -the Mysore army 
would invade the Carnatic. Under such circumstances the 
Madras government could do nothing but lament the un- 
fortunate treaty which had drawn them into such a muddle. 

Meantime the court at Delhi was attracting the attention Delhi 
of the Mahrattas. Najib-ud-daula, the guardian of 
Moghul throne, must have been a man of capacity. He 
had risen from the command of a small body of horse to ciaula the* 
the supreme authority at Delhi; and from the battle of Rohilla, 
Paniput in 1761, until his death in 1770, he retained the 
sovereign power in his own hands, in spite of the enemies 
that threatened him on every side. , 

In 1763 Delhi was threatened by the J^ts. This myste- Jat pnnei- 
rious race are supposed to have been akin to the ancient pahty at 
Getae. They may be described as Plinduised Scythians, 
who had entered the Punjab at some remote period and 
established outposts in Hindustan. Many of the Jdts who 
settled in the Punjab became Sikhs. Those in Hindustan 
founded a principality between Ulwar and Agra on the 
basis of freebooting and plunder ; and this predatory power 


34 *» 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A,D. 

1764-1765 

Suraj Mai, 
the jat 
hero : his 
fortresses. 


Slain near 
Delhi. 


Ranjit 
Singh, 
the Jat. 


has since been converted into a peaceful state, and is repre- 
sented in the present day by the Raj of Bhurtpore. 

The hero of the Jdts in the eighteenth century was a 
rude warrior named Suraj Mai. The exploits of this semi^ 
barbarous chieftain resemble those of Sivaji. Like Sivaji 
his strength lay in his fortresses. He built, or perhaps only 
repaired, four vast fortresses of mud baked in the sun, of 
which Bhurtpore and Deeg are existing types. They were 
impervious to cannon, and were regarded as impregnable 
down to comparatively modern times. 

In 1764 Suraj Mai was joined by the infamous Sumru, the 
Patna miscreant who had fled from the Nawab Vizier of Oude, 
and was glad to enter the service of the Jat Raja. Suraj Mai 
was puffed up by this addition to his forces, and began to 
threaten Delhi ; and Najib-ud-daula sent an envoy with a 
present of flowered chintz to conciliate him. Suraj Mai was 
delighted with the chintz, and ordered it to be made into a 
suit of clothes ; but he refused to talk of anything else, 
and the envoy retired in disgust. Suraj Mai advanced with 
an army to, Delhi, but instead of besieging the city, he 
went out to hunt, by way of bravado, in the imperial park of 
the Great Moghul. He and his retinue were surrounded by 
a flying squadron of Moghul horse, and were slaughtered to 
a man. The dead body of the Raja was found arrayed in 
the chintz. The head was cut off, and carried on a lance ; 
and the Jdts were so terrified at the sight that they fled 
back to their own country. 

The Jdt principality then became a scene of horrible 
turmoil. The sons of Suraj Mai were all fighting or 
murdering one another. At last a surviving son named 
Ranjit Singh secured the chiefship. His territory, bristled 
with forts, and was reckoned to yield a yearly revenue of 
two millions sterling, and to maintain an army of sixty 
thousand men.^ Ranjit Singh was one of the predatory 
powers of Hindustan who had learnt to trim between 
Afghans and Mahrattas. 

In 1764 — 65 Najib-ud-daula was intriguing with the 

^ A native army in the last century was a naere mob of followers, 
without discipline or organisation. The reports as regards the number 
of troops in such an army are altogether unreliable, and there is no 
possible means of checking the native estimate. 



Chap. V.] BOMBAY ; MAHRATTA EMPIRE. 


347 


English at Calcutta. He was expecting Governot Spencer a-d. 
to cede the territory of Oude, and to send Shah Alam to ^765*^^77 ^ 
Delhi. Had these measures been carried out, Najib-ud- 
daula would have been exalted to the real sovereignty of between 
Hindustan ; whilst the ascendancy of the Rohilla Afghans Delhi and 
would have been extended from the upper Jumna to the Calcutta, 
Carumnassa. But Lord Clive, as already seen, broke up ^ 7 ^ 4 * 65 . 
the whole, scheme ; and Oude, instead of being a menace 
to Behar and Bengal, was converted into a barrier against 
Afghans and Mahrattas. 

In 1767, the same year that Lord Clive left India for Last 
ever, Ahmad Shah Abdali advanced an Afghan army for the hwasion of 
last time against Delhi, in the hope of once more enriching 
his coffers with the plunder of Hindustan. Najib-ud-daula Abdali, 
feigned to join the invaders, but created delays and thwarted 1767. 
operations, until Ahmad Shah was at his wit’s end. The 
Afghan troops were harassed by the Sikhs, oppressed by the 
hot weather, and threatened with the approach of the rainy 
season. At the same time they were breaking out in 
mutiny from want of pay or plunder. At last Ahmad Shah 
was obliged to rest content with a small supply of money 
from Najib-ud-daula, and to return baffled and disheartened 
to Kdbul and Kandahar. 

By this time the Mahrattas had recovered their losses at Mahratta 
Panipiit. In 1769 the army of the Peishwa crossed the 
Chambal to the number of fifty thousand horse. They 
levied arrears of tribute from the Rajput princes to the 7 ^' ^ 
value of a hundred thousand pounds sterling. They next 
entered the territory of the Jits, under pretence of helping 
one of the sons of Suraj Mai, and exacted a contribution of 
more than six hundred thousand pounds. Najib-ud-daula 
was thrown into alarm, and made overtures to the Mah- 
rattas for an accommodation ; dul he died in 1770, and was 
succeeded in the post of Amir of Amirs by his son, Zabita 
Khan. 

Meanwhile Mahadaji Sin dia appeared upon the scene.^ Rise of 
This ambitious warrior, like the other feudatories of the Mah- Mahadaji 
ratta empire, was of low origin. In a previous generation, Sindia, 
his father, Ranuji Sindia, had been trusted with the menial 
duty of carrying the Peishwa's slippers, but had subsequently 


^ See page 337, 


348 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

1765-1772 


Ambitious 
designs on 
Shah 
Alam. 


Death of ' 
Mahdu 
Rao, 1772. 


Import- 
ance of 
Maliratta 
history. 


risen to high military commands, and secured a territorial 
estate for his family. Mahadaji Sindia was an illegitimate 
son ; but he was a mati of undoubted capacity, and had won 
his laurels in the Dekhan wars of 1751. Subsequently the 
question of succession to the territorial estate was referred 
to the Peishwa as suzerain ; and Rughonath Rao opposed 
the claims of Mahadaji, whilst Mahdu Rao supported them. 

In 1771 Mahadaji Sindia was the hero of an achievement 
which startled all Hindustan. He drew the Padishah, Shah 
Alam, out of his protected retreat at Allahabad, and con- 
veyed him to the Moghul capital. Shah Alam was restored 
to the throne of his fathers; Zabita Khan fled to the 
Rohilla country ; and the Mahrattas recovered their supre- 
macy at Hindustan. 

In 1772 Mahdu Rao Peishwa died of consumption, and 
was succeeded by his younger brother, Narain Rao. 

■ Mahratta history entered on a new phrase. The plots and 
intrigues at Poona drew the Bombay settlement into a 
vortex which culminated in the first Mahratta war. The 
story of this war belongs to the administration of Warren 
Hastings, and will be told in the following chapter. 

Mahratta history, as told in the foregoing pages, will 
appear bewildering to European readers; but it is never- 
theless of value as a reflex of Hindu politics and ruling ideas. 
It brings out the characteristics of Hindu princes and priests 
in the eighteenth century ; and it also furnishes a key to 
Hindu history from a remote antiquity. Indeed the Mah- 
ratta empire may be accepted as a type of all Hindu empires. 
It was founded by warriors who were little better than free- 
booters, and governed by Brahman ministers, who often, as 
in the case of the Peishwas, succeeded in usurping the sove- 
reign power. 





r H I B E T 





hv^A SB.£f X ^ 


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s,^i^^^Corin^a' 

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iKir^-hs a^joiiif 

^i^^ MUM l^Tfcryo I]S[1)1A 

\^ ill 1lii^ tbate of 

mSHNGS. 

\ Statute Ivliles 


Xoadon} Ma^millaa <& Co. 



CHAPTER VI. 


ENGLISH RULE : WARREN HASTINGS. 

A.D. 1772 TO 1785, 

The government of Warren Hastings is perhaps the most a, a 
important in the history of British India. It was, however, 1 77^2- 1 7 74 
so blackened by his enemies and belauded by his friends, 
that few of his contemporaries understood its real character ; history, 
and the records of the period are a mass of controversy and 
confusion. 

The previous career of Hastings is creditable as far as it is Previous 
known. In 1750, at the age of eighteen, he landed at Cal- 
cutta for the first time. For seven years longer the Company 
was a mere firm of merchants. Hastings was employed to 
sort silks and muslins, and to invoice opium and saltpetre ; 
but he managed to learn Hindustani and pick up some 
knowledge of Persian. After the victory at Plassy he 
entered into political life as Resident at Murshedabad. 

Next he played an important part in the council of Governor 
Vansittart at Calcutta. In 1764 he retumed to England and 
became poor. In 1769 he came back to India as member 
of council at Madras. Three years afterwards he was 
selected for the most important post in the Company’s 
service, namely, that of Governor of Bengal. 

Governor Hastings was forty years of age, and had Reforms 
evidently read much and thought much. Within a few in the 
months after his arrival in Calcutta he placed the whole of 
the administration, revenue and judicial, on a reformed foot- tration. " 
ing. He turned the European supravisors into collectors of 
revenue ; abolished the more obnoxious cesses.; and reduced 
the number of inland custom-houses. He went on a tour 


350 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III, 


A.D. 

1772-1774 


Reforms 
in the 
adminis- 
tration of 
justice. 


Charges 
against 
Muham- 
mad Reza 
Khan and 
Shitab 
Rai. 


through the districts, accompanied by four members of 
council, and leased out the lands for five years at fixed 
rates. Whenever a Zemindar came to terms he was retained 
in the possession of his district. Whenever a Zemindar 
held out he was granted a subsistence allowance and the 
land was leased to the highest bidder. So far Hastings 
acted much after the fashion of Nawab Mursbed Kuli Khan, 
in the old days of Moghul rule. 

Governor Hastings transferred all' judicial powers from 
the Zemindars to the European collectors. He established 
a civil and a criminal court in each district, in which the 
European collector sat as President, and was assisted by 
Muhammadan and Hindu officials. He abolished the judge’s 
fee of one quarter of the amount in dispute, which under 
native rule had always been levied in civil cases. He drew 
up a simple code of regulations for the new courts, which 
abolished all the glaring evils which had existed under the 
native system. The details are of no interest in the present 
day, excepting so far as they redound to the credit of Warren 
Hastings, who was unquestionably the ablest and most suc- 
cessful administrator that ever governed Bengal, 

Meanwhile Muhammad Reza Khan and Raja Shitab 
Rai were brought down to Calcutta; and the conduct of 
their respective administrations was brought under (judicial 
investigation. Nothing, however, could be judicially proved. 
No charges were substantiated, except by accusers acting 
from interested motives, or by men of a notoriously bad 
character. No native of standing and respectability, who 
had learnt to know and fear the deputy Nawabs, was 
likely to bring charges against men who might be eventually 
restored to authority and power. Moreover there must 
have been many Englishmen anxious to screen the ac- 
cused. In the end both were acquitted. Raja Shitab Rai 
was restored to his post and died shortly afterwards ; but 
Hastings utterly refused to restore Muhammad Reza Khan.^ 

^ Judicial inquiries are always unsatisfactory in India. The law will 
often acquit a known criminal from the contradictory character of the 
evidence. Mr. James Mill had emphatically a judicial mind, and it has 
led him into grave historical errors. He convicted Governor Vansittart 
of receiving a bribe on native evidence alone ; and that evidence has 
been proved by government records to be absolutely false. Again, 
Mr. Mill accepted the acquittal of both Muhammad Reza Khan and 


Chap. VL] ENGLISH RULE : WARREN HASTINGS. 351 ‘ 

But native administration had received its death-blow; a.d. 
the authority of the deputy Nawab Nazims was gone for ever. i 772‘^774 
The central offices of revenue were removed to Calcutta, and 
placed under the supervision of English officials, under the ©f the 
name of a Board of Revenue. Two new courts of appeal capital to 
were established at Calcutta, in which the Governor or a Calcutta, 
member of council sat as President, assisted by learned 
Munshis and Pundits. Henceforth Calcutta was the capital 
of Bengal and Behar j and Murshedabad dwindled into in- 
significance as the residence of a Nawab Nazim without 
authority or power. 

Meanwhile the flight of Shah Alam from Allahabad to Delhi 
Delhi in 1771 had broken the political ties which bound * 
the English to the Great Moghul. Henceforth the English 
held possession of Bengal and Behar, not by a sham asso- English 
ciationw’i^ith a puppet Nawab Nazira, nor by the affectation from the 
of acting as Dewan to a puppet Padishah, but by the right Great 
of the sword, and the sword alone. Moghul. 

Shah Alam had deserted the English for the Mahrattas, in Shah 
the wild hope of reigning over Hindustan, like another A.lam and 
Aurangzeb or Akbar. The Mahrattas, under Mahadaji 
Sindia drove,, out the Rohilla giiardian of the Moghul^ 
empire, and restored Shah Alam to the throne at Delhi.^ 

But the new Padishah suffered very considerably by the 
change. He had been a mere pageant under the protection 
of the English ; and he was still a mere pageant in the hands 
of Mahadaji Sindia ; but he had thrown away the tribute 
from Bengal and Oude, which had been given to him under 
Lord Clive’s settlement of 1765, and which not only relieved 
him from his previous penury, but sufficed for the mainte- 
nance of his sham suzerainty at Allahabad,^ 

These losses were a painful surprise to Mahadaji Sindia 

Raja Shitab Rai, when it was impossible that they should have been 
innocent. Nevertheless the treatment of both men was harsh and 
oppressive. It was what might have been expected from oriental 
potentates, but was unworthy of the British government. 

^ Najib-ud-daula, the guardian of the Moghul empire, died at 
Delhi in 1770, and was succeeded in the post by his son, Zabita Khan. 

On the approach of Shah Alam and the Mahrattas to the city of 
Delhi, Zabita Khan fled to the Rohilla country. Thus for a brief 
period the ascendancy of the Rohilla Afghans at Delhi was superseded 
by that of the Mahrattas. 

* See pages 311, 314. 


352 BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

A.D. as well as to .Shah Alam, Mahadaji Sindia had restored 
^772^74 Shah Alam to his throne for the sole purpose of ruling 
Demand Over Hindustan in the name of the Great Moghul; and he 
for tribute l^^d fondly expected to receive the yearly tribute of a quarter 
from of a million sterling for the Bengal provinces, as well as the 
revenues of Allahabad and Korah, which had been assigned 
andOude. Alam in lieu of tribute from Oiide. Accordingly 

Mahadaji Sindia demanded the payments in the name of 
Shah Alam, very shortly after his arrival at Delhi, but met 
with an unqualified refusal. 

Refused The English in Bengal decided that as Shah Alam had 
by the broken off his relations with the East India Company by 

English. Yiis flight to Delhi, he had in like manner forfeited his claim 
to the imperial tribute which he had drawn under their 
guarantee. At the same time the English knew that the 
money, if granted, would only go into the pockets of the 
Mahrattas; — the predatory power which had been the 
terror of India for more than a century. 

Question The equity of this refusal of the English Company to 
of equity, continue the payment of the imperial tribute was much 
debated at the time, but to no practical purpose. The Moghul 
empire was politically dead when Lord Clive tried to 
re-habilitate Shah Alam as a spectre of the past; and the 
flight of Shah Alam back' to Delhi was like the return 
of the spectre to its cemetery. So long as the Padishah 
remained under the protection of the English, they had been 
willing to maintain him as a pageant to be fluttered in the 
eyes of the French and IDutch as a show of Moghul 
sovereignty. But when he threw himself on the protection of 
the Mahrattas, there was nothing to be gained by paying the 
tribute; and the refusal to pay was equivalent to a declara- 
tion of war and assertion of independent sovereignty, which 
Moghul or Mahratta could only set aside by force of arms. 
Mahrattas But although the Mahrattas were not prepared to wage 
threaten war against the English, they were pertinacious in urging 
their claims. Accordingly they began to threaten the 
Nawab Vizier of Oude; and they invaded and plundered 
the Rohilla country on his north-western frontier. But 
they were willing to forego further plunder in the Rohilla 
country, provided that Hafiz Khan, the Rohilla ruler, would 
permit them to march unmolested through his territory for 
the invasion and plunder of Oude. 


Chap. VI.] ENGLISH RULE : WARREN HASTINGS. 


3S3 


The Nawab Vizier had fenced off the evil day by making A.n. 
a treaty with Hafiz Khan. He engaged to drive the Mah- ^772-1774 
rattas out of the Rohilla country ; but in return for 
service he had exacted a pledge from Hafiz Khan to pay ^^awab 
him forty lakhs of rupees, or four hundred thousand pounds Vizier 
sterling. Subsequently the Mahrattas were drawn away the 
from Hindustan by domestic troubles. Mahdii Rao Peishwa 
had died at Poona, and disputes had arisen as regards 
the succession ; and Mahadaji Sindia and Tukaji Holkar 
deemed it expedient to return to the Dekhan. Conse- 
quendy the Mahratta scare passed away from the Rohilla 
country; whilst the Nawab Vizier of Oude was relieved from 
all danger of Mahratta invasions. Under such circumstances 
the Nawab Vizier recovered sufficient heart to form plans 
for his own aggrandisement. He turned a covetous eye on 
the Rohilla country, and began to show his teeth by de- 
manding payment of the forty lakhs from Hafiz Khan. 

Tlie claim was disavowed by Hafiz Khan, and possibly on 
good grounds ; but at this distance of time it would be use- 
less to inquire into the rights of a money dispute between 
the Nawab Vizier and the Rohilla ruler. 

The Nawab Vizier, doubtless, had his own quarrel with the Nawab 
Rohilla Afghans. He was a Shiah and they were Sunnis ; Vizier 
and as he could not rely on their friendship, he was anxious to ^n^EntiiTh 
extirpate their power, and take possession of their country, brigadl 
But he wanted the services of one of the Company's 
brigades ; and he offered to pay Governor Hastings the 
expenses of the brigade so long as it remained in his 
country, and to make over the forty lakhs into the bargain. 
Accordingly in 1773 Governor Hastings agreed to meet 
the Nawab Vizier at Benares. 

The Rohillas were doubtless a troublesome people ; and. Dangerous 
like Afghans in general, they were often at war amongst Position 
themselves. They had established a dominion over the 
Hindu population between the eastern bank ot the Ganges 
and the north-western frontier of Oude. They were a thorn 
in the side of the Nawab Vizier. They might possibly have 
proved a barrier to Oude against the Mahrattas; but pos- 
sibly they might come to terms with the Mahrattas, and 
not only permit the Mahratta marauders to march through 
their country, but take a part in the invasion and plunder of 
Oude. 


A A 


354. BRITISH INDIA. [Bart III: 

A.D. Warren Hastings had ' also to consider the Rohilla 
17 72-17 74 question from an English point of view. The Rohilla 
Political were a long way off; not only beyond the British 

reasons for but beyond the Oude frontier; and the Directors 

English had repeatedly ordered its servants in Bengal to keep 
neutrality, within the river Carumnassa. Moreover the English had 
no quarrel with the Rohillas ; and they knew nothing of 
the rights or wrongs of the rupture between the N aw ab 
Vizier and the Rohillas beyond what the Nawab Vizier 
might choose to tell them. 

Financial But the Bengal treasury was empty, and the Directors 
reasons ^ were pressing Governor Hastings for funds ; moreover the 
for English supply would not only fill the treasury, but relieve 

en^ce Company of nearly one-third of its military expenditure 

in Bengal. Accordingly, Governor Hastings came to terms 
with the Nawab Vizier at Benares ; and moreover made 
over Allahabad and Korah to the Nawab Vizier for another 
sum of fifty lakhs, or half a million sterling. 

Suspicious The only question was whether the Nawab Vizier did not 
action of remove the scruples of Governor Hastings by a private 
Warren present of a few lakhs for himself. The character of 

as mgs. ^p would contradict such a suspicion ; 

but in England he had felt the pressure of want ; he had 
seen his fellows coming home with large fortunes; and the 
temptation must have been strong to a man schooled in 
dealings with natives. Innocent or guilty, he laid himself 
open to suspicion. He conducted the negotiations at 
Benares with the utmost privacy ; and the English com- 
mander-in-chief of the Bengal army was especially angry at 
being shut out from all share in the dealings with the Nawab 
Vizier. Hastings could have had no object in maintaining 
so much secresy in his money dealings with the Nawab 
Vizier, otherwise than that of securing a money present for 
himself ; and the commander-in-chief of the Bengal army 
could have had no ground for exasperation at being shut out 
from the interview, had he not in like manner reckoned 
on receiving a handsome douceur. However, the bargain 
was concluded, and nothing further could be said ; but it is 
easy to believe that the enemies of Hastings had formed their 
own opinion of what at best was a dubious transaction.^ 

It is a current article of faith amongst Orientals that wherever there 
is secresy there is either treachery <?r corruption. Accordingly anative 


Chap. VL] ENGLISH RULE : WARREN HASTINGS. 


3 SS 

In January, 1774, the English brigade was inarched through a. d. 

Oude into the Eohilla countiy, accompanied by the Nawab ^774* 
Vizier and a large army. The Eohillas were defeated by ^ JT””' 
the English, and by the English alone. The Rohillas fled^o^an ^ 
in all directions, leaving Hafiz Khan amongst the slain, cowardice 
The Nawab Vizier was equally cowardly and cruel. He kept cruelty 
his troops at a distance during the battle, but when it was 
over he let them loose on the unhappy country to murder, vizier, 
plunder, and commit every atrocity of which Asiatics are 
capable. The English commander of the brigade was 
utterly disgusted with the cowardice and cruelty displayed 
on all sides. The English,^’ he declared, have had all the 
fighting, whilst these bandits have had all the plunder.’ ' 

It was unfortunate for the honour of the nation that the Hastings 
English should have appeared to sanction such barbarities ; 
but this was the curse of native alliances in the eighteenth 
century, and it is difficult to blame Hastings for the 
atrocities committed by the Nawab Vizier. In other re- 
spects the war was brought to a satisfactory conclusion. 

The Nawab Vizier concluded a treaty with a surviving son 
of Hafiz Khan, named Faiz-ullah Khan, under which Faiz- 
ullah Khan became his vassal. Henceforth Faiz-ullah Khan 
and his descendants were known as the Nawabs of Rampore. 

Meanwhile Governor Hastings had appointed an English Middleton 
servant of the Company, named Middleton, to reside at 
Lucknow as the medium of all his correspondence with the 
Nawab Vizier. The amounts due to the Company were volution at 
being paid by instalments, and matters seem to have been Calcutta, 
progressing smoothly. Suddenly there was a revolution in 
the English government at Calcutta, which nearly drove 
Warren Hastings from his post and threatened to undermine 
the Company’s power in India. 

The disordered state of the Company’s.affairs had induced New 
the British ministry to reorganise the Bengal government. 

In 1774 Warren Hastings was appointed Governor-General xndia 
of all the British settlements in India, as well as Governor 1774/ ■ 

envoy will often refuse an interview unless his leading followers are 
present, or unless he actually contemplates treachery or corruption. 

The enemies of Hastings not only complained of his mysterious 
secresy, but whispered that he was in pressing need of money to provide 
for Imhoff, the portrait painter, and to defray the expenses of the 
divorce of Mrs. Imhoff, who afterwards became his wife. 

'A A Z 


[Part III, 


556 

A.D. 

1774 


Supreme 
Court at 
Calcutta. 


Majority 
ill council. 


Philip 
Francis : 
author of 
Letters of 
fimius. 


BRITISH INDIA. 

of Bengal. The council at Calcutta had hitherto consisted of 
ten or twelve members who were servants of the Company. 
This was abolished, and a council , of five was nominated 
in its room. Mr. Hastings took his seat as president by 
virtue of his office, with a single vote as member of council, 
and a casting vote when parties were equally divided. Mr. 
Barwell, a servant of the Company in India, was also ap- 
pointed member of the council. The three additional 
members were seiit out from England, namely, General 
Clavering, Colonel Monson, and Mr. Philip Francis. 

At the same time a Supreme Court of judicature was 
created at Calcutta, consisting of a chief justice and three 
puisne judges, who were sent out from England by the 
direct appointment of the Crown.^ 

The three new members of council from England were 
strongly prejudiced against the Company’s government 
They soon formed a united opposition to Hastings ; but the 
life and soul of the opposition was Philip Francis, 

This extraordinary man was born in 1740, and was con- 
sequently only thirty-four years of age on his arrival in India • 
but he had spent some years in the War Office in London, 
and was known to the initiated as a man of large capacity. 
Of late years it has been discovered that Francis was the 
author of ihe Letters of Junius. The Letters had created a 
great sensation in London by their lofty assumption of 
patriotism, and their bitter invectives against men in power; 
and it is shrewdly suspected that the secret of the author- 
ship was known to the British ministers, and that Philip 
Francis was sent to India on a salary of ten thousand 
a year to get him out of the way. Macaulay describes 
Francis as capable of patriotism and magnanimity, and free 
from vices of a sordid kind ; but otherwise vindictive, arro- 
gant, and insolent; confounding his antipathies with his 
duties, and mistaking his malevolence for public virtue.^ 

^ A distmetion must be drawn between the Supreme Court at Cal- 
cutta, with judges appointed by the Crown, and the two Courts of 
Appeal established by Warren Hastings, which were known down to 
1861 as the Sudder or Company’s Courts. (See ante, page 35 1 . ) Sub- 
sequently similar courts were created at Madras and Bombay, In i86i 
the Sudder and Supreme Courts were amalgamated at each of the three 
Presidencies into what is at present known as the High Court. 

^ This opinion is worth bearing in mind, as it is confirmed by Mr, 
Herman Merivale, editor of the Correspondence and Journals of Francis, 


CHAP. VL] ENGLISH RULE : WARREN HASTINGS. 


357 


The new triumvirate landed at Calcutta in October 1774; a.d. 
their first action was to condemn the Rohilla war, and to i774^i77S 
call for the correspondence between Hastings and Middle- 
ton. Had Hastings produced those papers he would have nation ^of 
silenced all suspicion ; but he refused, on the ground that theRohilk 
much of the correspondence referred to private matters, and ; sus- 
he would only agree to produce extracts. From that hour 
Philip Francis seems to have believed that Hastings had 
been bribed by the Nawab Vizier* 

Philip Francis next moved that Middleton should be re- Middleton 
called to Calcutta, and that a Mr. Bristow should be sent sup^*seded 
as Resident to Lucknow. This measure was carried out in hy Bnstow 
the teeth of Hastings and Barwell by a majority of three Lucknow, 
votes against two. Hastings saw that his authority was set 
aside ; and for many months Philip Francis was supreme in 
the Calcutta council, being supported by the votes of General 
Clavering and Colonel Monson. 

The ability of Philip Francis is beyond all question. He Ability'of 
had scarcely been four months in the country when he sent Philip 
to England a scheme for the government of Bengal, which Hancis. 
corresponded very much to what has been since carried out 
in India. The King of Great Britain was to be the only 
sovereign in Bengal. The jurisdiction of the Supreme Court 
was to extend over all the natives in the Bengal provinces. 

The 'English language was to be used in all affairs of govern- 
nment The lands were to be granted to the Zemindars, 
and in many cases to the Ryots, in perpetuity or for life, 
with fixed rents, and fixed fines on the renewal of leases. 

But Philip Francis had a fixed purpose which destroyed Factious 
all his usefulness ; namely, to ruin Hastings and succeed opposi- 
him as Governor-GeneraL Right or wrong, he opposed^^^”* 
Hastings in everything. 

In 1775 the Nawab Vizier died, —the once famous Shuja- Death of 
ud-daula; he was succeeded on the throne of Oude by his Nawab 
son, Asof-ud-daula* This event opened up new troubles 
for Hastings. He proposed that the treaty relations jjj, 
which had been formed with the father should continue to be terfe^nce 
binding on the son. Francis opposed this view, and was of Francis, 
anxious to make better terms* He insisted that the new 
Nawab ViziB^should cede the suzerainty of Benares to 
the Company, and pay a. larger monthly allowance for 
the services of the Company’s brigade, which had been 


3SS 

A.D* 

1 ^ 75 . 

Acquisi- 
tion of 
Benares, 


State 
treasures 
of Oude. 


Claim of 
the two 
Begums- 


Impolitic 
inter- 
ference 
of the 
Resident, 


BRITISH INDIA, [Part HI, 

maintained by the Nawab Vizier within his own dominions 
ever since the Rohilla war. 

The cession of the suzerainty of Benares is of some im- 
portance. It was the only territory acquired by the Bengal 
government during the administration of Warren Hastings ; 
and the acquisition was not the act of Warren Hastings 
but of Philip Francis, Lord Clive had laid down the 
Carumnassa as the boundary of British territory, and that 
boundary would have been maintained down to the time 
of Lord Wellesley, but for the interference of Philip Francis. 

The next dispute related to the treasures of the deceased 
Nawab Vizier. Under oriental rule there is often no dis- 
tinction between the, revenues of the state, and the private 
property of the ruler. Shuja-iid-daula had left accumulated 
hoards of surplus revenue amounting to two or three millions 
sterling. His son and successor, Asof-ud-daula, declared 
that the money was state property. But the mother and 
grandmother of the new Nawab Vizier, who were popularly 
known as the two Begums, claimed the whole of this 
large sum on the ground that it had been made over to 
them as his private property. 

The claim of the Begums was preposterous. The deceased 
Nawab Vizier could never have been justified in making 
over two millions sterling of state revenue to a couple of old 
ladies shut up in a zenana, whilst leaving his son and 
successor with an empty treasury, to defray the large debts 
due to the East India Company. 

The money question, however, between the new Nawab 
Vizier and the two Begums, was one in which the English 
government ought not to have interfered. Such was the 
opinion of Warren Hastings, but such was not the opinion of 
Philip Francis. Mr. Bristow, the new Resident who had been 
sent to Lucknow at the instance of Philip Francis, inter- 
fered in behalf of the two Begums; and the two ladies paid 
some quarter of a million sterling to the Resident, on account 
of the debt due by the Oude government to the East India 
Company, and were then confirmed in the possession, of the 
remainder. Hastings condemned the interference of the 
Resident, but Francis and his colleagues sanctioned all that 
had been done. 

By this time it was widely known amongst the natives that 
Hastings had lost his authority ; that Francis was the rising 


oS9 


Chap. VI^] ENGLISH RULE : WARREN HASTINGS, 

ixianT and that he and his two colleagues, Clavering and a.d. 
Monson, were giving ready ear to all charges brought against ^775* 
the Governor- General. A host of informers soon appeared 
with accusations of bribery and corruption, which were 
greedily swallowed by the triumvirate. It is impossible to against 
say that the whole were either true or untrue. But two dis- Hastings 
tinct charges were brought against Hastings by a 
nained Nund-komar, which deserve consideration. Hast- 
ings had appointed a widow of Mir Jafir, named Muni 
Begum, to manage the household of the Nawab Nazim. 

He had also appointed a son of this very Nund-komar to 
act conjointly with Muni Begum. Hastings was accused 
by Nund-komar of receiving a bribe of thirty-five thousand 
pounds sterling ill return for these appointments. He was 
also accused by the same man of having received a hundred 
thousand pounds to connive at the embezzlements of Mu- 
hammad Reza Khan. 

The character of Nund-komar was utterly bad. He was Hastings 
a high-caste Brahman, but he was known to have 
seals and signatures, and to have carried on a treasonous ^al-ges.^ 
correspondence with Shah Alam and the French governor of 
Pondicherry. But the two charges of bribery involved an 
aggregate of a hundred and thirty-five thousand pounds 
sterling, and might have been disproved by the production 
of accounts. Hastings, however, preferred to stand on his 
dignity. He refused to answer charges brought by such a 
miscreant, or to be tried like a criminal by his own council. 

Francis persisted in giving his full belief to Nund-komar, 
and he voted that the charges were proved, 

Hastings, in self-defence, brought an action against Nund- Trial and 
komar, in the Supreme Court of judicature at Calcutta, for 
conspiracy. The judges admitted the charge, but suffered komar. 
Nund-komar to go out on bail. Six weeks afterwards 
Nund-komar was arrested for forgery, tried by the new chief 
justice, Sir Elijah Impey, convicted by a jury of Englishmen, 
condemned to be hanged, and finally executed at Calcutta 
in the presence of a large multitude. 

There is no doubt that Nund-komar committed forgery ; Judicial 
but it is questionable whether he would have been arrested murder, 
on the charge if he had not brought accusations against 
Hastings. Again, there is no doubt that Nund-komar had 
committed offences worthy of death ; but it is questionable 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[PartIII. 


3S0 

a.d. whether he ought to have been hanged for forgery. Such a 
^ 7 7^’ 7 73 punishment for such an offence was unknown to the people 
of Bengal. The e'xecution of Nund-komar has therefore 
been regarded by many as a judicial murder, and the 
guilt has been equally distributed between Warren Hastings 
and Elijah Impey. 

Charges The execution of Nund-komar filled Calcutta with terror, 
against From that time forth not a single native dared to whisper 
Hastings charge against Hastings. Even Francis was paralysed, 
s oppe . Possibly he discovered, when it was too late, that he had 
been more or less the dupe of Nund-komar. Subsequently, 
when a petition in the name of the dead man passed through 
the council, it was Francis who moved that it should be burnt 
by the common hangman. 

Mahratta Meanwhile the relations between the English settlement 
affairs : at Bombay and the Peishwa of the Mahrattas at Poona were 

betw^en^ beginning to alarm the Govern or- Gen era! and council at 
Bombay Calcutta. In order, however, to take in clearly the current 
and Poona, of events it will be necessary to review the progress of 
Mahratta affairs. 

Narain Mahdu Rao, fourth Peishwa, died in November, 1772, 
Rao, fifth aged twenty-eight. He left no son, and his widow perished 
Peishwa, Bis funeral pile. His younger brother, Narain Rao, 
1772. succeeded to the throne at Poona as fifth Peishwa 5 and 
went to Satara to receive the dress of investiture from the 
puppet Maharaja. The uncle, Rughonath Rao, was released 
from prison, and re-appointed guardian. 

Jarring jarring elements which had been at work during 

elements, the reign of Mahdu Rao, broke out afresh under his 
successor. The natural jealousy between the uncle and the 
nephew was inflamed to fever heat by the wife of the one 
and the mother of the other. The discord was aggravated 
by a secret rivalry between two Brahman ministers. The 
elder, Sakarara Bapu, supported the pretensions of the 
uncle guardian, Rughonath Rao ; whilst the younger Brah- 
man, destined to become famous under the name of Nana 
Farnavese, was plotting his own advancement by courting 
* the favour of the young Peishwa. 

Murder of In April, 1773, the uncle guardian was arrested and 
Narain imprisoned in the palace of Poona, where the young 
1773* Peishwa was residing. In the following August Narain 
Rao was murdered. To this day the story is a mystery. 


Chap, Yt] ENGLISH RULE : WARREN HASTINGS. 361 

During the morning of the 30 th of August, the Peishwa’s a.d. 
troops were clamouring at the palace for arrears of pay. ^772-i773 
I'he young Peishwa ordered the palace to be secured, and — 
retired to his afternoon siesta. His orders were neglected ; 
the clamour increased ; the troops^ led on by two conspira- 
tors, broke into the palace. The young Peishwa started 
from his slumbers, and ran to his uncle's apartments and 
prayed for protection. Rughonath Rao interfered, but the 
conspirators declared they had gone too far, and slaughtered 
Narain Rao on the spot. By this time the palace was sur- 
rounded by troops j armed men thronged the streets; the 
shops were shut throughout the city; and the inhabitants of 
Poona ran to and fro in consternation. At last the news 
transpired that Narain Rao was murdered, but nothing was 
known of the murderers.^ 

Rughonath Rao was unquestionably implicated. Ram Rugiionatli 
Shastri investigated the case, and charged him with having Rao, sixth 
set on two conspirators to assassinate his nephew. Rugho- Peishwa. 
nath Rao admitted having authorised the arrest of his 
nephew, but denied having ordered the murder. Ram 
Shastri recovered the original document, and discovered 
that the word signifying ‘‘to seize” had been changed into 
the word signifying “ to kill.” Henceforth it was the general 
belief that the alteration ”was made by Ananda Bai, the 
unscrupulous wife of Rughonath Rao. The result was that 
Rughonath Rao ascended the throne of Poona as the 
successor to his murdered nephew, and began to reign as 
sixth Peishwa ; but Ram Shastri retired from Poona, 
refusing all employment under the new regime. ^ 

The distractions at Poona encouraged Nizam All to take 
the held from Hyderabad. But the Bhonsla of Berar came 
to the help of the new Peishwa;® and Nizam Ali was 

^ Here, as elsewhere in dealing with the Mahrattas, the details are 
given on the authority of Grant Duff’s Mahratta history. 

^ Rughonath Rao, sixth Peishwa, plays an important part in the after 
relations of the English with the Mahrattas, He is frequently men- 
tioned in the records of the eighteenth century under the name of 
Kagoba, but Rughonath Rao is his correct name. He was the father 
of Baji Rao, the eighth Peishwa and last of the dynasty, w’ho was de- 
throned in 1818, mtd died in. 1851, leaving the infamous Nana Sahib as 
'his adopted ;son. , ' 

^ Janoji Bhonsla died in 1773, leaving no natural kin. He had a 
brother named Mudaji Bhonsla; and he left the Raj of Berar lo the 


363 


BRITISH: INDIA. 


[Part III, 

A.D. defeated, and compelled to cede territory yielding a yearly 
i>7 74-i 7 75 revenue of about two hundred thousand pounds. But Nizam 
Befo^d once again worked on the weakness of Rughonath Rao ; 
by Nizam a visit, praised his wisdom, and made over his 

Aii. seal of state, telling him to take as much territory as he 
wanted. Rughonath Rao was cajoled and befooled. Not 

to be outdone in generosity, he actually gave back the ceded 
territory to Nizam Ali ; a senseless act of generosity which 
proved fatal to his authority 3 for had he distributed the 
territory judiciously amongst the Mahratta chiefs, he would 
have bound them closely to his cause. 

Revolution Rughonath Rao was indeed born to be outwitted. He 
at Poona, ^ marched an army towards the south to attack Hyder Ali^ 
1774- and was suddenly astonished by the news of a revolution at 
Poona. During his absence from the capital the widow of 
Narain Rao gave birth to a son. The infant was placed 
upon the throne, and a council of regency was formed at 
Poona ; and Rughonath Rao was shut out from the capital. 
Accordingly the baffled Peishwa proceeded northward into 
Malwa and Guzerat to raise forces for the destruction of 
the council of regency, and the recovery of the throne of 
Poona, by force of arms.^ 

Rugho-'^ Rughonath Rao applied to Bombay for 

nathRao succour. He engaged to cede Salsette and Bassein to the 
applies to English government, and to assign the territory and revenue 
Bombay Qp Baroche towards the expenses of the war. At this time 
there was no evidence that Rughonath Rao was a murderer ; 
' , indeed it was generally believed that the infant son of the 
deceased Narain Rao was a supposititious child. 

Treaty of Accordingly, in 1775, the Bombay government concluded 
Surat: a treaty with Rughonath Rao at Surat, and then took 

son of Mudaji Bhonsla, named Rughiiji Bhonsla. The nephew how- 
ever was placed under the guardianship of his own father. The result 
was that Mudaji Bhonsla, the father, became, the real ruler of Berar. 
Mudaji Bhonsla helped Rughonath Rao in order to obtain the conbrma- 
tion of the Peishwa to bis authority. 

^ It would be tedious and needless to trace the movements of the 
greater Mahratta feudatories during the struggle between Rughonatb 
Rao and the council of regency. Each feudatory was guided solely by 
considerations of bis own individual interest, and wavered between the 
two, or deserted the one for the other, without scruple or shame. In- 
deed the policy of Mahratta chiefs in general has been to trim between 
conflicting parties until the struggle is drawing to a close, and then to 
declare for the winning side, ' 


Ghap, YI.] ENGLISH RULE : WARREN HASTINGS. 


3^3 


possession of Salsette and Bassein, and began operations for a. a 
restoring E-ughonath E.ao to the throne at Poona. The 
army of the Mahratta regency was utterly defeated by the 
new allies, and there was every prospect of brilliant success, be^nns tlie 
when the war was suddenly brought to a close by orders war. 
from Calcutta. 

It will be remembered that Warren Hastings had been War 
appointed Governor-General, and that his government had condemned 
been invested with authority over Madras and Bombay. Both 
he and his council condemned the Mahratta war as impo- goy^^n- 
iitic, dangerous, unauthorised, and unjust As, however, ment. 
war had begun, Hastings wished to push it to a speedy 
conclusion ; but Francis and his supporters would not listen 
to any such compromise. The Bombay government was 
ordered to withdraw its forces and cease from all further 
hostilities ; and Colonel Upton was sent from Calcutta to 
Poona as an agent of the supreme government of Bengal 
to conclude a treaty with the Mahratta council of regency, 
but to insist on the cession of Salsette and Bassein and 
the territory of Baroche to the Company. 

The Mahratta council of regency at Poona had been Difficult 
much cast down by the loss of Salsette and Bassein; and diploi^iacy: 
they had been still more disheartened by the successes of 
the Bombay army. Accordingly they were delighted at the 
clashing between Bengal and Bombay. They extolled the 
great governor of Calcutta, who had ordered Bombay to put 
an end to the war ; but they refused to cede either Salsette 
and Bassein, or the territory of Baroche. They urged, 
and with a show of reason, that as the Bengal government 
had justly condemned the war, the English could not intend 
to profit by its aggression. At last they took alarm at 
some preparations for a renewal of the war, and agreed to 
cede Salsette, but no more. In 1776 a treaty was concluded 
at Purundhur on this basis, to the mortification of Warren 
Hastings and the Bombay government 

Subsequently despatches were received from the Directors Inter- 
approving the treaty of Surat but condemning the treaty of 
Purundhur. By this time Hastings was no longer in 
minority. Colonel Monson died soon after the treaty 
of Purundhur, and Hastings was enabled to carry his 
measures by a casting vote. 

Peace with the Mahrattas was impossible. England and 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part IIR 

France were on the eve of a war on account of the help 
furnished by the French to the American colonies. A 
French adventurer, named St. Lubin, arrived at Poona 
with presents from the King of France, and asserted 
that a French force was following him to drive the English 
out of India. The leading member of the council of 
regency, named Nana Farnavese, showed great attention 
to St. Lubin, granted him the port of Chaul, near 
Bombay, and was evidently disposed to hostilities with the. 
English. 

Meanwhile there were more plottings and intrigues in the 
council of regency. Sakaram Bapu, the elder Brahman, was 
anxious for the return of Rughonath Rao, and jealous of Nana 
Rao Farnavese. Sindia and Holkar were beginning that baleful 
interference in the affairs of Poona which ultimately brought 
about the destruction of the Peishwa.^ Mahadaji Sindia was 
absent from Poona, pursuing his ambitious designs in Hindu- 
stan. He owed a grudge against Rughonath Rao, on account 
of the opposition to his succession to the family Jaghir * but 
he sought to trim between the contending factions until 
he could appear in person at Poona. Tukaji Holkar 
joined the party of Sakaram Bapu, and plotted against 
Mahadaji Sindia. Nana Farnavese was obliged to suc- 
cumb to his rivals. A party was formed at Poona for 
the restoration of Rughonath Rao ; and letters were sent 
to Bombay, signed by Sakaram Bapu, Tukaji Plolkar, and 
others of the party, inviting the English to conduct Rugho- 
nath Rao to Poona, and place him once more on the throne 
of the Peishwa.^ 

Warren Hastings resolved on war, nominally for the 

' Sindia and Holkar divided between them the greater part of Malwa 
between the Nerbudda and Chambal rivers; but their territories were 
so intermixed and confused that it was impossible in former times to 
draw a line of boundary between the two. They are best distinguished 
by their later capitals, namely, Gwalior the capital of Sindia,. and Indore 
the capital of Holkar. 

® Nana Farnavese was the paramour of the widow of Narain Rao 
Peishwa, who was murdered by Rughonath Rao. He was thus personally 
interested in maintaining the infant Mahdu Narain Rao on the throne 
of Poona, undei* the regency of the Rani mother. Subsequently the 
Rani mother died, and Nana Farnavese lost his influence, whilst his 
rivals in the regency intrigued for the restoration of Rughonath Rao to 
the throne at Poona. 


364 

A.D. 

1776-177-9 

French 
intrigues 
at Poona. 


Bombay 
invited to 
restore 


Chap. VI J ENGLISH RULE ; WARREN HASTINGS. 


365 


restoration of Rughonath Rao, but in reality for the purpose a^.d. 
of defeating the designs of the French. A force under *776-1779 
Colonel Goddard was sent from Bengal overland through 
Buridelkund and Malwa to the Mahratta country. At the sends ^ 
same time a force was sent from Bombay to Poona to con- Goddard, 
duct Rughonath Rao to the Mahratta capital. 

The Bombay expedition marched towards Poona in 1778 , Bombay 
but none of the Mahratta chiefs came out to join Rughonath 
Rab. There had been another revolution in the Mahratta ’ 

court Mahadaji Sindia had arrived at Poona, and violently 
interfered in behalf of Nana Farnavese. Sakaram Bapu fell 
into the clutches of his rival, and ultimately perished miser- 
ably. Tukaji Holkar fled from Poona to Indore, All the 
other men who had invited Rughonath Rao were thrown 
into prison. The movement at Poona in behalf of Rug- 
honath Rao died out with the fall of his supporters ; and the 
ruling party were prepared to resist any attempt which might 
be made to restore Rughonath Rao to the throne of the 
Peishwa. 

The Bombay forces advanced within eighteen miles of Conven- 
Poona, and then were so alarmed at the rumours w'hich tbn of 
reached them on all sides, that they turned back towards 
Bombay. They were attacked in, their retreat by a large 
Mahratta army under Mahadaji Sindia. The enemy was 
repulsed by Captain Hartley, a gallant officer who was 
famous in his day ; but the troops lost heart, and Hartley’s 
superior officer was bewildered, and wanted to come to terms 
witn the Mahrattas. Captain Hartley warmly opposed the 
measure, and pointed out a safe way of retreat, but was 
overruled. Terms were offered ; Nana Farnavese was in 
the Mahratta camp, and insisted on the surrender of Rugho- 
nath Rao, Mahadaji Sindia was more amenable to reason. 

The result was that Rughonath Rao threw himself on the 
protection of Sindia, whilst the English agreed to restore 
Salsette and to countermand the march of Colonel God- 
dard. This unhappy business is known in history as the 
convention of Wurgaum. 

Colonel Goddard had reached Burhanpore on the Movements 
Nerbudda river, when he was stopped by the convention of 
Wurgaum, and marched northward to Surat. By this time, 
however, the governments of Bengal and Bombay had re- 
pudiated the convention ; and as war annihilates treaties, 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part ill; 


■ A..D.. 

1779-1782 


First 

Mahratta 

war, 

1779-82. 


Territory 
acquired in 
Guzerat : 
capture of 
Gwalior, 
17S0. 


Maliadaji 

Sindia 

becomes 

neutral. 


British 
adminis- 
tration 
in con- 
quered 
provinces. 


preparations were being made for war. Indeed, war against 
France had already been declared, and war against the 
Mahrattas was found to be inevitable. 

The hostilities which followed are known as the first 
Mahratta war; they lasted from 1779 to 1782. From first 
to last the operations were directed by Warren Hastings, who 
might have been called the Chatham of India, if like Chat- 
ham he had been free from suspicions of corruption. The 
march of Goddard from Bengal to Burhanpore was con- 
demned at the time as a frantic exploit ; but the marches of 
Ala-ud-dm and Sivaji were equally frantic, and so was the 
defence of Arcot and battle of Plassy. 

The operations of the first Mahratta war were extended 
from Bombay into Guzerat, and from Bengal into the heart 
of Hindustan. Colonel Goddard entered Guzerat, and took 
possession of a large territory belonging to the Peishwa. 
Subsequently he was more or less surrounded by dense 
clouds of Mahratta horse, under Mahadaji Sindia and 
Tukaji Holkar; and he could neither leave Guzerat nor 
bring the enemy to a decisive action. At this crisis Warren 
Hastings made a splendid diversion from the side of Bengal. 
He sent Captain Popham at the head of two thousand four 
hundred sepoys, and a small detachment of artillery, to make 
his way through Hindustan towards Malwa^ With this little 
army Captain Popham scattered a Mahratta force that was 
levying contributions, and after some other successes, elec- 
trified half India by the capture of Gwalior, one of the 
strongest fortresses in Hindustan. 

The loss of Gwalior compelled Mahadaji Sindia to return 
to Malwa for the defence of his own territories. He still 
however avoided a general action, and after some delay 
made overtures of peace, which ended in his engaging to 
remain neutral on condition that certain conquered districts 
on the Jumna were restored to him. It will be seen here- 
after that this neutrality on the part of Mahadaji Sindia 
added greatly to his influence during the later negotiations 
for a general peace with all the Mahratta powers. 

Whilst the Mahratta war was raging, the territory acquired 
in Guzerat was placed under the charge of Mr. Forbes, 
a civilian of Bombay. The inhabitants, who had been 
hitherto accustomed to the exactions of the Moghuls, and 
still more grinding cruelty and rapacity of the Mahrattas, 


367 


Chap. VI;] ENGLISH. RULE: WARREN HASTINGS. 

hailed the change in the administration as the greatest a.d. 
of earthly blessings. Forbes was a mild and amiable man, i779“i7S2 
to whom cruelty was impossible, and corruption as revolting “ 
as crime. His jurisdiction extended over five large towns, 
and a hundred and fifty villages. He gratified Brahmans 
and other Hindus by prohibiting his European soldiers 
from molesting monkeys, pelicans, cranes, and water-fowl ; 
and above all by forbidding' the slaughter of cows, except 
in a private manner. He administered justice with the 
help of four Brahmans and four Muhammadans, besides 
native merchants and heads of castes. Each case was tried 
by a punchayet, or jury of five natives ; two being chosen 
by the plaintiff, two by the defendant, and one by him- 
self as judge. In some cases, but with great reluctance, 
he allowed of trials by ordeal. Such a man seems to have 
approached the Hindu ideal of a perfect ruler. 

Meanwhile, events of importance were transpiring at Crisis at 
Calcutta. Hastings had expressed through a friend in Calcutta. 
England some intention of resigning the government; and 
the Directors had taken him at his word, and appointed 
General Clavering to succeed him as Governor-General. 

When orders reached Calcutta, Hastings had regained his 
ascendancy in council, and withdrew his resignation. A 
quarrel ensued which caused the utmost excitement. Claver- 
ing took his seat as Governor-General in one room with 
Francis, whilst Hastings took his seat in another room with 
BarwelL Ciavering sent for the keys of Fort William, but 
Hastings had already brought the military authorities to obey 
no orders but his own. In this extremity the dispute was 
referred to the Supreme Court of judicature at Calcutta, and 
decided in favour of Hastings. Clavering died shortly after- 
wards, and a Mr. Wheler came out to India as member of coun- 
cil and supported Francis. .But Hastings was still supported by 
Barwell, and secured a majority by means of his casting vote. 

About this time it was discovered that the five years’ 
leases of lands in Bengal and Behar had proved a failure, seulement 
Many Zemindars and others had taken lands beyond their in Bengal 
value, and were unable to pay the rent. Francis urged 
his plan of a permanent settlement, and it was sent to 
England for the consideration of the Court of Directors. 

Pending the receipt of orders from England, the lands were 
let on yearly leases. 


36S 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A. D. In 1 7 80 the quarrel between Hastings and Francis reached 
^7 79"^7 ^^ a climax. Mr. Barwell, the supporter of Hastings, was 
anxious to proceed to England, but would not leave Hastings 
between to contend alone against Francis and Wheler, Overtures 
Hastings were made to Francis, and a compromise was effected; 

. Hastings making some concessions to Francis, and Francis 

fetnrnof engaging not to oppose Hastings in the conduct of the 
Francis to Mahratta war. Barwell embarked for Europe ; and then 
Europe. Francis opposed the war as bitterly as ever. Hastings de- 
clared that he had been betrayed. Francis explained that 
he was only pledged to support the war so long as it was 
confined to the Malabar coast ; but that when Hastings 
extended it to the heart of Hindustan, the obligation ceased. 
The result was a duel in which Francis was wounded ; and 
the discomfited statesman left India for ever, burning with 
disappointed ambition, and breathing the direst vengeance 
against Hastings. 

Troubles at Whilst Hastings was carrying on the Mahratta war from 
Madras. Bengal, the settlement of Madras was in sore danger. 

Muhammad Ali, Nawab of the Carnatic, had proved as 
useless an ally to the English at Madras, as old Mfr Jafir 
had been to the English in Bengal. Muhammad Ali had 
ceded a territory to the English, which was known as the 
Company’s Jaghir; but the revenues of the Jaghfr were 
insufficient to pay for the defence of the Carnatic, threatened 
as it Was from time to time by one or other of the three 
great powers of India, —Nizam Ali, Hyder Ali, and the 
Mahrattas. 

Debts and All this while Muhammad Ali was hopelessly in debt 
difficulties jie had ostensibly borrowed large sums from English 
Nawab servants of the Company, most of which were presents 
of the under the name of loans, and yet were charged with high 
Carnatic, interest Englishmen in the service of the Madras govern- 
ment, whose means were notoriously small, and who could 
never have sent a rupee to Arcot, were nevertheless put 
down as creditors to the Nawab, and were thus bribed with 
both principal and interest. In a word, the Nawab had 
been lavish of money, or of acknowledgments of the 
receipt of money, in the hope of securing friends and 
supporters in both India and England ; whilst his revenues, 
which ought to have been available for the. defence of the 
Carnatic against all invaders, were pawned away to the 


Chap. YI.] ENGLISH rule : warren HASTINGS. 369 

servants of the Company, in return for loans, which were a.d. 
mostly 11 ominah 1772-1776 

In this extremity the Nawab had often turned a wistful 
eye to the Hindu territory of the Raja of Tanjore, which sions ou 
included the delta of the Kdvari and Koieroon, and was Tanjore, 
regarded as the granary of Southern India. He invaded and ^ 773 - 
ravaged the territory of Tanjore, and called upon the English 
to help him to crush the Raja. The Madras authorities 
were blind to all considerations excepting their own imme- 
diate gains ; and were consequently eager to put . the 
Nawab in possession of territories, which would enable 
him to liquidate their supposititious claims. In 1773 they 
deposed the Raja and made over his kingdom to the Nawab. 

The Court of Directors was furious at this proceeding. Tanjore 
Mr. Wynch, the Governor of Madras, was turned out of the restored 
service. Lord Pigot was sent out as Governor in his room, ^ 
with orders to restore the Raja to his kingdom. The Nawab ^ord 
is said to have offered a large bribe to Lord Pigot to delay pjgot, 
taking action; but the money was refused. In 1776 Lord 1776. 
Pigot proceeded to Tanjore and restored the Raja to his 
throne and territories. 

A Mr. Paul Benfield then appeared upon the scene. Claims of 
This man had been a servant of the Company on a salary 
of three hundred rupees a month, but had subsequently 
entered the service of the Nawab. Benfield put forward 
claims on the Nawab for nearly a quarter of a million ster- 
ling, for which the Nawab had given him an assignment on 
the revenues and standing crops of Tanjore. Benfield 
produced no vouchers, but urged that the Nawab would 
acknowledge the debt It was obvious that the whole 
affair was a sham, got up with the connivance of the Nawab 
for diverting the revenues of the Tanjore Raja to the pay- 
ment of the Nawab’s creditors. 

The members of Lord Pigofs council were swayed by Vacilla- 
confiicting motives. The demand of Benfield was so pre- tions of 
posterous that in the first instance they could not avoid 
rejecting it But they subsequently (hscovered that by 
rejecting his claims 'they were imperilling their own. Ac- 
cordingly they rescinded their vote, and declared that the 
assignments to Benfield of the revenue and crops of Tanjore 
were valid. 

Lord Pigot in his wrath suspended two members of council 

'B B' ■ ■ . ■ 


370 

A.D. 

Beatlx of 

Lord 

Pigot, 

1777 - 

Rnmbold, 
Governor 
of Madras, 

1778- 80. 


Formid- 
able power 
of Hyder 
Ali, 1778. 


Wrath, of 

Hyder 

All. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

on his own authority, and arrested the commander-in-chief 
of the Madras army. In return he was himself suddenly 
arrested by the opposition members of the Madras council, 
and placed in confinement. He died in May 1777, eight 
months after his arrest, and one month before the orders for 
his release were received from the Court of Directors. 

In 1778, the same year that wars were beginning against 
France and the Mahrattas, a Bengal civilian, named Sir 
Thomas Riimbold, was appointed Governor of Madras. 
He was a shrewd man of business, and possibly an able 
administrator ; but either he knew nothing of the dangers 
which threatened Madras, or else he wilfully shut his eyes 
to the actual state of affairs. 

By this time Hyder Ali had become the most formidable 
power in the Peninsula. He had strengthened his army by 
absorbing ali the floating European elements which were 
abroad in Southern India ; — deserters from the Company's 
army; runaways from the Company's ships; scamps and 
tramps from the desk or warehouse, who preferred oriental 
licence to duty and routine; discharged Frenchmen and 
others from the service of the Nawab or the Nizam ; bodies 
of native infantry or cavalry, which had been raised, trained 
and disciplined, by English officers to meet sudden emer- 
gencies, and then had been broken up, or had . broken 
themselves up, from sheer want of pay. With these nonde- 
script forces Hyder Ali had conquered all the Rajas and 
Poligars of Mysore and Malabar, and compelled them all to 
pay tribute, excepting the remote Rajas of Coorg and 
Travancore. He was still sore at the failure of the English 
at Madras to help him in his wars against the Mahrattas ; 
but he saw with satisfaction that Bengal and Bombay were 
engaged in hostilities against the Peishwa at Poona ; and he 
was prepared to take advantage of the distractions in the 
Mahratta empire, whilst planning secret designs against his 
brother Muhammadan at Hyderabad. On the whole he 
was willing to be at peace with the English at Madras, 
provided that the English would leave him alone. 

In 1 7 7 8 the English at Madras began the war against 
France by the capture of Pondicherry. They next threatened 
to capture the French settlement at Mahd on the coast 
of Malabar, within the dominions of Hyder Ali. Mahe 
was very serviceable to Hyder Ali ; he obtained European 


Chap. ¥1,] ENGLISH RULE : WARREN HASTINGS. 


371 


recruits and stores througli Mabd He declared that if the 
English attacked Mah^, he would desolate the Carnatic. 

But the English at Madras were bent on rooting the French 
out of the Peninsula. An expedition was sent from Madras 
against Mah^ partly by sea round Ceylon, and partly by land 
through Mysore, At this crisis news reached Madras that 
the Bombay army had been driven back from Poona; but 
neither the disaster at Wurgaiim, nor the expected wrath of 
Hyder Aii, could induce Rumbold to recall the expedition, 
and eventually Mahd surrendered to the English without a 
blow. 

Meanwhile Governor Rumbold hoped to pacify Hyder Mission of 
Ali by sending Swartz, the German missionary, with messages 
of peace to Seringapatam. Swartz was well fitted for the 
work. He could speak Hindustani, which was a rare ac- 
complishment in those days ; and he had already won golden 
opinions amongst the natives of Southern India by his 
unassuming life and self-sacrificing toil. He was unwilling 
to be mixed up with political affairs, but undertook the 
mission in the hope of averting a war. He was received by 
Hyder Ali with the respect due to his sacred calling; but 
unhappily, during his stay at Seringapatam, reports arrived 
that English sepoys were marching through Mysore for the 
capture of Mahd Hyder Ali was filled with wrath at this 
violation of his territories. He dismissed the missionary 
with kindness and consideration ; but Swartz returned from 
his bootless errand with sad forebodings of coming disaster. 

About the same time Governor Rumbold managed to Dealings 
exasperate Nizam Ali. There had long been a soreness 
about the English occupation of the Northern Circars; but, 
as already stated, the English had settled the quarrel byo^^toor. 
agreeing to pay Nizam Ali a yearly rent of seventy thousand 
pounds for the territory in question. The Circar or province 
of Guntoor had however been assigned for life to Basalut 
Jung, the eldest brother of Nizam Ali; and the cession of 
Guntoor was accordingly postponed until the death of 
Basalut Jung.^ But the war with France brought on further 
complications. Basalut Jung had entertained a French 
force for his protection against Hyder Ali ; and the English 
compelled him to disband it. He then made over Guntoor 
to the English in return for a yearly rent ; and the English 
^ See page 315. 


B E 2 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 



A.D. ill thdr turn transferred Guntoor to Muhammad Ali, the 
Nawab of the Carnatic, on similar terms. 

Jealous The wrath of Nizam Ali was kindled at the separate 
suspicions negotiations with Basalut Jung, and especially at the transfer 
of Nizam of Guntoor to Muhammad Ali. He suspected that the 
English were plotting with the N awab to work his destruction, 
and set up Basalut Jung on the throne at Hyderabad. In 
reality Guntoor was transferred at the instance of the Nawab’s 
creditors, who wanted the revenue for the payment of their 
claims, Nizam Ali manifested his hostility by taking into his 
service the French troops who had been dismissed by Basalut 
Jung. To make matters worse. Governor Rumbold chose 
this particular moment for asking Nizam Ali to remit the 
rent due for the Northern Circars, on the ground that the 
war against Prance had emptied the Madras treasury. 

Inter- These proceedings were most irritating to the govern- 
ferenceof ment of Warren Hastings. The war against France was 
Bengal: already hampered by the war with the Mahrattas ; and now 
o?Rum-”^ Madras had provoked this ill-timed quarrel with Hyd’er Ali 
boll Nizam Ali. Accordingly the Bengal government, as the 

supreme authority, ordered the immediate restoration of 
Guntoor to the Nizam. Rumbold however resented the 
interference of the Governor* General ; refused to restore 
Guntoor; and embarked for England in April 1780, ignorant 
. or regardless of the coming storm. 

Whitehill, Rumbold was succeeded as Governor by a Madras 
civilian named Whitehill; but there was no improvement 
the conduct of affairs. The air of Madras wsls reeking 
with scandals and intrigues, growing out of money trans- 
actions between servants of the Company and the Nawab 
of the Carnatic. Whitehill was as obstinate as his pre- 
decessor in refusing to restore Guntoor to Nizam Ali and 
in neglecting to provide the means of defence against 
Hyder Ali. Meanwhile corrupt Europeans were appro- 
priating the revenues of the Carnatic to the payment of 
their fabricated claims, and amusing the N awab Muham- 
mad Ali with hopes of being relieved from all obligations to 
the East India Company by the direct interference of the 
English parliament and Court of St. James’s. 
hivadesAe 1 7 80 the storm burst upon the Carnatic. Hyder 

Carnatic head of a hundred thousand men, poured through 

1780, which separate the table-land of Mysore from the 


Wliiteliill, 



Chap. VI.] ENGLISH RULE ; WARREN HASTINGS. ^3 

Carnatic plain. The whole country was overrun by the inva- a d. 
ders— eastward to the coast of Coromandel, northward to the 177S-17S0 
river Kistna, and southward to the K^veri and Koleroon.^ 

Villages were set on fire, crops were destroyed, cattle were 
driven off ; wives and daughters were shamelessly carried 
away, and Brahmans were wantonly cut down and 
slaughtered without scruple or remorse. Fifty years after- 
wards the atrocities committed were still remembered in 
remote villages ; and persons who are still living have 
spoken to ancient crones who shuddered as they told of 
the avenging army of Hyder Ali. 

Shortly before the invasion of Hyder Ali, Hastings re- Hostile 
ceived a mysterious communication from the Bhonsla ^ Raja 
of Berar. The Raja informed Hastings that the three great 
powers of India — Hyder Ali, Nizam Ali, and the Mahrattas, Hyder Ali[ 
—-were about to make simultaneous attacks on the three and the 
English settlements in Bengal, Bombay, and Madras; and Mahrattas, 
that Nizam Ali was at the bottom of the confederacy. The 
Berar Raja added that he had received orders from the 
Peishwa's government at Poona to send a large army for the 
conquest of Bengal and Behar; that he had been obliged 
to obey the orders, but had instructed his Mahratta com- 
manders to abstain from hostile operations. In return for 
this act of friendship he requested payment of arrears of 
chout from Bengal and Behar, aggregating some three 
millions sterling. 

The fact of a confederacy was partly proved by news Disasters 
from Madras. Hyder Ali had entered the Carnatic and hi the 
drawn a circle of flaming villages round Madras and Port 
St George. The English army under Sir Hector Munro, 
the hero of Buxar, had marched against Hyder Ali; but by 

^ The army of Hyder Ali included 20,000 infantry formed into 
regular battalions, and mostly commanded by Europeans. His cavalry 
numbered 30,000, including 2,000 Abyssinian horse who formed a body 
guard, and io,ooo Carnatic horse well disciplined. Half of the 
Carnatic horse had belonged to Nawab Muhammad Ali, and after 
being trained by English officers, had either deserted or been disbanded 
from want of pay. Hyder Ali also had 100 pieces of cannon managed 
either by Europeans, or by natives who had been trained by the EngSsh 
for the service of the Nawab. Above ail, Hyder Ali had a corps of 
Frenchmen or other Europeans to the number of 400 men, under the 
command of a Monsieut Lally, who had left the service of the Nizam 
for that of the Mysore ruler. 

- Mudaji Bhonsla. See an^e, page 361, nefe, * , • 


374 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part Hi. 


A.D. 

1 7 So- 1 7 84 


Spirited 
proceed- 
ings of 
Hastings, 


Successes 
of Eyre 
Coote. 


P^mpty 
treasury i: 
Bengal, 


some bad generalship had permitted an English detachment 
to be surrounded by overwhelming numbers. After desperate 
heroism, the English were induced to surrender on promises 
of quarter; but no sooner had they laid down their arms, 
than the savages rushed on them with unbridled fury, and 
would have butchered every man upon the spot but for the 
timely interference of the French officers. As it was, two 
hundred Europeans were carried off prisoners to Mysore, 
and subjected to cruelties and indignities which were never 
forgotten by the survivors. 

Never did the genius of Warren Hastings bum more 
brightly than at this epoch in the Mahratta war. He dis- 
covered that Hyder Ali had procured a grant of the whole 
of the Nizam’s territories from Shah Alam at Delhi ; and 
he detached Nizam Ali from the confederacy by inform- 
ing him of the treacherous transaction. He secured the 
neutrality of the Berar Raja by negotiations and a small 
present of money. He sent an English force under Colonel 
Pearse to march overland through the Berar Raja’s terri- 
tories towards Madras. He deposed Whitehill, the Governor 
of Madras, on his own authority ; and further mollified 
Nizam Ali by the restoration of Guntoor. At the same time 
Sir Eyre Goote left Bengal and proceeded to Madras by sea, 
to take the command of the Madras army with full and 
independent powers. 

Eyre Coote is one of the half-forgotten heroes of the 
eighteenth century. He defeated Hyder Ali at Porto 
Novo,^ and followed up his success by a series of brilliant 
victories which have won him a lasting name in the 
annals of British India, although the details have long since 
died out of the memory of the British nation. 

All this while the Bengal government was sorely pressed 
• for money, and Hastings sought to replenish the public 
treasury by demanding a subsidy from the Raja of Benares, 
and calling on the Nawab Vizier of Oude to pay up all 
arrears due to the Company. The details are interesting 
from the fact that they formed the basis of the more im- 
portant charges in the subsequent impeachment of Warren 
Hastings. 

Cheit Singh, Raja of Benares, was a feudatory of the 

^ Porto Novo is situated near the mouth of the Koleroon, immediately 
to the south of Fort St. David, 


375 


Chap. VL] ENGLISH RULE : WARREN HASTINGS. 

British government His father, Bulwunt Singh, had a.d. 
joined the English after the battle of Buxar, and died in 17S0-17S4 
1770 ; and the Nawab Vizier of Oude would have confis- 
Gated the territory of Benares but for the interference of status of 
the English, who upheld the rights of Cheit Singh. On the Raja of 
accession of a new Nawab Vizier in 1775 the sovereignty Benares, 
of Benares was ceded to the British government, whilst the 
territory still remained in the possession of Cheit Singh, 

Cheit Singh paid a tribute to the British government Hastings 
of about two hundred thousand pounds per annum; but demands 
by the laws and customs of India, Moghul or Mahratta, he 
was also subject to the extraordinary demands of his 
suzerain for money or military service. Hastings demanded 
an extra fifty thousand pounds per annum and the service 
of two thousand horse. The Raja complied for a while, and 
then evaded the demand on the plea of poverty. Hastings, 
knowing that the Raja had large treasures, imposed a fine 
of half a million sterling.^ 

About this time Hastings was proceeding to the city of Submis- 
Benares to negotiate a peace with the Mahrattas. As he sion and 
entered Benares territoty he was met by Cheit Singh, who *^ebellion. 
offered to pay something less than half the fine ; but Hast- 
ings persisted in demanding the half million. Subsequently, 
after reaching the city, Hastings sent four companies of 
sepoys to arrest the Raja. The mob of Benares, always 
the most turbulent in India, rose against the sepoys, who 
had no ammunition, and were slaughtered on the spot. 

Cheit Singh fled in terror from Benares. Hastings was Flight 
in personal danger, but escaped to the fortress of Chunar. , 
Cheit Singh prayed for a reconciliation, but Hastings l^^fnsed 
to overiook such open rebellion against the British supre- singh. 
macy. Cheit Singh tried to raise the native princes against 
the dominant power, but -was defeated and deposed, <and 
ultimately found an asylum in Sindians territories. The 
nephew of Cheit Singh was then placed upon the feudatory 
throne of Benares, and the yearly tribute was nearly doubled. 

^ Had the Raja of Benares resisted the demands of a Moghul or 
Mahratta sovereign he would have been imprisoned and squeezed, 
until nothing was left of his treasures. In modem times the rights of 
feudatory princes of India have been defined and respected, if not abso- 
lutely created, by the British government, and they are only expected, to 
contribute to imperial necessities in the form of loans. 


37 ^ 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

i78o'I784 

Demands 
on tile 
Nawab 
Vizier of 
Oude : 
affair of 
the two 
Begums. 


Criminal- 
ity of 
Hastings. 


Close of 
the first 
Mahratta 
war, * 
1781-82. 


The proceedings of Hastings as regards the Nawab Vizier 
of Gude were more dubious. Asof-ud-daula could not or 
would not pay up the arrears due to the Company, unless 
he was put into possession of the state treasures which had 
passed into the hands of the two Begums. Hastings was 
told that the Begums were implicated in the rebellion of 
Cheit Singh. Moreover, he acknowledged having received 
a present of a hundred thousand pounds from the Nawab 
Vizier, which may possibly have warped his judgment, and 
which will call for some special remarks hereafter. The 
result was that he withdrew the guarantee which Bristow had 
given to the two Begums, and which had been approved 
and sanctioned by the Bengal government during the supre- 
macy of Philip Francis and his two colleagues in the trium- 
virate. Above all, he connived at the imprisonment of the 
servants of the Begums by the Nawab Vizier until the 
treasures were surrendered. 

There can be no doubt that Asof-ud-daula ordered the 
servants of the Begums to be subjected to indignities, pri- 
vations, and sufferings, common enough in the households 
of oriental despots, but revolting to civilization. His 
father, Shuja-ud-daula, is said to have subjected the ladies 
of Mfr Kasim to like cruelties in order to compel the ex- 
Nawab to surrender his secret hoards. But there is no 
extenuation for Hastings, and he must share the blame of 
the whole transaction. Subsequently he reported the re- 
ceipt of the hundred thousand pounds to the Court of 
Directors, and requested permission to keep the money. 
The Directors refused the request, which ought never to 
have been proffered. Indeed, it would have been better 
for the reputation of Hastings if he had never apcepted 
the money, or had promptly placed the whole matter 
on public record. As it stands, the money bears all 
the stamp of a bribe, intended to remove the scruples 
of Hastings as regards the abandonment of the Begums 
and their servants to the tender mercies of the Nawab 
Vizier. 

In 1781-82 the first Mahratta war was brought to a close. 
Nana Farnavese was at this time too much afraid of Hyder 
Aii to ratify a treaty of alliance with the English. But 
Mahadaji Sindia exercised a predominating influence in the 
councils of the Peishwa, and was more inclined to the 


f 


Chap. VI.] ENGLISH RULE ; WARREN HASTINGS. 


37T' 


alliance. Negotiations were thus concluded with Mahadaji a.d. 
Sindia but evaded by Nana Farnavese. 

At the end of 1782 it was known that Hyder Ali was f 

dead; and Nana Farnavese ratified the treaty which had Salbai. 
been concluded with Mahadaji Sindia, and was known as the 
treaty of Salbai. The terms of this treaty are simple and 
intelligible. The English and the Mahrattas were mutually 
pledged to withhold all help from the enemies of the other. 
Rughonath Rao was set aside and pensioned. The infant 
Peishwa, Mahdu Rao the Second, was recognised as the 
legitimate head of the Mahratta empire. The council of re- 
gency was also recognised as represented by Nana Farnavese, * 

Salsette and some small islands were retained by Bombay, 
but all other conquests were restored to the Mahrattas. 

The important districts acquired in Guzerat were made over 
to Mahadaji Sindia as an acknowledgment of his modera- 
tion at Wurgaum ; but the grief of the inhabitants at being 
restored to the grasping oppression of their Mahratta rulers 
was profound and sincere, and caused many pangs of regret 
to the amiable Forbes. 

The death of Hyder Ali in 1782 is a landmark in the Death 
history. Fie was cruel and often brutally so; he was also Hy<ler 
self-indulgent to an extreme after the manner of eastern ^ 
potentates. Like Akbar he could neither read nor write, ' 
yet he was shrewd, sagacious, indifferent in matters of 
religion, and tolerant towards Hindus. 

Swartz the missionary has left a striking description of the Hyder AH 
government of Hyder AIJ. The palace at Serin gapatam at Ipme at 
had an open space in front, with ranges of civil and military 
offices on either side, so that Hyder Ali could overlook the 
whole from his balcony. Two hundred men with whips 
were constantly in attendance to scourge all offenders, — ■ 
gentlemen, horsekeepers, tax-gatherers, and even bis own 
sons. Not a day passed without a number of officials being 
flogged. The offenders were not dismissed from his service, 
but sent back to their offices, with the marks of the stripes 
on their backs as public warnings. . 

One evening Swartz went to the palace, and saw a number Evidence 
of men of rank sitting round in great tribulation. He was of Swartz 
told that they were revenue collectors of districts, but they 
looked more like criminals expecting death. One wretched 
defaulter was scourged in the most horrible manner, whilst 


37S 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


a.d. his shrieks rent the air. Yet there was a great straggle for 

1780- 1784 posts, especially amongst the Brahmans. They outbid 

one another in order to be appointed collectors, and then 
practised similar cruelties towards the people in order to add 
to their gains. 

Lord Mac- At this period Lord Macartney was Governor of Madras, 
artney, He had landed in India in 1781, and distinguished himself 
S^M^dras Pushing on the war against Hyder Ali ; but his adminis- 

1781- 86, ’ tration was chiefly marked by differences with the Bengal 

government which have long since been forgotten. He was 
distinguished by a spotless purity in money matters, which 
has handed down his name to posterity as the first Governor 
of a new regime?- 

Treaty of In 17S4 Lord Macartney sent envoys to Tippu, the son 
peace with and successor of Hyder Ali, to negotiate a peace. A treaty 
Tippu concluded at Mangalore by which both the English and 

178?”* Tippu were mutually bound to withhold all help from the 
enemies of the other ; and a large number of European 
prisoners, who had passed years of suffering, privation, and 
and torture in Mysore, were at last restored to life and freedom. 
Assump- During the war against Hyder Ali, Lord Macartney 
Uon of the assumed the management of the revenues of the Carnatic. 
Carnatic, Nawab agreed to the measure, reserving a sixth part 
for the maintenance of his family and dignity. Indeed he 
was unable to offer any opposition. The Carnatic was 
virtually occupied by the armies of Hyder Ali ; and for a 
period of eighteen months the Nawab had not contributed a 
single rupee towards the expenses of the war ; whilst the 
native renters had often endangered the very existence of 
the forces in the field by keeping back supplies, either for 
their own profit, or out of treacherous collusion with the 
enemy. Indeed on one occasion Eyre Coote had placed a 
native renter in irons for having endeavoured to betray the 
fortress of Vellore to Hyder Ali. The new arrangement 
ensured the regularity of supplies ; protected the Nawab 
from the rapacity of his creditors ; whilst delivering the 

^ In 1781 the English were at war with the Dutch, and Lord Macartney 
captured the two Dutch sea-ports of Pulicat and Sadras, in the neigh- 
bourhood of Madras, to prevent their falling into the hands of Hyder 
Ali or the French. The dismantled fortifications are still to be seen 
within easy communication from Madras, and will well repay a visit, as 
they form the most interesting relics of Dutch dominion which are to be 
found in all India. 




Ghap. yi.] ENGLISH RULE : WARREN HASTINGS. 579 

people from the merciless exactions of the native renters. a.d. ^ 
In a word, Lord Macartney was driven by the instinct 
self-preservation to take the revenues of the Carnatic under 
direct control, as the only possible way of saving the 
country, the people, the Nawab himself, and the Company's 
possessions, from utter destruction. 

When the war was over Lord Macartney resolved on per- Proposals 
petuating an arrangement, which had enabled him to provide for reduc- 
for the expenses of the war as well as for the maintenance 
of the Nawab. Accordingly he refused to restore the ^' 
revenues to the control of Muhammad Ali and his native pensioner, 
renters. Large bribes were offered to him, but he was im- 
movable. For thirty years it had been obvious to all 
parties concerned — to the Nawab himself, as well as to the 
Madras government and the Court of Directors — that the 
East India Company alone could protect the Carnatic 
from the horrible ravages to which it had been exposed 
from Hyder Ali, Nizam Ali, or the Mahrattas. It was 
equally obvious that unless the English held the power Of 
the purse they could not wield the power of the sword. 

The sixth part of the revenues had been regularly paid to 
the Nawab, and in reality yielded him more money for his 
private purposes than he had ever enjoyed before. Lord 
Macartney was willing to continue the payment, and to 
investigate and liquidate all the just claims of the Nawab’s 
creditors ; but he was determined that henceforth the Nawab 
should be powerless for evil ; and for this purpose it was 
necessary to depose Muhammad Ali from his sovereign 
authority, and reduce him to the condition of a pageant 
pensioner like the Nawab Nazims of Bengal. 

The equity of the measure was open to question. So Dubious 
long as the English maintained a helpless Nawab on the 
throne of the Carnatic, so long they were responsible for the 
sufferings of his wretched subjects. On the other hand, for 
more than thirty years, the East India Company, for pur- 
poses of its own, had treated the Nawab as an independent 
prince ; and his sovereignty had been acknowledged alike 
by the English parliament and the Crown. In a word, the 
Nawab of the Carnatic was a political Frankenstein, the 
creation of the Company, galvanised into artificial life 
by the Company's own servants; and he could not be de- 
posed from his sovereignty unless it could be proved to the 




BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.T), satisfaction of tlie English parliament that his extinction was 
17S4-178S gsseptial to the safety of British interests in Southern India. 
Mr"~Pitt'3 Meanwhile Indian affairs had been hotly debated in the 
bill of English parliament. Indian wars and conquests had been 
1784 : the denounced, and alliances with native princes had been con- 
Boardof demned as the cause of all Indian wars. In 1784 an act 
Control, passed, known as Mr. Pitfs bill, under which a' Board 

of Control was nominated by the Crown to exercise 
supreme authority over the civil and military administra- 
tion of the Company’s servants. It consisted of six mem- 
bers, but all real power was vested in the President of the 
Board, who played the part of an additional Secretary of 
State, and was directly responsible to parliament and the 
Crown.^ It vras enacted that for the future no alliances 
should be formed with any native prince without the con- 
sent of parliament. It was also enacted, with the view of 
preventing future scandals, that no servant of the Company 
should engage in any monetary transactions with any na- 
tive prince, without the express sanction of the Governor- 
General of India .2 

Zeal of the All this while the creditors of the Nawab were straining 

Nawab’s every effort to procure his restoration to the sovereignty of 
creditors. Carnatic. Indeed unless Muhammad Ali was replaced 
in the possession of the revenues, his creditors could never 
hope to realize the enormous fortunes which for years had 
dazzled their imaginations and perverted their moral sense. 
Emissaries from the Nawab, including the notorious Mr. 
Paul Benfield, appeared in London with large means at 
their disposal for the purchase of seats in parliament, and 
otherwise bringing corrupt influences to bear upon men in 
high places.^ 

^ The Board of Control consisted of six members of the Privy Council, 
chosen by the Grown, and always including the Chancellor of the 
Exchequer and one of the Secretaries of State. In the absence of the 
Chancellor and Secretary of State, the senior member acted as President 
of the Board, and practically was the sole authority. Mr. Bundas, 
afterwards Lord Melville, was the first President of the Board of Control. 
The Board was maintained down to the year 1858, when it was amalga- 
mated with the Court of Directors, and the whole was transformed into 
a Secretary of State for India in Council. 

® By a subsequent act, 37 of George III., this prohibition was ex- 
tended to all European subjects of the British Crown. 

® The lives of the English adventurers who preyed upon the Nawab 
of the Carnatic, and other native princes, during the latter half of the 


Chap. VL] ENGLISH RULE: WARREN HASTINGS. 


3S1 


It would be tedious to rake up a forgotten controversy a.d. 
in which there was much to be said on both sides. The *7^4-1 7^5 
Board of Control eventually decided that as the war with Orders of 
Hyder Ali had been brought to a close, there was no the Board 
necessity for lowering the status of , the Nawab, and no of Control: 
excuse for retaining the management of the Carnatic. With Carnatic 
this view the Board of Control ordered, not only that '• 

Carnatic should be restored to the Nawab, but that all 
claims against the Nawab should be liquidated out of the 
revenues of the Carnatic without any further investigation. 

Lord Macartney retired from the service rather than obey 
such orders ; but many of the Company’s servants acquired 
large fortunes, Mr. Benfield alone realizing about half a 

«erlmg.> SS, 

Meanwhile the government of Warren Hastings drew Europe, 
towards a close. His proceedings as regards Cheit Singh 1785 * 

eighteenth century, would make an instructive volume. Their intrigues 
in London would perhaps prove more curious than those at Arcot and 
Madras. Their parade of wealth and jewels at the Court of St. James’s 
was the marvel and envy of the aristocracy. Mrs. Paul Benfield 
astonished London by driving through the parks in a chariot of cemlean 
blue. Mr. Paul Benfield ultimately lost all his fortune, and died at Paris 
in extreme poverty. Mr., afterwards Sir John, Macpherson, who for 
a brief period succeeded Warren Hastings as Governor- General, was 
originally the purser of a ship, who entered the service of the Nawab 
of the Carnatic, and afterwards went to London and gained the ear of 
the Duke of Grafton. The magazines and journals of the day would 
furnish equally suggestive details respecting Mr. Holland and others. 

All these men were at one time or other in the Company’s service. 

There were also ad venturers at Seringapatam, Hyderabad, and Lucknow, 
who had never been in the service. In the story of “ Lame Jervis ” 

Miss Edgeworth describes one of these men who visited the Court of 
Tippu, and proved a favourable specimen of his class. There were 
others whose careers would vindicate the proceedings of the Court of 
Directors in prohibiting the advent of Europeans into the dominions 
of native princes. 

^ The settlement of the debts of Muhammad Ali was accompanied by 
ministerial scandals which will never be cleared up, and which belong 
to the history of England rather than to the history of India. Burke 
denounced Benfield, Dundas, and all concerned but his invectives w''ere 
so coarse and extravagant that they failed to make any lasting impression. 

It will siiffice to say that between 1784 and 1804, five millions sterling 
were paid away. In 1805 commissioners were appointed to investigate 
the further claims of private creditors; and between 1805 and 1814 
claims to the amount of twenty millions were brought under examma- 
tion, during which nineteen millions were rejected as bad, wljilst little 
more than a million was treated as true and lawful debt. 


I 




BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. and the Begums were severely censured by the Court of 
I7 84-I7 85 Directors, and he lost the support of his colleagues in council 
Accordingly he resigned the service, and left India in 
February, 1785, never to return. 

impeach- The subsequent impeachment and acquittal of Warren 
mentand Hastings are great events in English history, but they 
acquittal of made no impression on the people of India. A storm of 
Hastings, iiidignation was raised by Philip Francis, and turned to a 
hurricane by the hot eloquence of Burke, Fox, and Sheridan ; 
but the people of Bengal only knew Hastings as a deliverer, 
a protector, and a conqueror, and they were bewildered by 
the remote thunder in Westminster Hall 
Review The three most important charges against Hastings referred 
of the tQ Rohilla war, and the treatment of Cheit Singh and 
charges. Begums ; but the animus of the charge was that 

Hastings had exercised and countenanced cruelty and 
oppression for the sake of money. Lord Clive had accepted 
presents, but he was not accused like Hastings of taking 
bribes. Bribery and corruption, however, are difficult of 
judicial proof, whether in England or India ; and grave 
suspicion will often ensure a moral conviction when a legal 
conviction is wanting ; but in the case of Warren Hastings 
the national resentment was neutralised by the obvious 
vindictiveness of Francis, and the dreary procrastination of a 
state trial, until it had spent its force and died away. Pos- 
terity will possibly decide that the services of Hastings have 
thrown his failings into the shade ; that Hastings deserved 
approbation and reward at the hands of the East India 
Company; but that William Pitt was in the right when he 
■ refused to recommend Warren Hastings for a peerage, or for 
honourable employment under the British Crown. ^ 

^ Lord Macaulay acquits Hastings of money corruption on the ground 
of want of evidence ; had he been familiar with the workings of native 
courts in India, he would have fbund Hastings guilty. Hastings acknow- 
ledged to having taken a hundred thousand pounds from Asof-ud-daula 
in 1782. The inference follows that in 1773 he received a like sum 
from Shuja-ud-daula, and silently pocketed the money. Officers of any 
political experience would be satisfied that Asof-ud-daula would never 
have offered the hundred thousand pounds to Hastings unless a like sum 
had been previously offered by his father, Shuja-ud-daula, and accepted 
by Hastings. 

Whilst WaiTen Hastings was preparing to defend himself against 
his enemies, he was harassed by the thought that he had left an old 
bureau behind at Calcutta, containing papers of such secresy that he 


( 

1 


1 



CHAP. VI.] ENGLISH RULE: WARREN HASTINGS. ^3 

Philip Francis may be consigned to oblivion. His talents A.n. 
might have gained him a lasting name in the history of 17^4-17^5 
India, but were frittered away in attempts to advance him- 
self at the expense of Hastings. He intrigued for the post phiiip 
of Governor-General until his hopes were shattered by old Francis, 
age. To this day he is only remembered as the writer of the 

Letters of Junius,” and as the vindictive enemy of Warren 
Hastings. 

could not entrust them to his closest fxdends. At least seven references 
to this lost bureau are to be found in his published correspondence 
{Gleig’s Life of Hastings, vol. iii. pp. 238, 240, 268, 286, 290, 297, and 
3;27). Nowhere is it said that the bureau was recovered. Had it 
fallen into the hands of Francis, it might have made short work of the 
trial at Westminster Hall. 




CHAPTER VII. 


■ A.D. 

1785- 

India in 

1785* 


Mahratta 

empire. 


Growing 
power of 
Mahadaji 
Sindia, 


LORD CORNWALLIS AND SIR JOHN SHORE. 

A.D. 1785 TO 1798. 

In 1785 the British empire in India comprised Bengal and 
Bebar in eastern Hindustan ; a very little area round Bom- 
bay in the western Dekhan ; and a larger area round Madras 
in the eastern Peninsula. There were also two protected 
princes, namely, the Nawab Vizier of Oude, and the Nawab 
of the Carnatic. Outside the area of British supremacy were 
the three native powers who were the bugbear of English 
statesmen, — Nizam Ali, Tippu Sultan, and the Mahrattas. 

The Mahrattas were regarded as the most formidable 
power in India. The heart of the Mahratta empire was 
weak and palpitating; half shattered by domestic com- 
motions and its recent struggles against the English. The 
Peishwa at Poona was an infant, and the council of regency 
was in mortal fear of Tippu Sultan. The real head of 
affairs at Poona was Nana Farnavese, an able Brahman but 
no soldier. But the feudatory princes of the Mahratta em- 
pire were strong and nominally subordinate to the Peishwa’s 
government The Gaekwarof Baroda, Sindia and Holkar 
in Malwa, and the Bhonsla Raja of Berar, although practi- 
cally independent, admitted, one and all, their obligations 
to obey the Peishwa as suzerain of the Mahratta empire ; 
and the confirmation of the Peishwa. was necessary to the 
validity of every succession to a feudatory state or throne. 

Of all these feudatory princes, Mahadaji Sindia was the 
most powerful and the most ambitious. Whatever prestige 
he had lost during the Mahratta war he had recovered during 





ChakVII.] balance of POWER: CORNWALLIS. 




the negotiations which ended in the treaty of SalhaL Be-ing a.d. 

a neutral at the conclusion of the treaty, he had acted as 1785- 

the representative of all the Mahratta princes, from the 
Peishwa downwards ; and he was the sole guarantee for the 
fulfilment of the treaty. To crown all an English Resident, 
named Anderson, was sent to his camp to transact all busi- 
ness between the English and the Mahrattas.^ 

The lot of Mahadaji Sindia was cast in a revolutionary Designs at 
era. His career was marked by restlessness and cunning, Pelhi and 
and by those sudden changes of fortune which befall the 
leading actors in oriental revolutions. He was swayed to 
and fro by conflicting motives. He was afraid of the Eng- 
lish but proud of his connection with them. He was anxious 
to exercise a paramount ascendancy at Delhi as well as at 
Poona ; indeed he could not rivet this ascendancy in either 
court unless he was master at both. He could not be 
supreme at Delhi unless he was backed up by the Peishwa’s 
government ; and he could not be supreme at Poona unless 
he was backed up by the authority of the Great Moghul. 

For years the Moghul court at Delhi had been the scene Distrac- 
of distractions, intrigues, and assassinations at once tedious tions at 
and bewildering. Shah Alam was a weak prince, who clung 
to the name and dignity of sovereignty, but was without 
authority or power. The government was carried on by 
a prime minister, or lord protector, who was known as 
the Amir of Amirs, a title higher than that of Vizier, 
and implying the guardianship of the Padishah. The 
Amir of Amirs for the time being collected revenue and 
tribute by force of arms, and carried on petty wars with 
Rajputs, Jdts, and other neighbouring chieftains. In 1784 
there had been a crisis. The ruling Amir of Amirs had 
obtained his post by the murder of his predecessor, and 
was in mortal fear of being murdered in his turn. Accord- 
ingly he invited Mahadaji Sindia to Delhi, and Shah Alam 
joined in the invitation. 

It is difficult to realise the horrible complications which Mahadaji 
must have prevailed at Delhi to induce the Muhammadan 
minister and Muhammadan sovereign to invite the help 
of a Mahratta chieftain, who was at once a Hindu and an 
idolater, an alien in race and religion. Mahadaji Sindia, on 

^ Mr. Mostyn, the English Resident at Poona, had died jnst before 
the first Mahratta war, and no one had been sent to supply his place. 

■■ CO ■ 


386 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.I>. 

1785* 


Deputy of 
the 

Peishwa 
at Delhi. 


Siudia’s 
kingdom 
in the 
North- 
west. 


liis part, was only fearful of offending the English ; and 
having duly sounded the English Resident, and ascertained 
that the English rulers at Calcutta would not interfere in his 
doings at Delhi, he left Poona and proceeded to the Moghul 
court. Shortly afterwards it was reported that the Amir of 
Amirs had been murdered at the instigation of Mahadaji 
Sindia ; and that the Mahratta chieftain had taken Shah Alam 
under his protection, and assumed the administration of the 
relics of the Moghul empire.^ 

Mahadaji Sindia would not accept the ‘title of Amir of 
Amirs ; it would have clashed with his position at Poona. 
He artfully procured the title of “ deputy of the Padishah ” 
for his nominal sovereign the Peishwa ; and then pro- 
cured for himself the title of ^‘deputy of the Peishwa.” 
Thus for the nonce he appeared at Delhi as the deputy of 
the Peishwa. In this capacity Mahadaji Sindia performed 
all the duties of an Amir of Amirs, administered the 
government at Delhi and Agra, commanded the rabble 
army of the empire, and collected tribute from Rajpiits and 
Jats in the name of the Great Moghul. 

In reality Mahadaji Sindia was founding a new Mahratta 
kingdom between.the Ganges and Jumna, and extending 
Mahratta influence over an unknown region to the westward. 
He was raising battalions of regular sepoys, who were being 
trained and disciplined by a Frenchman, celebrated in 
after years as General De Boigne. He became inflated with 

^ The following summary of events may suffice to explain the position of 
affairs on the arrival of Mahadaji Sindia at Delhi. Before Shah Alam 
returned to Delhi in 1771, the Rohiila Afghan, Najib-ud-daula, had filled 
the post of Amir of Amirs ; but this man died in 1 770, and was succeeded 
by his son, Zabita Khan, who fled from Delhi at the approach of Shah 
Alam. A Persian, named Najaf Khan, then came to the front. He had 
been in the service of Shah Alam at Allahabad, and accompanied him 
to Delhi in command of his army. Then followed an obscure intrigue 
in which the Mahrattas expelled Najaf Khan and restored Zabita Khan 
to the post of Amir of Amirs. Next another intrigue, in which Zabita 
Khan fled to the Jats, and Najaf Khan took a part in the war against 
theRohillas. Najaf Khan formed an alliance with the Nawab Vizier of 
Oude, and was appointed deputy Vizier. Then followed fresh plots and 
fresh wars between Najaf Khan and Zabita Khan. Najaf Khan died 
in 17S2. His son, Afrasiab Khan, is the Amh* of Amirs mentioned in 
the text,, who murdered his predecessor, and was subsequently murdered 
by Mahadaji Sindia. The details are told at length in Mr. Keene’s FaU 
cf the Moghul Empire^ 


Chap. Vli.] BALANCE OF POWER : CORNWALLIS. 387 

his own greatness, and once again called upon the British a.d. 
government to pay chout for Bengal and Behar. In reply ^7^5- 
he was told that the demand was a violation of the treaty 
of Salbai. The rebuff smote him with apprehension ; and 
both Sindia and Shah Alam sent a solemn disavowal of 
ths demand to Calcutta under their respective seals. 

At this time the dominant feeling of the English was English 
alarm at the French. The war between Great Britain and alarm at 
France had been brought to a close in 1784 by the treaty 
of Versailles ; but there was constant expectation Resident 
renewal of hostilities ; and for many years the English were at Poona, 
discovering or imagining French intrigues at almost every 
court in India. A French agent was already residing at 
Poona, Accordingly an English agent,- Mr. Charles Malet, 
was posted to Poona to look after English interests and frus- 
trate French designs. 

The dignity of Mahadaji Sindia was hurt by this pro- Sindia’s 
ceeding. He had been guarantee to the treaty of Salbai, offended 
and considered himself the sole agent in all transactions 
between the Mahrattas and the English. He was quieted by 
the assurance that Mr. Malet would send all correspondence 
between the Peishwa and the Governor-General through the 
Resident in attendance at his camp. Moreover, in order to 
smooth the ruffed feathers of the Mahratta, Mr. Malet was 
sent to the camp of Sindia in the neighbourhood of Agra, to 
arrange matters with Mr. Anderson. 

Agra in 1785 presented the most melancholy objects of Agra in 
fallen grandeur. Mosques, palaces, gardens, caravanserais, ^ 7 ^ 5 - 
and mausoleums were mingled in one general ruin. In the 
midst of this chaotic desolation, a splendid building burst 
upon the view in resplendent beauty and complete repair. 

It was the famous Taj Mahal, whose white domes and 
minarets of marble stood out in brilliant relief at>ove groves 
and gardens. As Mr, Malet approached the spot he found 
that he was expected to take up his quarters in the Taj 
Mahal, The tomb of the favourite wife of Shah Jehan 
had been appropriated by Mahadaji Sindia for the ac- 
commodation of the English Resident and his retinue. 

Sindia himself was encamped some thirty miles off alsindm's 
Muttra, the ancient Mathura. He kept Shah Alam in his camp at 
camp as a kind of state prisoner, whilst Mr. Anderson 
as English Resident was in attendance. Mr, Malet was 

c c 2 


3SS 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part UR 


A.D. 

1785-1736 

Fallen 
state of 
tlie Great 
Moghid, 


War be- 
tween the 
Peishwa 
andTippu. 


Mr. Mac- 
pherson, 
Governor- 
General, 

1785-6. 


honotired by an interview with Sindia, and afterwards by an 
audience with Shah Alam. 

The Great Moghul, the representative of the famous 
family of Timdr, was an object of interest He was about 
sixty years of age, — placid, benignant and dignified. He 
received the rich presents of Mr. Maletwith calm approval. 
In return he conferred on the English gentleman a tiara of 
diamonds and emeralds, a charger, and an elephant; but 
his gifts were emblematical of his own fallen condition, and 
had all been provided by Mahadaji Sindia. The diamonds 
were false; the emeralds were nothing but pieces of green 
glass ; the horse was dying from old age ; and . the elephant 
was a mass of disease from the shoulder to the tail. 

Mr. Malet was soon obliged to take up his post of 
Resident at Poona. War had broken out between the 
Peishwa^s government and Tippu Sultan of Mysore. The 
dread of Tippu was very strong, and the Brahman govern- 
ment of the Peishwa formed an alliance with Nizam AH 
against Tippu ; and Nizam All, notwithstanding his Mu- 
hammadan faith, eagerly helped the Mahrattas against the 
dangerous . Sultan of Mysore. It was expected that the 
British government would furnish help in like manner. 
But the English were bound by the treaty of Salbai not to 
help the enemies of the Mahrattas ; and they were equally 
bound by the treaty of Mangalore not to help the enemies of 
Tippu. The question of the day was, whether Tippu Sultan 
had not himself broken the treaty of Mangalore by forming 
an alliance with the French, who were the avowed enemies 
of the English; and this question was not solved until a 
later period in the history. 

When Hastings returned to England in 1785, he left a 
Mr. Macpherson to act as Governor-General, At this time 
it was decided that the future Governor-General should not 
be a servant of the Company, but a nobleman of rank. 
Lord Macartney was offered the post, but declined it ; and 
in 1786 Lord Cornwallis landed at Calcutta as Goyernor- 
General and Macphersou passed away. 

The introduction of an English nobleman in the place of 
a merchant ruler produced beneficial results. Vansittart and 
Hastings had been powerless to effect reforms which touched 
the pockets of the servants of the Company. Indeed, 
Hastings had been often driven to distribute contracts and 


Ghap. VII.] BALANCE GF BOWER: CORNWALLIS. 


389 


sinecures in order to secure personal support. But Lord a.d. 
Cornwallis was strong enough, by virtue of Ms rank 43^7^6-1788 
an English peer, to abolish all such abuses. He 
forced the Court of Directors to replace the system of ^ailis, 
perquisites by that of large salaries. At the same time Governor- 
his respectability of character elevated the tone of English General, 

society at Calcutta. Under Warren Hastings there had • 

been painful scandals in high quarters 5 whilst gambling had reforms, 
risen to such a pitch that within one month Philip Francis 
won twenty thousand pounds at whist from BarwelL But 
under the severe and stately morality of Lord Cornwallis 
excesses of every description were discountenanced ; and 
the increasing number of ladies from Europe introduced a 
refinement and decorum which had long been wanting. 

Lord Cornwallis carried out a startling change in the Permanent 
land settlement. He abolished the system of leases, granted t 

the lands in perpetuity to the Zemindars, and fixed a yearly • 

rental for the several estates which was never to be enhanced. 

The details of this important measure were worked out by Mr. 

Shore, afterwards known as Sir John Shore and ultimately as 
Lord Teignmouth. Mr. Shore argued however that a change 
jwhich was to last for all futurity should not be made irrevo- 
cable until further inquiries had been made as to the value of 
jthe land, the nature of the different tenures, and the rights of 
landlords and tenants as represented by Zemindars and Ryots. 

He proposed that the settlement should be made for ten 
years, and then declared permanent if it proved satisfactory. 

Lord Cornwallis’s views, however, were referred to the 
ministers in England, and after some delay the perpetual 
settlement became the law of the land. 

To this day the good and evil effects of the perpetual Results, 
land settlement are matters of controversy. It raised the 
condition of Zemindars from that of tax collectors to that ®^^^* 
of landed proprietors; but it did riot raise them to the 
position of a landed aristocracy, capable of administering 
patriarchal justice among their tenantry, or of legislating for 
the welfare of the masses. It proved an immediate relief 
to the Zemindars, but opened out no prospects of relief to 
Ryots or farmers. Worst of all, as the rental of land is 
the backbone of the Indian revenue, it fixed the limit of 
the receipts of government, without making provision for 
the future requirements of the country, when military 


390 

A,D. 

1786-1788 


Reforms 
in the 
judicial 
adminis- 
tration. 


Sindia 
retreats to 
Gwalior, 


BRITISH INDIA, [Part III, 

defences would call for a larger expenditure, and the wants 
of advancing civilisation would be pressed upon the atten- 
tion of government. Consequently the permanence of the 
landed settlement tended to fossilize the people of Bengal, 
until an English education broke the trammels of ages, and 
opened out new careers of advancement to the rising 
generation. 

Lord Cornwallis carried out a thorough reform in the ad- 
ministration of justice. He separated the judicial branch £i*om 
the revenue branch by restricting the English collectors to 
their fiscal duties, and appointing a separate class of English 
magistrates and judges. He appointed magistrates to towns 
and districts to deal with civil and criminal cases. He esta- 
blished courts of appeal in the four cities of Calcutta, Dacca, 
Murshedabad, and Patna; each court consisting of a judge, 
a registrar, and qualified assistants. These courts of appeal 
disposed of all civil cases, with a final appeal to the Sudder 
court at Calcutta, which was nominally composed of the 
Governor- General and members of council. The same 
courts also held a jail delivery twice every year, by going on 
circuit in their several circles for the trial of criminal cases 
committed by the district magistrates. 

Meanwhile Mahadaji Sindia received a check in Hindu- 
stan. Shah Alam suddenly left the camp at Muttra and 
returned to Delhi. The Muhammadan party at Delhi 
persuaded the imbecile old prince that his imperial sover- 
eignty had been insulted by the Mahrattas, They stirred 
up the Raj pdt princes to revolt against Sindia. They 
carried on secret intrigues with the Muhammadan officers 
in Sindia’s army. The result was that when Mahadaji 
Sindia attempted to suppress the Raj pilt revolt, the 
Muhammadans in his army deserted him in a body, and 
joined the Raj piit rebels. In a moment he lost all his 
acquisitions between the Jumna and the Ganges. He was 
reduced to worse straits than when he had fled from the 
battle of Paniput more than a quarter of a century before. 
He had no alternative but to fall back on Gwalior, and 
implore Nana Farnavese to send him reinforcements from 
•Poona. ' 

But Shah Alam had soon cause to lament the absence 
of Mahratta protection. Zabita Khan, the Rohilla ex-Amir 
of Amirs, died in 1785, In 1788 his son, Gholam Kadir, 


Chap*VIL] balance of power : CORNWALLIS. 


391 


entered Delhi with a band of freebooters, and took pos- 
session of the city and palace. The atrocities perpetrated 
by these miscreants in the palace of the Great Moghul 
reduced the wretched pageant and his family to the lowest 
depths of misery and despair. Gholam Kadir plundered 
and insulted the aged Padishah, smoked his hookah on 
the imperial throne, forced princesses to dance and play 
before him, and scourged and tortured princes and ladies 
in the hope of discovering hidden treasures. In one mad 
fit of passion at the supposed concealment of money or 
jewels, he threw Shah Alain on the ground, and destroyed 
his eyes with a dagger. For two months this infamous 
ruffian and his barbarous followers ran riot in the palace, 
and there was no one to deliver the helpless family of the 
Great Moghul from their unbridled excesses.^ 

Nana Farnavese at Poona was agitated by conflicting 
passions. He was jealous of the growing power of Mahadaji 
Smdia, but anxious to maintain the Mahratta ascendancy 
to the northward. He determined to play Holkar against 
Sindia. He sent reinforcements to Sindia under the com- 
mand of Tukaji Holkar, accompanied by a kinsman of the 
infant Peishwa, named Ali Bahadur ; ^ but he insisted that 
all territories acquired to the northward of the Chambal 
river should be equally shared by the Peishwa and Holkar, 
as well as by Sindia. 

^ It is to be hoped that Gholam Kadir and his followers are not fair 
types of the Rohilla Afghans, who were so much praised by Lord 
Macaulay. Gholam Kadir was the son of Zabita Khan and grandson 
of Najib-ud-daiila. The outrages which he committed at Delhi were 
the outcome of the struggle for supremacy at the Moghul court between 
the families of Najib-ud daula the Rohilla, Najaf Khan the Persian, and 
Mahadaji Sindia the Mahratta. See page 379, note, 

2 The kinship between a Muhammadan like Ali Bahadur and a Brah- 
man like the Peishwa is the outcome of the laxity of Mahratta courts. 
The father of Ali Bahadur was the son of Baji Rao, the second Peishwa, 
by a Muhammadan woman. According to Hindu law, the offspring of 
such illicit unions belonged to the same caste as their mother; and in 
this case caste was equivalent to religion. 

Ali Bahadur was associated with a military Guru, or soldier-saint, 
named Pliramut Bahadur, who commanded a large force of Gosains, or 
religious devotees, in the army of Mahadaji Sinciia. Subsequently Ali 
Bahadur deserted Sindia, and was instigated by Himraut Bahadur to 
attempt the conquest of Bundelkund. Ultimately Himmut Bahadur, 
the spiritual teacher and military leader of the anny of yellow-robed 
Gosains, went over to the English during the second Mahratta war. 


A. D. 

I7S8-I790 

Horrible 
outrages 
in the 
palace at 
Delhi, 
1,788. 


Schemes 
of Nana 
Farnavese 
for check- 
ing Sindia. 


393 


BRITISH INDIA, 


[Part in. 



A.B. Thus reinforced Mahadaji Sindia marched to Delhi with 
17 88-17 90 the allied army of Mahrattas, and was hailed by the Muham- 
S Mia’s population with the greatest joy. The wretched 

return to inmates of the imperial palace were delivered from their 
Delhi, misery. Gholam Kadir fled at the approach of the 
Mahrattas, but was captured and put to death with horrible 
tortures. 

Dangerous About this time the proceedings of Tippu of Mysore 
power began to excite the serious alarm of the English, This 
M ^^r unlike his father Hyder Ali, was a bigoted Muham- 

^ madan of the persecuting type. He committed horrible 

ravages in the Malabar country, and converted thousands 
of Hindus and Brahmans to the Muhammadan religion by 
forcibly subjecting them to the rite of circumcision. He 
asserted a sovereign authority far beyond that of any other 
native ruler in India. The Nawab Vizier of Oude, and even 
the Peishwa of the Mahratta empire, continued to acknow- 
ledge the Moghul Padishah as the suzerain of Hindustan, 
But Tippu threw away every pretence of dependence on 
the Great Moghul, and boldly assumed the independent 
and sovereign title of Sultan of Mysore. 

Enmity In 1787 Tippu Sultan took fright at some military 
:^ainst the reforms of Lord Cornwallis, and hastily made peace with 
English, the Mahrattas and Nizam Ali. At the same time he was 
known to be a bitter enemy of the English, and to be 
in secret communication with the French at Pondicherry ; 
and he was naturally regarded by the English as a dangerous 
enem)'', who was not to be bound by treaties, and who 
might at any moment take advantage of a war with France 
to invade and plunder the Carnatic as his father had done 
before him. 

Attack on By the treaty of Mangalore the Hindu Raja of Travancore, 

Travail- to the South of Malabar, had been placed under British 
protection. But the Raja was in terror of Tippu Sultan. 
He purchased two towns from the Dutch on his northern 
frontier, and built a wall of defence which was known as 
'^the lines of Travancore.” Tippu declared that the two 
towns belonged to the Raja of Cochin, who xvas his vassal. 
The Raja of Travancore refused to resign them, and applied 
to the British government for protection. Lord Cornwallis 
ordered an inquiry to be made into the merits of the case, 
and Tippu to be informed that the British government 


Chap. VIL] BALANCE OF POWER: CORNWALLIS. 393 

/'■ ' ' ' ■ 

wduld defend the rights of the Raja; and at the same time a.d. 

/lie desired the Madras government to make the necessary 790 
preparations for war. ^ 

Unfortunately the Madras government was at this time Corruption 
as corrupt and demoralised as it had been in the days . 

Hyder All. A Company's servant named Holland had been ° 
appointed Governor of Madras. Holland was deeply impli- Madras 
cated in loans to the Nawab of the Carnatic.; and he setgovern- 
the Governor-General at defiance, refused to make prepara- 
tions for the coming war, and appropriated the revenues of 
the Carnatic to the payment of the Nawab's debts. Finally 
he wrote to the Raja of Travancore, offering to help him 
with a British detachment, on condition of receiving a present 
for himself of a lakh of pagodas, or some thirty-five thousand 
pounds sterling. 

Meanwhile Tippu attacked the lines of Travancore, but, Lord 
to his utter surprise, he was repulsed by the Hindu army 
Travancore. Accordingly he ordered a battering train from 
Seringapatam, and called for reinforcements from every . 
quarter. At this news Lord Cornwallis resolved to take the 
field. But Holland was incorrigible. He provided no cattle, 
but proposed to appoint commissioners to settle all differ- 
ences with Tippu. Lord Cornwallis was much exasperated, 
and Holland fled from his post and embarked for England. 

Lord Cornwallis now resolved on forming alliances with Native 
Nizam Ali and the Mahrattas against Tippu ; but the British alliances 
authorities in India were prohibited by Mr. Pitt's bill of 
1784 from making any more alliances with native princes, 

Lord Cornwallis violated the letter of the act, but respected 
its spirit by providing that the treaties should cease to have 
effect after the conclusion of the war. 

Negotiations with Nizam Ali were comparatively easy. Nizam AH 
He was anxious for the humiliation of Tippu, and he was accepts the 
still more anxious for British protection against the Mah- British 
rattas, who claimed vast sums of money from him, under 
the head of arrears of chout. He would gladly have 
secured the permanent protection of the English govern- 
ment against the Mahrattas ; but this could not be granted 
by the English government, without giving mortal offence 
to the Mahrattas. Accordingly Nizam Ali was obliged to 
be content with the British guarantee for the protection 
of his territories until the conclusion of the war; and in 


BRITISH INDIA. 


394 

A.D. 

1790-1791 

Peishwa’s 

govern- 

ment 

vacillates. 


Sindia 

withdraws. 


Mysore 
war: cam< 
paign of 
Medows, 
1790. 


Campaign 
of 1791 : 
inaction 
of Nizam 
Ali and 
the 

Peishwa. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part m. 

return he promised to join the English army with ten 
thousand horsemen. 

The Peishwa's government professed equal readiness to 
join the English army against Tippu with another body of 
ten thousand horsemen. But Nana Farnavese secretly 
played a double game. He entertained Tipphs envoys 
at Poona, and delayed the march of the Maliratta contingent 
for several months, in the hope of inducing Tippu to pur- 
chase the neutrality of the Peishwa^ s government by a large 
cession of territory. 

Mahadaji Sindia was equally anxious to render the war 
against Tippu subservient to his own individual interests. 
He offered to join the confederation against Tippu, pro- 
vided the British government would guarantee him in pos- 
session of the territories he had acquired in Hindustan, 
and help him to conquer the princes of Rajpdtana. Lord 
Cornwallis was obviously unable to accede to such conditions. 
Accordingly Mahadaji Sindia refused to take any part in the 
war against Tippu. 

. In 1790 the war began with a campaign under General 
■ Medows, who had been appointed Governor of Madras and 
commander-in-chief of the Madras army. But its opera- 
tions were futile, and Lord Cornwallis proceeded to Madras 
and took the command in person. Meanwhile Tippu had 
desolated the Carnatic, and proceeded towards the south in 
the hope of procuring a French force from Pondicherry. 

In 1791 Lord Cornwallis advanced through the Carnatic 
to the Mysore country, and captured the fortress of 
Bangalore. Up to this date neither of his native allies had 
joined him. Nizam Ali would not leave his frontier until 
he heard that Tippu had gone away to the south ; and then, 
when he entered Mysore, it was not to fight but to plunder. 
When he heard of the fall of Bangalore, he joined the force 
of Lord Cornwallis. His cavalry had good horses and 
showy costumes, but were disorderly, undisciplined, and 
unfitted for field duties * and they only helped to consume 
the grain and forage. Meanwhile, for reasons stated, the 
Mahratta contingent of the Peishwa never appeared at all. 

The result of the campaign of 1791 was that Lord 
Cornwallis advanced towards Seringapatam, and was then 
compelled to retreat from sheer want of supplies and car- 
riage bullocks. Shortly afterwards he was joined by a 


Chap. VIL] BALANCE OF POWER: CORNWALLIS. 


m 


Mahratta force under Hari Pant Had the Mahrattas comfi a.i). 
up a week earlier they might have changed the fate of the ^792* 
campaign. They had abundance of supplies, but were im- 
bued with the spirit of hucksters, and refused to part with Lord 
grain or provisions of any kind to their English allies except- Com- 
ing at exorbitant prices. They had done nothing but rob walHs : 
and ravage the Mysore country from the day they left their 
frontier; and the bazar in their camp was stored with the the 
plunder of towns, —English broadcloths, Birmingham cutlery, Mahrattas. 
Kashmir shawls and costly jewellery, as well as with oxen, 
sheep, and poultry. Yet Hari Pant pleaded poverty, and 
demanded a loan of fourteen lakhs of rupees; and Lord 
Cornwallis was forced to give him the money, not on account 
of his services, but to prevent the Mahratta contingent from 
deserting to Tippu. 

InT792 Lord Cornwallis renewed the campaign in Mysore Final cam- 
on a scale which had not been seen in India since the days paign of 
of Aurangzeb. He engaged large numbers of Brinjarries, 
the hereditary carriers of India, who have already been 
described under the name of Manaris.^ His infantry, batter- 
ing-train, field-pieces, and baggage moved in three parallel 
columns, followed by a hundred waggons loaded with liquors, 
and sixty thousand bullocks loaded with provisions. The 
resources of the English struck the natives of India with 
awe ; and Tippu is said to have exclaimed, I do not fear 
what I see, but what I do not see.’’ 

Lord Cornwallis was soon joined by the gaudily dressed Advance 
horsemen of Nizam Ali, and a small force of Plari Pant’s 
Mahrattas ; and after a long march at last drew up his artillery 
on a rising-ground which commanded Seringapatam. Tippu 
had constructed three lines of earthworks, protected by three 
hundred pieces of cannon, and covered by a bound hedge of 
thorny plants. British valour carried the defences by storm, 
and British cannon were soon playing on the fortifications 
of Seringapatam. 

Tippu was bewildered and confounded. His losses in Submis- 
killed and wounded were severe, and the levies whom he 
had pressed, into his service deserted him in large numbers. trSchery 
He saw that nothing but prompt submission could save his of Nizam 
throne. He suddenly accepted the terms which had been Ali and the 
offered by Lord Cornwallis, namely, to cede a moiety of Mahrattas. 

^ See page 187. 


30 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

1.792. 


Changes 
in British 
policy. 


Political 
system of 
a balance 
of power* 


Failure of 
Lord 
Corn- 
wallis’s 
scheme. 


his territories^ to be equally divided between the English, 
the Nizam, and the Peishwa^ to pay three millions sterling 
towards the expenses of the war; and to deliver up his two 
sous as hostages for the fulfilment of the terms. In after 
years it was discovered that the sudden submission of Tippu 
had defeated the treacherous intentions of the Mahrattas and 
Nizam Ali, Both were engaged in a clandestine correspond- 
ence with Tippu, but both were checkmated by the arrival 
of his sons as hostages in the camp of the English army. 

' The Mysore war marks a change in the policy of the 
British government Lord Cornwallis had undertaken it to 
protect the Raja of Travancore from the Mysore Sultan, but 
his main objects were to cripple the power of Tippu, to sever 
his connection with the French, and to shut him out of the 
Carnatic. The policy of political isolation, which had been 
enjoined by the English parliament, the Board of Control, 
and the Court of Directors, had proved a failure. Accord^ 
ingly Lord Cornwallis proposed to go a step further ;—to 
keep the peace in India in the same way that it was supposed 
to be kept in Europe, namely, by a balance of power. With 
this view he sought to convert the confederation of the 
English, the Nizam, and the Peisliwa against Tippu into a 
basis for a balance of power, in which the British government 
should hold the scales. 

But there was a fatal obstacle to such a political system. 
There was not a government in India, excepting that of 
the British, that cared for the maintenance of the public 
peace, or hesitated to disturb it at any moment for the 
promotion of some immediate and individual advantage. 
Indeed Warren Hastings had reported, ten years before, 
that the want of faith amongst native states, and the blind 
selfishness with which they pursued their individual schemes 
of aprandisement, regardless of the obligations of treaties or 
the interests of allies, had rendered such a balance of power 
as was possible in Europe altogether impossible in India. 

The result of Lord Cornwallis’s negotiations was that 
Nizam Ali was willing to join in any confederation which 
would protect him from the Mahrattb, claims ; whilst the 
Mahrattas refused to join in any alliance which would 
hamper their demands for chout upon Nizam AH or any one 
else. But English statesmen at home bad been charmed 
with the scheme for keeping the peace in India by a balance 


Ghap. VIL] balance of power : CORNWALLIS. 


397 


of power. They could not abandon the political idea ; and a,ix 
for years it haunted their imaginations, and perverted public *792. 
opinion as regards the government of India. ^ 

As if further to show the impossibility of a balance of Antagon- 
power, Mahadaji Sindia and Nana Farnavese took opposite hin Re- 
views of the British government Sindia contended that^^T^^? 
the English had become too powerful in India, and that it ^nd Nana 
would be necessary to support Tippii as a counterpoise. Farnavese. 
The Nana, on the other hand, was anxious to gain the help 
of the British government against Mahadaji Sindia ; but he 
insisted on the right of the Peishwa to claim arrears of 
chout, not only from Nizam Ali but from Tippu Sultan. 

Lord Corn waliis was thus obliged to abandon his political 
project in despair. 

In 1792 Mahadaji Sindia had grown to enormous power. Cominand. 
■ He had augmented his French battalions under De Boigne, ing posi- 
and raised his standing forces to eighteen thousand regular .. 
infantry, six thousand irregulars, two thousand irregular sindia, 
horse, and six hundred Persian cavalry, besides a large 1792. 
train of artillery. This military power was accompanied by 
territorial aggrandisement, for it was maintained by formal 
grants of land revenue in the Doab, to the westward of 
Oude, which Sindia procured from Shah Alam as the Great 
Moghul* At the same time Agra was becoming a most 
important fortress in the hands of Mahadaji Sindia ; it was a 
dep6t of cannon and arms, and a stronghold which com- 
manded upper Hindustan. 

In 1792 Mahadaji Sindia marched an army from Delhi Sindia at 
to Poona to confer the hereditary title of "deputy of the 
Great MoghuL' upon the young Peishwa. Nana Farnavese 
tried to prevent the Peishwa from accepting the post j it was peishwa 
opposed, he said, to the constitution of the Mahratta empire, as deputy 
It was indeed a strange anomaly for the Brahman suzerain of 
of the Mahratta confederacy to accept the post of deputy to 
an effete Muhammadan pageant like Shah Alam. But * 
Sindia insisted, and Nana Farnavese was obliged to give 

* The Ddab, or region between the two rivers, might be '-called 
the Mesopotamia of Hindustan. It lies between the Jumna and 
Ganges, just as Mesopotamia lies between the Tigris and Euphrates, 

It is impossible to draw a line of strict demarcation at this period 
between the territories of the Great Moghul and those of the Nawab 
Vizier of Oude* 


398 

A.D, 

1792*1794 

Mock 
huEiility of 
Mahadaji 
Siridia. 


Demands 
of Sindia 
on the 
Peishwa. 


Demands 
of the 
Peishwa 
on Sindia. 


Death of 
Mahadaji 
Sindia, 
1794. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part IIL 

way. The empty ceremony was accordingly celebrated with 

the utmost pomp and magnificence at Poona. 

Mahadaji Sindia sought to allay all suspicions of his ambi- 
tious designs by a mock humility which imposed on no one. 
His father, Ranuji Sindia, claimed to be the hereditary head 
man, or Patell, of a village; and he had been originally ap- 
pointed to carry the slippers of one of the former Peisliwas. 
Accordingly Mahadaji Sindia refused to be called by any 
other title but that of Patell, and ostentatiously carried the 
slippers of the young Peishwa at the ceremony of his in- 
stallation as deputy of the Great Moghul. 

But the would-be Patell and slipper holder had a keen eye 
for his own interests. Mahadaji Sindia demanded payment 
from the Peishwa’s government of the expenses he had 
incurred in extending the Mahratta empire to the north- 
ward; and he requested that Tukaji H oik ar and All Baha- 
dur, who had been sent to his assistance after his retreat 
to Gwalior, might be recalled from Hindustan to Poona. 

But Mahadaji Sindia met his match in Nana Farnavese. 
The Brahman statesman, who had been schooled in diplo- 
macy at Poona, was not to be foiled by the son of a Patell. 
Nana Farnavese called upon Mahadaji Sindia to produce the 
revenue accounts of the territories in the Doab and else- 
where, which he had acquired for his sovereign master the 
Peishwa. Sindia had conquered these territories with the 
utmost ease, and enjoyed them for a considerable period ; 
and the astute Mahratta minister urged, with some show of 
reason, that it was high time that the servant should pay the 
revenue into the treasury of his master,^ 

While Sindia and the Nana were plotting against each 
other at Poona, hostilities were breaking out between the 
armies of Sindia and Holkar in Hindustan. There had 
been a quarrel over some plunder, and Tukaji Holkar had 

^ The rivalry between Sindia and Nana Farnavese ftirnishes a strange 
instance of the instability of native , alliances. , Sindia had rescued the 
Nana from the grasp of the conspirators, including Tukaji Holkar and 
his confederates, who were plotting to restore Rughonath ilao to the 
throne of the Peishwa. Since then Tukaji Holkar had been appointed, 
as the faithful ally of Nana Farnavese, to the command of the troops 
which were at once to support Sindia and to check his growing power. 
In reality Plolkar was sent because of his known rivalry to Sindia; and 
it will be seen from the text, that this rivalry culminated in a battle 
between Tukaji Holkar and Sindia’s force under De Boigne. 


Chap, VII.] POLITICAL ISOLATION ; SHORE. 


399 


been defeated by De Boigne, the French general in the a.d, 
service of Sindia, and compelled to retire to his capital at i 794 ’i 79 S 
Indore. At this crisis the rivalry between Mahadaji Sindia “ 
and Nana Farnavese was brought to a close by death. 

Mahadaji Sindia expired at Poona in February, 1794, and 
was succeeded by a boy of fourteen, afterwards known as 
Daulat Rao Sindia. Thus Nana Farnavese was left without 
a rival in the Mahratta empire. 

Meanwhile there was peace and prosperity in Bengal. In Lord 
1793 the permanent land settlement was promulgated, and 
Lord Cornwallis returned to England, leaving Sir 
Shore, the servant of the Company, to succeed him in the 1793/ 
post of Governor-General. Important events were occurring 
in Europe ; Great Britain had declared war against France 
and the French revolution ; and the British authorities in 
India took possession of Pondicherry for the third time 
in Indian history. 

Sir John Shore was a model Indian civilian, free from Sir John 
all suspicion of corruption, — ^honourable, honest, high- Shore, 
minded, and of undoubted industry and capacity. He was Qg^erar* 
the real author of the land settlement, for Lord Cornwallis 1793-98I 
can only claim the credit of making it perpetual. The 
British ministry were so impressed with his merits that he was 
knighted, and appointed to succeed Lord Cornwallis as 
Governor-General. But he knew little of the history of the 
world, and was apparently blind to the significance of political 
events in India. 

At this time the progress of affairs at Poona and Hydera- Alarming 
bad was exciting universal alarm. The Mahrattas insisted breach 
on a final settlement of their claims on Nizam Ali for arrears 
of chout. They had been put off for years by the war 
against Tippu, and the evasions and procrastinations of and Nizam 
Nizam Ali; and after the conclusion of peace with Tippu Ali, 
they became more pressing in their demands for an imme- 
diate settlement. Nizam Ali could neither pay the money, 
nor hope to repel the Mahratta invasion. In sore distress 
he implored the help of the English against the Mahrattas, 
but Sir John Shore declined to interfere. Indeed the British 
parliament and Court of Directors had strictly enjoined a 
policy of non-interference. Sir John Shore was fully alive to 
existing dangers. He saw that without the interference of 


400 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 

A.D, the British government, Nizam AH would be crushed by the 
^7 94:^7 95 Mahrattas. He also saw that the destruction of Nizam Ali 
would remove the last check on the growing power of the 
Mahrattas, and leave the British government without an ally 
of any weight to resist Mahratta encroachments. But Sir 
John Shore was the last man to disobey orders ; and he 
persistently refused to protect Nizam Ali, 

Nizam Nizam Ali, losing all hope of help from the English, had 
Ali’s naturally sought it from the French. Forty years before, his 

French elder brother Saldbut Jung, owed his throne to the French, 
a a ions, maintained himself against the Mahrattas, as well as 
against all domestic rivals, solely by the aid of Bussy and 
the French. Accordingly Nizam Ali entertained a French- 
man, named Raymond, who had originally served in the array 
of Hyder Ali, and who raised a force of sepoy battalions, 
trained and disciplined by French officers. In the begin- 
ning of 1795 Nizam Ali possessed an army of twenty-three 
battalions of regulars commanded by Raymond. He was 
now independent of the English, and ceased to be afraid 
of the Mahrattas. 

Mahratta The Peishwa’s government demanded arrears of chout to 
pvoy the amount of nearly three millions sterling. The accounts 
dera- swelled by high rates of interest and other exas- 

had, perating items. They were drawn up with much precision 
and nicety by Mahratta Brahmans, and were perplexing, if 
not unintelligible, to every one else. A Mahratta envoy 
carried the accounts to Hyderabad, and requested pay- 
ment The Muhammadan minister of the Nizam treated 
the Mahratta with haughty insolence. He told the envoy 
in open durbar that Nana Farnavese must come in person 
to Hyderabad to explain the items; and that if he re-fused 
to come he must be brought. This threat was regarded by 
both sides as a declaration of war. 

Inflated Nizam Ali was puffed up with hopes of victory. The 
hopes of dancing-girls glorified his triumphs in prophetic songs. The 
Nizam Ali, soldiers boasted that they would sack and plunder Poona. 

The minister at Hyderabad was a Muhammadan like his 
master; and he bragged that no treaty should be con- 
cluded with the Mahrattas until the Brahman Peishwa had 
been sent on pilgrimage to Benares, to mutter his incan- 
tations on the banks of the Ganges, with a cloth about his 
loins and a pot of water in his hand 


Chak VII.] POLITICAL ISOLATION : SHORE. 


401 


The Mahrattas were one and all eager for the war. All a.d. 
the feudatories of the empire, —Sindia and Holkar, the 1794' 1 795 
Gaekwar and the Bhonsla, — and even the smaller chieftains 
of the southern Mahratta country,— were burning to share ‘ 

in a settlement of the Mahratta claims. For the last time eager for 
in Mahratta history the summons of the Peishwa was obeyed 'var. 
throughout the length and breadth of Mahratta dominion. 

The decisive battle was fought near the small fortress of decisive 
Kurdla in March 1795 . The Nizam’s cavalry were routed 
with rockets and artillery, but the French battalions under ’ 
Raymond stood their ground. Nizam Ali, however, was 
seized with a panic from the outset. He fled to the 
fortress of Kurdla, repeatedly calling on Raymond to follow 
him. The bulk of his troops dispersed in all directions, 
plundering the baggage of their own array as they fled from 
the field. The banditti in the Mahratta army, known as 
Pindharies, rushed after the fugitives and stripped them of 
their ill-gotten spoil ; whilst the Mahrattas swarmed round 
the fortress of Kurdla, animated by the thought that the 
Nizam and all his treasures were within their grasp. 

Nizam Ali held out for two days in the fortress of Kurdla; Submis- 
then yielded to every demand. He surrendered his offend- don of 
ing minister, ceded nearly half his territory, and pledged 
himself to liquidate the whole of the Mahratta claims. 

'fhe victory of Kurdla raised Nana Farnavese to the Reverseis 
height of prosperity ; but within six months he was plunged 
in a vortex of distractions, which well-nigh worked his ruin, 

The Peishwa, Mahdu Rao Nafain, had reached his twenty- Suicide of 
first year. He had all his life been kept in galling tutelage \he 
by Nana Farnavese, and saw no hope of throwing off the' 
yoke and exercising his sovereign rights as Peishwa of the 
Mahratta empire. In a fit of despair he threw ^himself from 
a ferrace of the palace, and died two days afterwards. 

The nearest kinsman was Baji Rao, son of the Rughonath Claims of 
Rao whom the English had supported in the first Mahratta Bajl I’^ao. 
war. Baji Rao was at this time a‘ young man of twenty; 
but had long been kept in confinement by Nana Farnavese. 

He was too old and too cunning to be a puppet ; and the 
unscrupulous minister was anxious to override his claims 
by prevailing on the widow of the dead Peishwa to adopt a 
son. But Baji Rao, within the walls of his prison, was already 
engaged in a counter-plot. He tried to play Sindia against 

D D 


402 


BRITISH INDIA. 


A.D. 

1794-1795 


Recon- 
ciliation of 
the Nana 
and Baji 
Rao. 


Bewilder- 
ing plots. 


Anarchy 
at Poona. 


Plunder 

and 

treachery. 


[Part III. 

Nana Farnavese. He secretly opened a correspondence 
with the young Daulat Rao Sindia, and promised to cede 
him a large territory if Sindia would place him on the throne 
of Poona as the Peishwa of the Mahrattas. 

Nana Farnavese discovered the plot and forestalled Sindia 
by releasing Baji Rao and declaring him to be Peishwa. 
But the minister could not trust the new Peishwa, and the 
new Peishwa could not trust the minister, until Nana Far- 
navese had taken the most solemn oaths on the tail of a 
cow to be faithful to Baji Rao, and Baji Rao had taken oaths 
equally solemn to keep Nana Farnavese at the head of the 
administration. 

The plots which followed are tortuous and bewildering. 
Daulat Rao Sindia marched an army to Poona. Nana 
Farnavese fled to Satara, under pretence of procuring the 
insignia of investiture from the pageant Maharaja. Baji 
Rao came to terms with Daulat Rao Sindia by promising to 
pay him a sum of two millions sterling. All this While, in 
spite of oaths and promises, and in spite of his being a 
Hindu and a Brahman, Baji Rao sent messengers to Nizam 
Ali, the Muhammadan ruler at Hyderabad, imploring his 
help against both Sindia and the Nana, and promising to 
restore all the territory ceded after the battle of Kiirdla, 
and to forego the balance due on the Mahratta claims. 

These plots threw the city of Poona into tumult and 
anarchy. Nana Farnavese was induced to return to Poona, 
and to pay a visit to Daulat Rao Sindia ; but he was 
treacherously seized and thrown into prison with all his chief 
partisans. Parties of Mahratta soldiers were sent off to 
plunder the houses of the imprisoned chieftains. They 
found the doors barricaded, and the inmates posted with 
arms at the ■ windows and on the roof. The firing was 
incessant and spread universal alarm ; and there was nothing 
but uproar, plunder and bloodshed, throughout the city. 

Sindia next demanded his two millions of Baji Rao, and 
was told to plunder Poona. Sindia took the hint and 
plundered the capital of his suzerain without mercy. All 
the wealthy inhabitants were scourged and tortured until 
they had given up their hoarded treasures. In the end 
Baji Rao made an attempt to entrap Sindia, by inviting 
him to the palace for the purpose of murdering him ; but 
his heart failed him at the last moment, and he hesitated 


Chap. VII.] POLITICAL ISOLATION: SHORE. 403 

to give the necessary signal to the assassins. Accordingly a.d. 
Sindia left the palace without injury, but not without sus- 2796-1 79S 
picions ; and henceforth he was more distrustful than ever of 
the good faith of Baji Rao. 

Sir John Shore was not the man to deal with such dis- Weabiess 
tractions. The Mahratta empire was breaking up, and non- 
intervention would not solve the problem. A statesman of ^ 
European experience and original genius was required to 
deal with the crisis ; a man of stronger brain and firmer 
will At the same time a dangerous disaffection broke 
out in the English army in Bengal. Sir John Shore was 
devoid of all military experience, and found that he had not 
nerve enough to suppress the growing disorders, and he 
requested the Court of Directors to send out a successor. 

Before Sir John Shore returned to England, he was forced Oude 
to give his attention to the state of Oude. The administra- 
tion was at once weak and oppressive. The money wrung • 
from the Ryots was withheld by the Talukdars,^ or squandered 
in wasteful luxury at the capital ; whilst nothing but the 
presence of the British battalions prevented the whole 
country from being overrun by the Mahrattas. Sir John 
Shore remonstrated with the Nawab Vizier, but only wasted 
his words. Asof-ud-daula died in 1797, and Sir John Shore 
recognised a certain Vizier Ali as his successor. Subsequently 
it turned out that Vizier Ali was illegitimate, and that Saddut 
Ali, the brother of the late ruler, was the legitimate and 
rightful Nawab Vizier. Accordingly Vizier Ali was pen- 
sioned off and sent to reside at Benares, Saddut Ali was 
placed upon the tlirone and effected a change in the aspect 
of affairs. He devoted his energies to hoarding up the 
revenues which his predecessors had been accustomed to 
squander on their pleasures. 

In March, 1798, Sir John Shore, now Lord Teignmouth, Shore 
embarked at Calcutta for Europe. Meanwhile a Governor- e^ubarks 
General was coming out to India of a very different stamp. 

At first he was only known as Lord Mornington, but in 
the history of British India, he is more widely known by 
his later title of Marquis of Wellesley. 

2 The Talukdars of Oude corresponded generally to the Zemindars in 
Bengal, but in some cases they were mere collectors of revenue, whilst 
others corresponded to a feudal nobility. Under the rule of a Nawab 
Vizier it is impossible to say what they were. 


D D 2 


Lord 
Morning- 
ton, aged 
thirty- 
eight. 


National 
hatred 
against the 
French : 
Tippu an 
ally of 
France. 


Balance of 
power 
impossible 
in India. 


CHAPTER VIII. 

Mysore and carnatic : wellesley. 

1798 TO iSoi. 

Lord Mornington landed at Calcutta in the thirty- 
eighth year of his age. At the time he left England he had 
three objects in view, namely, to drive the French out of 
India ; to revive the confederacy with Nizam Ali and the 
Peishwa against Tippu of Mysore ; and to establish the 
balance of power which Lord Cornwallis had failed to 
create, and which was still the darling object of the Encrlish 
ministry. ^ 

At this time the hatred of the British nation towards the 
revolutionary government in France had risen to fever heat. 
The reign of terror, the horrors of the guillotine, the execu- 
tion of Louis the Sixteenth and Marie Antoinette, the rise 
of Napoleon, and the threatened invasion of England, had 
stirred up depths of antagonism which later generations 
can scarcely realise. The new Qovernor-General shared 
in the national sentiment, but his wrath was mingled with 
alarm as he heard that one army of French sepoys was 
in the service of Nizam Ali ; that another French army 
was in the service of Daulat Rao Sindia ; and that Tippu 
Sultan, the hereditary enemy of the British nation, was 
entertaining French officers, and courting a French alliance 
which might endanger British power in India. 

But Lord Mornington soon discovered that whilst it was 
possible to revive the old confederation against Tippu, it 
was utterly impossible^ to frame a network of alliances which 
would establish a balance of power, and maintain the peace 


I 


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y^fhav^ftidairL 


W''i r s oiiji Wi® if 

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INDIA 

ill. tke time ctf 

WELLESLEY. 

Statute MOes 



I _ . .,r---;;: : ^^ '-i^ERlAg ^ _ __ y-3 ^ _ 

'"- '■•'?' i< 4 .. 

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Loudon; Macxnilla.it & Co. 


Stiutford!s 'CrtM^\ JBstaJ^ 




CHAP. VIIL] MYSORE AND CARNATIC: WELLESLEY. 405 

i of India on the basis of international relations. Indeed the a.d. 

progress of events had rendered such a task still more hope- ^79^- 

j less in 1798 than it had been in 1792. In 1792 the Nizam 

j and the Peishwa were at any rate substantive states, although 

j they could not be formed into trustworthy allies. Butin 1798 

I the power of the bfizam was shattered by his humiliation at 

I Kurdla ; whilst the Peishwa’s government was distracted by 

j the dissensions between Baji Rao, Daulat Rao Sind ia, and 

j Nana Farnavese, Accordingly, the idea -of a balance of 

j power was abandoned ; and Lord Mornington saw that ‘the 

j work before him was to secure the disbandment of the 

! French battalions, and to revive the confederation against 

f ■■Tippu. ■ ^ ^ ^ ... ■ 

J Lord Mornington began with the Nizam. There was Alliance 
j little difficulty, except what arose from the alarms, the pre- 

varications, and the fickle temperament of Nizam Ali ^ 

I himself. In the end, Nizam Ali agreed to disband his iippu. 

■ French battalions, and to maintain an English force in their 

room, with the understanding that the British government 
would mediate in the Mahratta claims, and, if necessary, 
protect him against the Mahrattas. Nizam Ali further 
1 pledged himself to take no Frenchman or other European 

! into his service without the consent of the British govern- 

I ment. Finally, he promised to furnish a contingent force 

I to serve in the coming war against Tippu. 

j The disbandment of the French battalions at Hyderabad Disband- 
was attended with anxiety, but carried out without blood- ment of 
I shed. An English force was on the ground. The disband- F^encli 

I ment was proclaimed, and then the French sepoys broke. ^ 

I out in mutiny for arrears of pay, and the French officers 
fled for protection to the English lines. The French sepoys 
were re-assured by the discharge of their pay and arrears, 
and submitted to their fate p and within a few hours the 
French battalions had melted away. 

Lord Mornington also opened negotiations with the Mahrattas 
Mahrattas, but he found them impracticable. Baji Rao and avoid a 
Nana Farnavese had become reconciled; for both were 
Brahmans, and both were threatened by Daulat Rao Sindia, 

But they would not form a close connection with the 
English ; they were jealous of the English alliance w:ith the 
Nizam y and they were especially jealous of any interference 
j of the English in the Mahratta claims. But whilst evading 



I 



406 


BKITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A.r>. 

1 798-1799 


Open 
hostility 
of Tippu. 


Explana- 
tions de- 
manded. 


Last war 

against 

Mysore, 

1799. 


Tippu 

over- 

whelmed 

refuses 

humilia- 

tion. 


a treaty they avoided all cause for quarrel Nana Farnavese 
promised that in the event of a war against Tippu, the 
Peishwa’s government would send a Mahratta contingent to 
Go-operate with the armies of the English and the Nizam. 

Meanwhile the hostility of Tippu was proved beyond a 
doubt. He sent envoys to the French governor of the 
Mauritius with despatches for the government at Paris, pro- 
posing an offensive and defensive alliance against the English. 
The matter was blazoned forth in a public proclamation at 
the Mauritius ; and it was republished in the Indian journals, 
and confirmed by advices from the Cape. Shortly afterwards 
news arrived in India that a French army under Napoleon 
had landed in Egypt; and it was also rumoured that a 
French fleet was on its way down the Red Sea bound for 
the coast of Malabar. Under such circumstances Lord 
Mornington resolved on the final extinction of Tippu. 

But Lord Mornington did not rush blindly into a war. 
He demanded an explanation from Tippu, and proposed 
sending a Major Doveton to come to a thorough under- 
standing with the Sultan. But Tippu sent back lanie 
explanations, charging the French authorities with untruth- 
fulness and malice, and refused to receive Major Doveton. 

The war began in 1799. An English army under General 
Plarris marched from Madras to the Mysore country, accom- 
panied by Colonel Arthur Wellesley, afterwards famous as 
the great Duke of Wellington. The expedition was joined 
by a force from Hyderabad, but the Mahrattas made no 
appearance. Another English force from Bombay entered 
the Mysore country from the westward, to form a junction 
with the Madras army. 

Tippu made some efforts at resistance, but was routed 
and compelled to fall back on his famous capital and strong- 
* hold at Seringapatara. He seemed bewildered and infatuated 
as the forces from Madras and Bombay closed around him. 
He sued for peace, and was required to cede half his 
remaining territories, and to pay a sum of two millions 
sterling. The terras were hard, but the hearts of the English 
were steeled against him. They remembered his cruelties 
towards his English prisoners, and were enraged at his 
intrigues with the French. Tippu spurned the proffered 
conditions. “Better,^' he said, to die like a soldier, than 
to end my days as a pensioned Nawab.’^ 


Chap, VIIL] MYSORE AND CARNATIC : WELLESLEY, 


407 


In May, 1799, the fortifications of Seringapatam were a.d. 
taken by storm. Tippu himself was found dead in a gate- i799-iSoo 
way; his remains were treated with becoming ^^^spect, and 
buried with funeral honours in the mausoleum of his of Serinfa- 
family. patam and 

Thus fell the dynasty of Hyder Ali after, a brief exist- ^®^th of 
ence of forty years. The downfall of Tippu and capture 
of Seringapatam thrilled through India like the victory at Relief and 
Plassy. Every Englishman felt a relief ; every native pRy 
prince was alarmed at the rapid success of the conquerors. 

There were few in India to lament the fate of Tippu, 
excepting the members of his own family and the Muham- 
madans of Mysore. He was denounced as a cruel persecutor 
of Hihdus and Christians ; as a foe of the English and a 
friend of the French. He was not a born genius like his 
father Hyder Ali, but he was more zealous and consistent 
as a Muhammadan. 

Territorial conquest in India was distasteful to the people Veiling of 
of England. Lord Mornington was hailed as the conqueror territorial 
of Tippu, and rewarded with the title of Marquis of Wei- 
lesley ; but, like Lord Clive, he deemed it prudent to veil 
his conquest from European eyes. A part of Mysore was 
formed into a Hindu kingdom ; and an infant representative 
of the extinct Hindu dynasty was taken from a hovel, and 
placed upon the throne as Maharaja. The remaining 
territory was divided into three portions ; one to be retained 
by the English; one to be given to the Nizam, who had 
joined in the war * and the third, under certain conditions, 
to be made over to the Peishwa, who had taken no part in 
the hostilities. 

Picturesque glimpses of the Carnatic and Mysore in the 
year 1800 are furnished by Dr. Buchanan, who was deputed 
by Lord Wellesley to undertake a journey through the 
newly opened territories of Mysore and Malabar. 

Dr. Buchanan left Madras in April, 1800, and marched Madras to 
towards Areot. His journey in the first instance lay through Malabar, 
the Company's Jaghir ; and it is curious to note the changes 
which the Jaghir had undergone. It had been ceded to the ja^E\ ' ^ 
East India Company by Muhammad Ali, Nawab of Arcot, 
many years previously, in return for the services rendered 
by the English. It extended aldng the Coromandel coast, 
north and south, from Puiicat lake to the river Palar, and 


BRITISH INDIA. 


40S BRITISH INDIA. [Part HI. 

A.D. inland from Madras to Conjeverarn. It was thus about a 
1800. hundred miles long and forty broad. 

Rava^sof Company's Jaghir was twice ravaged by Hyder AH 

HydOT Ali. and sword. The devastation was so complete 
that at the end of the war in 1784, there were few signs that 
the country had been inhabited, beyond the bones of those 
who had been murdered, and the naked walls of houses, 
temples, and choultries that had been burnt The havoc of 
war was succeeded by a destructive famine, which drove 
many ot the wretched survivors to emigrate from the country. 
Mr. Place, In 1794, ten years after the war, the Cornpany^s Jaghir 
the ^ was formed into a collectorate under the management of 
colfector remembered by the natives. Mr, 

Place retired in 1798. IVo years later Dr. Buchanan was 
on his way from Madras to Mysore. 

Face of the Dr. Buchanan found the weather very hot and dry, as is 
country, generally the case in April. After leaving the plain occupied 
by the white garden houses of the Europeans, Dr. Buchanan 
entered a level country covered with rice-fields. The roads 
were good, and many of the mud huts were covered with 
tiles, and consequently appeared better than those in 
Bengal. 

Resting- Dr. Buchanan was struck with the resting-places and 
places and choultries which had been built for the accommodation 
choultries. rich native merchants of Madias. The 

resting-places were mud walls four feet high, on which 
porters deposited their loads during intervais of rest, and 
took them up again without stooping. The choultries were 
square courts enclosed by low buildings, divided into apart- 
ments in which the poorest travellers obtained shelter from 
sun or rain, and a draught of water or milk without expense. 
In some choultries provisions were sold ; in others they 
were distributed gratis, at least to Brahmans or other 
religious mendicants. The village choultry was also the 
place of assembly for all the head men and elders, when 
they met together to settle disputes or discuss other public 
matters. 

Collection In collecting rents in the Company's Jaghir, the crops 
of land were not kept on the ground until the rent was paid, as was 
rents. [jq Bengal. On the contrary, the grain was cut, 

threshed, and stacked, and then sealed with clay bearing a 
stamp, until the cultivator paid his rent in coin or kind. 


Collection 
of land 
rents. 


Ghap. VIII.] MYSORE AND CARNATIC : WELLESLEY. 469 

The great water- tank of Saymbrumbaulsum on the road to a.d, 
Conjeveram was then as now an object of wonder. It was iSco. 
not dug like the tanks in Bengal, but was formed by shutting 
up, with an artificial bank, an opening between two natural 
ridges. The sheet of water w^as seven or eight miles in 
length and three in width. During the rains it was filled 
by neighbouring rivers, and during the dry season it was let 
out in small streams. In the event of the rains failing, it 
sufficed to water the lands of thirty* two villages for a period 
of eighteen months. 

Mr. Place, the English collector,^ had repaired this tank, Measure.s 
and given great satisfaction to the cultivators whilst augment- of Mr. 
ing the revenue. Mr. Place had also caused every village 
to be surrounded by a hedge of bamboos, which served to 
keep off small parties of horsemen during a hostile invasion, 
whilst extending the cultivation of bamboos. 

Buchanan halted at Conjeveram, or Kanchi-puram, Conjever- 
about forty miles from Madras. To this day Conjeveram am : streets 
is a type of the Hindu cities in the Peninsula. The 
were tolerably broad and lined with cocoa-nut trees, and ^ " 

crossed one another at right angles. The houses were built 
of mud in the form of a square, with a small court in the 
centre. They appeared much more comfortable than the 
houses in the country towns in Bengal. 

There was a large temple at Conjeveram dedicated to Worship 
Siva and his wife. Three miles off w^as another temple of Siva 
dedicated to Vishnu. There were a hundred Brahman 
families and a hundred dancing-girls employed in the service 
of these temples. Twice a year the images of Vishnu and 
his family were carried in procession on a visit to Siva ; but 
Siva returned the visit only once a year. On those occa- 
sions there were frequent disputes between the worshippers 
of Siva and those of Vishnu, leading to abusive language 
and blows, which the English collectors were sometimes 
obliged to put down with the bayonet. 

The Brahmans of Southern India were divided into three Three 
leading sects, namely, the Smartal, the Vaishnava, andthe sects. 
.MaduaL; ■ , , . 

The Smartal were the most numerous, and comprehended 

^ In Madras the civil officers are termed collectors and deputy- 
collectors ; in Bengal and elsewhere they are termed commissioners and 
deputy -commissioners. 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


The 

Smartai, 


Type of a 
Smartal. 



half the Brahmans in the Lower Carnatic. Its members 
were followers of Sankhara Acli^rya. They were commonly 
said to be worshippers of Siva, but they considered Brahma, 
Vishnu, and Siva to be the same god assuming different 
persons as the creator, preserver, and destroyer of the 
universe. They believed their own souls to be portions of 
the divinity, and did not believe in transmigration as a 
punishment for sin. They were readily distinguished by 
three horizontal stripes on the forehead made with white 
ashes.^ 

Buchanan met with a Smartal Brahman, who was a fair 
type of his class. He was reckoned a man of learning, but 
he denied all knowledge of Jains, Buddhists, or other sects, 
beyond having heard them mentioned. He considered the 
doctrines of all sects, save his own, to be contemptible 
and unworthy of notice. He believed in a supreme god, 
called Ndrayana, or Para Brahma, from whom proceeded 
Siva, Vishnu, or Brahma ; but he regarded all of them, 
individually and collectively, as one and the same god. 
His sect prayed to Siva and Vishnu, as well as to many of 
their wives, children and attendants, among whom were the 
Sakhtis, or destructive powers. Siva however was the 
principal object of their worship ; for they considered him to 
be a most powerful mediator with N^rdyana, who was rather 
too much elevated to attend to their personal requests. They 
abhorred bloody sacrifices, but did not blame the Sfidras for 
practising such a form of worship ; they said it was the custom 
of the Siidras, and that it was a matter of very little conse- 
quence what such low people did. The Smartals believed 
that when a good Brahman died, his spirit was united to God ; 
but that the soul of a bad Brahman was punished in purga- 
tory, and then passed through other lives, as an animal or as 
a person of low caste, until at last he became a Brahman 
and had another opportunity by the performance of good 
works to become united to God, 

^ Sankhara Acharya, the apostle of the Smartals, was a Nambiiri 
Brahman of Malabar, who flourished about the eighth century of the 
Christian era. His disciples taught that he was an incarnation of Siva, 
who appeared on earth to root out the religion of the Jains and regulate 
and reform the Brahmans.’ In 1871 a representative or successor of 
this apostle was still living. His name was Nar.dngh Acharya. He 
was called by his disciples the Jagat Guru, or teacher of the world. See 
larger History of India^ vol. iii. chap, 8. 


Chap. VIII.] MYSORE AND CARNATIC : WELLESLEY. 


The followers of Rim^nuja Ach^rya were the most a.d. 
numerous sect of Brahmans, next to the Smartals, and 1800. 
formed about three-tenths of the whole. They were called 
Vaishnava and A’ayngar, and were readily known by three vafshnava 
vertical marks on the forehead, connected by a common line and 
above the nose, and formed of white clay. They abhorred A’ayngar. 
Siva, calling him the chief the Rdkshasas, or devils ; and 
they worshipped only Vishnu and the gods of his family. 

They formed two sects; those who believed in transmigra- 
tion and those who did not.^ 

The Maduals formed the remaining two-tenths of the The 
Brahmans. They wore the vertical marks on the forehead, 
which were appropriate to the followers of Vishnu, but they 
also worshipped Siva. They believed in the. generation of 
the gods in a literal sense, thinking Vishnu to be the father 
of Brahma, and Brahma to be the father of Siva. 

The proper duty of a Brahman was meditation on things Brahmans, 
divine ; and the proper mode of procuring a livelihood was spiritual 
by begging. But the common people were not so charitable secular, 
as in a former age, nor so willing to part with their money. ‘ 
Accordingly most of the Brahmans in the Lower Carnatic 
followed secular professions. They filled the different 
offices in the collection of revenue and administration of 
justice ; and were extensively employed as guides and 
messengers, and as keepers of choultries. They rented 
lands, but never put their hands to the plough, and culti- 
vated their farms by slaves who belonged to the inferior 
castes.2 Hence arose the distinction between the Vaidika 
and Ldkika Brahmans : the Vaidika devoting their days to 

^ Ramanuja Acharya, the apostle of the Vaishnaras and A’ayngars, 
flourished about the twelfth century. He made Conjeverara his head 
quarters, but undertook missionary circuits over the whole of the 
Peninsula. One of his disciples, named Ramanand, founded another 
celebrated sect at Benares, who wonshipped Vishnu through his incarna- 
tions of Rama and Krishna, and threw off all ties of caste. See larger 
voL Hi. chap. S. 

® The lower-castes, or rather outcastes, were by far the most hardy 
and laborious people in the Carnatic, but the greater number were slaves. 

Hyder Ali was alive to their value, and during his incursions in the 
Carnatic he sought to carry them away to Mysore, where he settled 
them down in farms. They are divided into numerous tribes or castes, 
distinguished by a variety of names, but are best known to Europeans by 
the general term of Pariahs. Properly speaking the Pariahs or Pareyars 
form only a single tribe. 


4X2 BRITISH INDIA. [Part 111. 

A.D. study, contemplation, and the education of younger Brah- 
naans I whilst the Ldkikas engaged in the government 
revenue and other worldly concerns. The mercenary 
Brahmans who officiated in pagodas for a livelihood were 
despised alike by Vaidikas and Ldkikas. 

Separate Throughout both Carnatics, except at Madras and some 
Brahman^ Other exceptional towns, the Brahmans appropriated to 
and themselves a particular quarter, generally that which was 

Siidras. the best fortified. A Sildra was not permitted to dwell in 

the same street as a Brahman, and Pariahs and other low- 
castes were forbidden to dwell in the same quarter as the 
Sudras. Indeed the Pariahs, and others of the same stamp, 
generally lived in wretched huts about the suburbs, where a 
Brahman could not walk without pollution. 

Fortified Buchanan paid a passing visit to Arcot and Vellore. He 
saw nothing remarkable except the Muhammadan women, 
an owns, about on bullocks, and were entirely wrapt up in 

white veils. He ascended the Eastern Ghdts and entered 
Mysore. The country was exceedingly bare and the popu- 
lation scanty. All the houses were collected in villages ; 
the smallest villages of five or six houses were fortified with 
a wall six feet high, and a mud tower on the top to which 
the only access was by a ladder. If a plundering party 
approached the village, the people ascended the tower with 
their families and valuables, and drew up the ladder, and 
defended themselves with stones, which even the women 
threw with great force and dexterity. The larger villages 
had square forts, with round towers at the angles. In towns 
the defences were still more numerous ; the fort served as a 
citadel, whilst the town or pettah was surrounded by a 
weaker defence of mud. The inhabitants considered forti- 
fications as necessaries of existence, and incurred the whole 
expense of building them and the risk of defending them. 
Indeed ‘for a long series of years the country had been in a 
constant state of warfare; and the poor inhabitants had 
suffered so much from all parties that they would not . trust 
in any. ' 

Baiigalore. Buchanan halted at Bangalore, which has since become 
a favourite resort of the English in India. Bangalore 
was founded by Hyder Ali, and during his reign was an 
emporium of trade and manufactures. Hyder built the 
fort at Bangalore after the best fashion of Muhammadan 



Chap. VIII.] MYSORE AND CARNATIC: WELLESLEY. 413 

military architecture ; but Tippu destroyed it after he found a.d, 
that it could not resist English valour. Tippu also ruined 
the town by prohibiting all trade with the subjects of 
the Nawab of Arcot and Nizam of Hyderabad, whom he 
held in detestation.^ It was plundered during the Mysore 
war of 1791-92 by the forces of Lord Cornwallis and his 
native allies, and the inhabitants fled in all directions. 
Subsequently Tippu induced the refugees to return with 
the wreck of their fortunes; and then, having got them 
under his thumb, he fleeced them of all they possessed, 
down to the most trifling ornaments, on the pretence that 
they had favoured the English. Since the fall of Tippu in 
1799 the inhabitants began once more to flock into Banga- 
lore under the assurance of British protection. 

At Seringapatam Buchanan saw the palace of Tippu Seringapa- 
Sultan. It was a large building surrounded ^ 
stone and mud. Tippu’s own rooms formed one side of 
the square, whilst the three remaining sides were occupied of Tippu. 
by warehouses. Tippu had been a merchant as well as a 
prince ; and during his reign he filled his warehouses with a 
vast variety of goods, which the Amildars, or governors of 
provinces, were expected to sell to the richer inhabitants at 
prices iar in excess of their real value. Much corruption 
and oppression resulted from this forced system of trade. 

Those who bribed the Amildar were exempt from making 
large purchases. Those poor wretches who were unable to 
bribe, were forced to buy ; and as they w'ere equally unable to 
pay, they were stripped of all they possessed, and written 
down as debtors to the Sultan for the outstanding balances. 

Tippu persecuted Hindus, and especially Brahmans, as Brahman 
bitterly as Aiirangzeb ; but his bigotry rarely stood in the olhcials. 
way of his interest. He might be unmerciful towards the 
temple Brahmans, but he spared the seculars. Indeed, 
the secular Brahmans were the only men in his dominions 
who were fitted for civil administration. His Dewan, or 
financial minister, was a Brahman of singular ability, named 
Purnea. Tippu was anxious that Purnea should become a 
Muhammadan j but Purnea was so horrified at the idea 
that the intention was abandoned. 

^ Tippu sought to punish both the Nawab and Nizam by stopping the 
trade with Arcot and Hyderabad, much in the same way that the first 
Napoleon tried to punish England by the Berlin decrees. 


414 BRITISH INDIA. [Part HI f 

I 

a.d. All this while the Brahmans were so avaricioiis and cor- 
rupt, that Tippu would gladly have displaced them could he 
Corrup- have found capable men of other castes to fill their posts. He 
tion and tried to check their malpractices by appointing Muhamroa- 
oppression. dan Asofs, or lord-lieutenants, to superintend the adminis- 
tration in the provinces j but this measure only aggravated 
the evil. The Asofs were indolent, ignorant, and self- 
indulgent; and hungered after money bribes to supply their 
wants. Consequently the Brahmans doubled their exactions 
in order to satisfy the Asofs. Every native supposed to be | 
rich was exposed to false charges, » and there was no escape | 
except by bribery, i 

Purnea, Under the new government introduced by the Marquis 
the Brah- of Wellesley, Purnea remained in the post of De wan, and 
Dewan of l^he administration of Mysore under the super- 

Mysore. vision of an English Resident. He was a Brahman of the 1 

Madual sect, a good linguist, and well versed in the affairs f 

of the country. The revenue establishments were largely ’ 
reduced, and consequently the Brahmans were the loudest 
in their complaints against the new government Those 
who were retained in the public service were paid liberal 
salaries to place them above temptation, but the result 
was not satisfactory. The people of Mysore acknowledged 
that they were delivered from the licentiousness of Tippu’s 
soldiery, and the arbitrary exactions of his government ; but 
they complained that the Brahman officials took more money 
than ever. 

DistiBction Buchanan explains' the remarkable distinction which pre- 
between vails in the two Carnatics between the left and right 
“hands.” This distinction is confined to the Pariahs, and 
iow-castes generally. The “ left hand ” comprised nine . 
tribes or castes, including blacksmiths, carpenters, masons, 
gold and silver-smiths, oil makers, hunters, shoemakers, ' 
and some others. The “right hand” comprised eighteen 
tribes, including Pariahs properly so called, calico-printers, 
shepherds, potters, washermen, palanquin-bearers, barbers, 
painters, cowkeepers, and others. The Pariahs proper were 
the chief tribe of the “right hand.”* 

Quarrels The origin of this division of the Hindu low-castes was 
_ involved in fable. It was said to have been carried out 

b^^<^dshed. 1 ^^ goddess Kali. It was also said 

that the rules to be observed on either side were engraved 


Chap. VIII.] MYSORE AND CARNATIC : WELLESLEY, 


4x5 


on a copper plate, and preserved in the great temple of a,d. 
Siva. The existence of the plate, however, was more than 

doubtful. The pretensions of both hands were diametri- 

cally opposed, yet both appealed to the plate as an authority, 
and no one produced a copy. The antagonism originated 
in claims to the exclusive possession of certain honorary 
distinctions, such as the privilege of using twelve pillars 
to the temporary building under which the marriage cere- 
monies -were performed; the right of riding on horseback 
in processions; or the claim to carry a flag painted with the 
figure of the monkey god Hanuman.^ 

Buchanan saw something of the working of Gurus and Gums and 
Swamis in the Brahmanical hierarchy. 2 They were the Swpiis : 
bishops of their respective sects, exercising a jurisdiction in 
all things relating to religion or caste. The Gurus ^i^d 
Swamis performed certain ceremonies of initiation and 
confirmation in their respective sects. They imparted to 
every disciple a mysterious sentence, known as the Upadasa, 
which was to be uttered orally in their devotions, and was 
never to be written down or revealed. Sometimes a Guru 
gave a Upaddsa and some images to a favourite disciple, 
and appointed him as a kind of deputy to manage aifairs 
at a distance. In the Vaishnava sect every disciple was 
branded with the spear of the god Vishnu. This ceremony 
was known as the Chakrdntikam.^ The spear was made 

^ The division between the left and right “hands 'Ms unknown in 
Hindustan, but prevails throughout the Peninsula and a great part of 
the Dekhan. The disputes amongst the low*castes at MasiiUpatam {anUj 
page 191) were connected with this distinction. The English at Madras 
and the French at Pondicherry were often troubled in the last century 
by disputes between the left and right “hands," which sometimes were 
productive of bloodshed, and necessitated the interference of the 
military. Abbe Dubois relates a remarkable instance at which he him- 
self was present, A terrible feud had broken out between the Pariahs 
and Cobblers, which spread through a large district. Many of the 
timid inhabitants began to remove their effects and leave their villages, 
as if they had been threatened by a Mahratta invasion. Fortunately 
matters did nor come to an extremity, as the chief men came forward to 
mediate between the vulgar castes, and to disband the armed ranks just 
as they were awaiting the signal for battle. The cause of this dreadful 
commotion was a tribe. A Cobbler had stuck red flowers in his turban 
at a public festival, and the Pariahs insisted that none of his caste had 
a right to wear them. 2 ggg part i., chap, iv., page 65. 

3 This branding ceremony was not practised by the Smartal sect who 
worshipped Siva, 


4i6 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A.D. hot and applied to the shoulder so as to burn the skin. 
The Upadasa was imparted to the disciple only once 
during life ; but the Chakrantikam or branding was per- 
formed several times. ^ 

Money The Gurus were entirely supported by the contributions 
demands. Qf disciples ; but these were so burdensome that a 
Guru seldom continued long in one place. The contribu- 
tions of a rich town like Madras would not support a Guru 
or Swami for more than one or two months; and the visits 
of a Guru were often regarded with dread like the incursions 
of a Mahratta.2 

Visitations The Gurus travelled in great state, with elephants, horses, 
of the palanquins, and an immense train of disciples, the least of 
whom considered himself as elevated far above ordinary 
mortals by his superior sanctity. They generally travelled 
at night in order to avoid their Muhammadan or European 
conquerors, who would not show them that veneration, or 
adoration, to which they considered themselves entitled. 
On the approach of a Guru to any place, all the inhabitants 
of the higher castes went out to meet him ; but the lower 
castes were not admitted to his presence. The Guru was 
conducted to the principal temple, and bestowed Upaddsa, 
or Chakrintikam, on such as had not received those cere- 
monies, and also distributed holy water. He then inquired 
into matters of contention, or transgressions against the 
rules of caste; and having settled or punished all such 
offences, he heard bis disciples and other learned men dis- 
pute on theological subjects. I'his was the grand field for 
acquiring reputation among the Brahmans. 

^ At the Madras Presidency College many years ago, the author often 
heard educated Hindus speak of the ceremonies described by Buchanan, 
tie believes that the Upadasa imparted to the higher castes corresponded 
to the Gayatri, or invocation of all the Vaidik deities as represented by 
the sun. The Upadasa imparted to Sudras and others was nothing 
more than the name of some particular god, which was to be constantly 
repeated by the worshipper. The ceremony of branding was sometimes 
a subject of mirth to those who were not required to submit to it. 

2 ^ hundred pagodas a day, or about thirty-six pounds sterling, were 
as little as could be offered to a Guru on bis tour, and the Raja of 
Tanjore was said to have given his Guru sometliing like ninety pounds 
a day whenever the great spiritual teacher honoured him with a visit. 
There is reason however to believe that the disciples exaggerated the 
value of past gifts in the hope of exciting the emulation of current 
worshippers. 


r 


GKAP. Vlll.] MYSORE AND CARNATIC : WELLESLEY. 


417 


Besides the Gums however there were popular forms of a.d. 
ecclesiastical government Throughout every part of India, 
wherever there was a considerable number of any one caste p “7“ 
or tribe, there was usually a head man, and his office was 
generally hereditary. His powers were various in different eccksias- 
sects and places ; but he was commonly entrusted with heal 
authority to punish all transgressions against the rules 
caste. His power was not arbitrary ; as he was always 
assisted by a council of the most respectable members of 
his tribe. He could inflict fines and stripes, and above all 
excommunication, or loss of caste, which was the most 
terrible of all punishments to a Hindu. 

Whilst Gurus, and Brahmans generally, were held in such Satires 
outward veneration, an undercurrent of antagonism occa- against 
sionally found expression in the language of revolt Satirical 
songs were current, showing up the incapacity of the Gurus ; 
and sarcastic tales were told of the vanity or stupidity of 
Brahmans. Abbe Dubois has preserved a specimen of these 
compositions, which sufficiently illustrates the popular senti- 
ments, and maybe reproduced in a condensed paraphrase : — 


Once upon a time four Brahmans were going on a 
journey, when they met a soldier, who cried out, — ‘ Health to 
my lord ! ^ All four replied with a benediction, and tlien 
quarrelled amongst themselves as to which of the four had 
been saluted by the soldier. Accordingly they ran back and 
put the question to the soldier, who replied that his saluta- 
tion had been intended for the greatest fool of the four. 

‘‘The four Brahmans next quarrelled as to which of them 
was the greatest fool. Accordingly they proceeded to the 
choultry .of a neighbouring village, and put the question to 
the elders who were assembled there ; and in order to 
arbitrate on this knotty point, each Brahman was called 
upon in turn to prove his claim to the salutation. 

“ The first Brahman said that a rich merchant had given 
him two of the finest pieces of cloth that had ever been 
seen in his village. He purified them by washing, and hung 
them out to dry, when a dog ran under them ; and neither 
he nor his children could tell whether the dog had touched 
them so to render them impure. Accordingly he crawled 
under the cloths on his hands and knees without touching 
them; but his children decided that the trial was of no 


Dubois’ 
story of 
the four 
Brahmans, 


Question 
of the 


The dog's 
tail. 


■1 


4iS 

A.D. 

1 800. 


The 
shaven 
wife. ' 


The 

prattlers 
and the 
betehleaf. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

avail, as the dog might have touched them with his turned- 
up tail, whilst their father had no such appendage. This 
decision so exasperated the Brahman that he tore the 
cloths to rags, and was then laughed at as the greatest 
fool in the village, because he might have washed the cloths 
a second time, or at any rate have given them to a poor 
Sddra. 

‘‘The second Brahman then told his story. His head 
had been shaved by a barber, but his wife had given the 
man two annas instead of one, and the barber refused to 
give back the extra anna. After much wrangling the barber 
agreed to shave the head of the Brahman's wife for nothing. 
The husband agreed, but the wife screamed with terror, for 
shaving her head was equivalent to charging her with infi- 
delity. However the Brahman was determined not to lose 
his anna, and the wife was shaved by force. The result was 
that the wife ran away to her parents, whilst the husband 
was railed at as the greatest fool in the world. 

“ The third Brahman next put in his claim. One evening 
he remarked that all women were prattlers. His wife 
replied that some men were greater prattlers than women. 
After some disputing it was agreed that the one who spoke 
first should give a leaf of betel to the other. The night 
passed away without a word. Morning came, but neither 
would speak or rise. The village was alarmed, and a multi- 
tude of Brahmans, men and women, gathered round the 
house fearing that the inmates were murdered. At last the 
carpenter broke down the door. The husband and wife were 
still lying on the couch, and neither would speak or move. 
Some of the bystanders declared that the pair were possessed 
of devils ; and a magician was called in, but his incantations 
had no effect. At last a wise old Brahman brought a bar of 
red-hot gold in a, pair of pincers, and applied it to the feet 
of the husband ; but the man bore the torture without a 
■word. Next the bar was tried on the wife, with a different 
effect; she rose up with a shriek and gave her husband a 
leaf of betel. The man took the leaf, saying,— ‘Was I not 
right when I said that all women were prattlers ?' The 
multitude looked on with amazement, but when they dis- 
covered that the husband had aroused the whole village for 
the sake of a leaf of betel, they declared that he was the 
biggest fool they had ever seen. 


Ghap. VIII.] MYSORE AND CARNATIC: WELLESLEY. 


419 


last the fourth Brahman asserted his right to be a.I). 
regarded as the greatest fool of the four. For some years 
he had been betrothed to a girl, and at last she was 
old enough to be his wife. His mother would have fetched bride, 
the damsel from her father^s house, but was too sick to go. 
Accordingly she sent her son, but knowing him to be a 
brute, she implored him to be careful in his behaviour. The 
father of the damsel entertained his son-in-law with all 
hospitality, and then dismissed him with his bride. The 
day was excessively hot, and the road ran through a desert 
which scorched their feet. The damsel had been tenderly 
brought up, and fainted with the heat, and lay down upon 
the ground and declared that she wished to die. A rich 
merchant came up, and offered to save her life by carrying 
her away on one of his bullocks; he also offered twenty 
pagodas to her husband as the value of her ornaments. 
Accordingly the bridegroom parted from his bride, and went 
home with the twenty jDagodas. When bis mother heard 
the story she overwhelmed him with curses. Presently the 
wife’s relations came to the village, and would have murdered 
him bad he not fled to the jungle. As it was, the chiefs of 
the caste fined him two hundred pagodas, and prohibited 
him from ever marrying again. 

Meanwhile the elders at the choultry had been con- Decision 
vulsed with laughter at the stories of the four Brahmans, of the 
and so had all the people who had gathered around to hear 
what was going on. When the fourth Brahman had finished 
his tale, the elders delivered their judgment. They decided 
that each of the four Brahmans might consider himself 
entitled to the salutation of the soldier ; and thereupon all 
four rushed out of the choultry in great delight, each one 
declaring that he had won the cause.” 

The foregoing tale cannot be regarded as history proper ; Resump - 
but it is a specimen of folk lore, and reveals the current of tion of the 
feeling which was running through Peninsular India at 
beginning of the present century, and is still flowing. 
will now be necessary to resume the thread of the narrative, 
which has been interrupted ever since the Mysore war w'as 
brought to a close by the destruction of Tippu and down* 
fall of Seringapatam, 


E E 2 


420 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


a.d. The conquest of Mysore was followed by vital changes 
1S 00-18 01 jn Tanjore and the Carnatic, similar to those which Lord 
Taniore Clive had carried out in Bengal and Behar some thirty-five 
and the before, but without the sham of Moghul suzerainty. 

Carnatic English administration was introduced into both countries 
brdnght in the place of native rule; and the Raja of Tanjore and 
BtUiL Nawab of the Carnatic were reduced to the condition of 

rule.^ titular princes like the Nawab Nazim of Murshedabad. 

How far Lord Wellesley was justified in carrying out 
such radical reforms may be gathered from the following 
facts. 

Tanjore • The Hindu Raj of Tanjore had been favoured by nature 
Raj con- beyond all the other principalities in the Peninsula. It has 
quered by already been described as the delta of the Koleroon and 
lairattas. ^ well-watered garden, vicing in fertility with the 

delta of the Nile, and forming the granary of Southern 
India. It had been conquered in the seventeenth century 
by a Mahratta prince of the house of Sivaji ; but it was 
cut off from the homes of the Mahratta-speaking people in 
the western Dekhan by the intermediate territories of the 
Carnatic Nawab. ^ 

Indepen- Tanjore had suffered much from the encroachments of 
dent of the Moghuls, but was otherwise an independent principality. 
Satara and Isolated from the Mahratta empire, the Mahratta Rajas 
oona. of Tanjore paid no such allegiance to the Maharajas at 
Satara, or Peishwas at Poona, as was paid by Sindia or 
Holkar, the Gaekwar or the Bhonsla of Berar. For many 
years the frontiers of Tanjore were oscillating, like those 
of the Mahratta empire; but during the eighteenth 
century they became fixed, and the Raj of Tanjore is 
described as a compact territory, seventy miles long from 
north to south, and sixty miles from east to west. It 
was bounded on the north by the Koleroon, on the east 
by the Bay of Bengal, on the south by the Marawar 

^ Tanjore was originally a province of the old tlindu empire of 
Vijayanagar, After the battle of Talikota, the Hindu viceroy or Naik 
became an independent Raja. Then followed intermittent wars between 
Tanjore and Trichinopoly. The Tanjore Raja was overpowered, 
and called the Mahrattas to Bis help. In 1680 the Mahrattas helped 
him with a vengeance. They saved him from destruction <and then 
overran his territory, and took pos^-ession of his kingdom in payment 
for their services. See dn/e, page 176. 


Chap. Vni.] MYSORE AND CARNATIC: WELLESLEY. 


421 


country,^ and on the west by Trichinopoly and the Toiidi- a.d. 
man’s country.^ 18 00-18 01 

Swartz, the missionary, was favourably disposed towards 
the Raja who was reigning in 1775 when Tanjore was rule des- 
restored by Lord Pigot Indeed the Raja had permitted cribed by 
him to preach and establish schools. But the evidence of Swartz. 
Swartz reveals the agony of Tanjore. The people were 
groaning under oppression and misgovernment. The Raja 
was a slave in the hands of Brahmans ; he lived immured 
in the recesses of the palace, surrounded by a multiplicity 
of wives, and left the administration in the hands of 
a rapacious minister. The cultivators were at the mercy 
of renters, who took sixty or seventy baskets of rice out 

^ The Marawar country is a relic of Hindu antiquity, and closely 
associated with the legendary wars of Rama and Ravana. The people 
were primitive, and included the caste of Kalars, or hereditary robbers. 

In modern times the tract fell into the possession of the Rajas of 
Sivaganga and Ramnad, the former of whom was known as the little . 
Marawar, whilst the latter was known as the great Marawar. The 
Ramnad estate was granted to the ancestors of the great Marawar, with 
the title of Sethipati, or i*' Commander-in-chief,’' for the defence of 
the road and protection of pilgrims resorting to the sacred pagoda of 
Ramisseram. 

^ The Tondiman was originally a Zemindar, who rendered, great 
services to the East India Company during the wars in the Carnatic, 
and was rewarded by the title and dignity of Raja. One incident in 
the family history is suggestive of old Hindu life. There was an 
ancient dispute between the Tondiman and Sivaganga Rajas respecting 
a small tract of land about ten miles long. Generation after generation 
fought for this land, so that four-fifths of it became jungle, whilst the 
reinainder was sowed sword in hand, and reaped with bloodshed. 

Many attempts were made to settle the dispute, but without avail, At 
last a Major Blackburne, Resident at Tanjore, summoned the repre- 
sentatives on either side to bring all their documents and vouchers. 

After six weeks’ laborious investigation, Major Blackburne discovered 
beyond all doubt that most of them were forgeries. Both parties, seeing 
that the Let was patent, admitted that every document of importance 
had been fabricated for the occasion ; but they confidently appealed to 
the boundary stones, which they swore had been set up from a remote 
antiquity. On inquiry however Major Blackburne found that four 
years previously none of the stones had been in existence. Major 
Blackburne then decided the case on his own authority by dividing the 
land equally between the Tondiman and Sivaganga Rajas, and settingup 
new boundary stones under the seal of the British government By so 
doing he ofiended both parties, but he put an end to the interminable 
wars, and before long the whole jungle was brought under cultivation. 

This measure, in the ’’eyes of natives, was one of the oppressions of 
'■.'British rule. ' ' 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part Hi. 



422 


A.D 

1S0O-180I 


Kespoiisi- 
bility of 
the British 
govern- 
ment. 


Disputed 


of every hundred ; and' sometimes the entire harvest was 
reaped by the servants of the Raja, whilst the cultivators 
looked helplessly on. In. 1786 it was reported that sixty- 
five thousand of the inhabitants had fled from Tanjore ; 
and that many of those who remained refused to cultivate 
the lands unless there was a change in the administration. 

Unfortunately the English government at Madras was 
more or less responsible for this tyranny. When Lord 
Pigot restored Tanjore to the Raja, he engaged that there 
should be no interference for the future in the administra- 
tion. The Madras government could consequently only 
remonstrate with the Raja, and its advice was thrown away. 
At last a committee of inspection was appointed, and Swartz 
was nominated a member. The Raja appealed to the 
pledges given him by Lord Pigot, and promised to amend 
his administration ; but he did little or nothing, and the 
Madras government left matters to drift on. 

The Raja died without issue in 1787. His death was 
succession: followed by a disputed succession. There was an adult 
decision of half-brother, named Amar Singh, and an adopted son, aged 
PuncUts, named Serfoji. The recognition of the Madras govern- 

ment, as the superior authority in the Peninsula, was 
necessary to settle the case. iVccordingly, the Madras 
government nominated twelve Pundits, who decided against 
the adoption, on the ground that the boy was disqualified 
by reason of his age, and by being the only son of his 
natural father. Under such circumstances Amar Singh, the 
half-brother, was placed upon the throne of Tranjore by the 
Madras government. 

The administration of Amar Singh was as oppressive as 
that of his predecessor. He placed the boy Serfoji in close 
confinement, together with the widows of the deceased 
Raja. After some delay, and repeated complaints, the 
government insisted on the liberation of the 
prisoners, and Serfoji and the widows were removed to 
Madras. Then followed a petition from Serfoji, claiming 
the throne of Tanjore by the right of adoption. More 
Pundits were consulted, who decided in favour of the 
adoption. The Madras government, after long and careful 
consideration, determined that a mistake had been made, 
and resolved on dethroning Amar Singh in favour of 
Serfoji.. ' 


of 
Amar 
Singh : 
counter- 
decib-ion of Madras 
Madras 


Chaf, VIIL] MYSORE AND CARNATIC : WELLESLEY. 423 

Amidst the contradictory interpretations of Sanskrit law, a,i). 
and the conflict of authority on the part of the Pundits, it is J^oo-iSoi 
impossible to say who was the rightful Raja. Indeed it is OrtoTof 
impossible to say how far the Pundits on either side may Lord 
have been swayed by undue influences. Swartz intimates Wellesley : 
pretty plainly that the Tan j ore Pundits were bribed by 
Amar Singh ; while it is equally probable that the Madras 
Pundits were bribed by Serfoji. : Lord Wellesley solved 
the problem by placing Serfoji on the throne on the con- 
dition that the entire administration should be transferred 
to the Company’s officers. Accordingly Serfoji was put in 
possession of the town and fort of Tanjore and maintained 
by a yearly grant of thirty- five thousand pounds, together 
with one-fifth of the revenues of the Raj ,* whilst a yearly 
stipend of about nine thousand pounds was awarded to the 
ex-Raja Amar Singh. 

Carnatic affairs had drifted into still greater confusion. Carnatic 
The introduction of British administration had become a affairs : 
crying necessity, not only for the deliverance of the people 
from oppression, but for the security of the East India Com- 
pany’s possessions in the Peninsula. In the war against 
Tippu in 1791-92 Lord Cornwallis had followed the ex- 
ample set by Lord Macartney during the invasion of Plyder 
Ali, and assumed the entire management of the Carnatic, 
as the only safeguard against underhand practices and 
failure of supplies. After making peace with Tippu in 
1792, Lord Cornwallis concluded a treaty with Nawab 
Muhammad Ali, under which the Company was to assume 
the management of the Carnatic in all future wars, and 
the Nawab was pledged to carry on no correspondence 
whatever with any other state, native or foreign, without 
the sanction of the British government. 

Muhammad Ali died in 1795, and was succeeded on the Suspidous 
throne at Arcot by his eldest son, Umdut-ul-Umra. 

1799 Lord Wellesley prepared for the conquest of Mysore ; 
but as he purposed to make short work with Tippu, he Mysore 
would not hamper his operations by taking over the Car- war,. 1799. 
natic. He' soon regretted his forbearance. The Nawab 
and his officers created such obstructions at critical mo- 
ments that it was impossible to avoid the suspicion that 
they were guilty of systematic treachery. 

After the capture of Seringapatam the treachery came lo 


424 


BRITISH INDIA 


[Part III. 


A. D. 

i8oo-i8oi 

Discovery 
of treach- 
ery at 
Sering’apa- 

tarn. 


I hsputed 
succession; 
a cypher 
Nawab, 
i8or. 


light A clandestine correspondence was discovered which 
had been carried on with Tippu by both Muhammad Ali 
and his son Umdut-ul-Umra. Some sympathy between a 
Muhammadan prince at Arcot and another at Seringapatam 
was perhaps to be expected; although the Carnatic had 
been ravaged and plundered by Tippu only a few short 
years before. But the primary duty of Lord Wellesley was 
to secure the safety of the Company’s rule in India ; and 
it was impossible for him to overlook deliberate treachery, 
which threatened the existence of the Company, and which 
certainly violated the treaty of 1792, and put an end to all 
confidence in the future good faith of the Carnatic family. 

Umdut-ul-Umra was on his death-bed. Lord Wellesley 
refused to disturb his last moments ; and nothing was 
done beyond investigating the correspondence until after 
his death in July, 1801. The family was then told of the 
treachery which had been discovered, and the resolution 
of the Company, that henceforth the Carnatic was to be 
brought under the same system of government as Tan j ore 
and Bengal. The dynasty was not to be subverted. There 
was to be a titular Nawab of Arcot in the same way that 
there was a titular Nawab Nazim of Murshedabad ; but he 
was no longer to exercise any civil or military authority, 
and the entire administration was to be transferred to the 
servants of the Company. There were two claimants of 
the throne, a son and a nephew ; and the nephew was 
said to have a better claim to the succession because the 
son was illegitimate. In the first instance the throne was 
offered to the son of Umdut-ul-Umra, but he refused the 
proffered terms. It was then offered to the nephew and 
accepted. An allowance of about fifty thousand pounds 
a year was assigned to the new Nawab for his personal 
expenses ; and a yearly grant of one-fifth of the revenues 
of the Carnatic was set apart for the maintenance of the 
family.^ 

^ The Nawab of the town of Snra-t on tlie side of Bombay was equally 
dependent on the British government, equally helpless in defending the 
place, and equally incompetent to manage its internal affairs. In 1800 
the dynasty of Surat shared the fate of that of the Carnatic. Advan- 
tage was taken of a disputed succession to assume the government and 
revenues of Surat, and to reduce a favoured claimant to the position of 
a titular pensioner. 


Chap. VIIL] MYSORE AND CARNATIC; WELLESLEY. 4^5 

By these autocratic measures Lord Wellesley put an end a.b. 
to the anarchy and oppression which had prevailed for 1S00-1801 
centuries in Southern India. At the same time he estab- 
iished the British government as the dominant power in Presidency 
the Peninsula. British administration was introduced into predomi- 
the Moghul Carnatic, and into the newly-acquired territories ^he 
in Mysore, from the Kistna to the Koleroon, and from the 
Bay of Bengal to the frontier of the Mysore Raj. It was 
also introduced into the countries to the south of the Kole- 
roon ; and not only Tanjore and Trichinopoly, but Tinne- 
velly and Madura became British territory^ Further to 
the west, on the Malabar side, Malabar proper and Kanara 
were in like manner brought under British administration ; 
whilst the states of Coorg, Cochin, and Travancore were 
brought into feudatory relations with the British govern- 
ment, which have continued, with the exception of Coorg, 
down to our own time.^ Thus the Madras Presidency, 
which was originally restricted to a sandy tract on the 
Coromandel coast of six miles in length and one inland, 
was extended westward to the coast of Malabar, north- 
ward to the Kistna and Godavari, and southward to 
Cape Comorin. 

^ The Eno:lish collectorate of Madura includes Dindigul and the two 
Marawars, Sivaganga and Ramnad. 

2 The general character of these feudatory relations will be sufficiently 
described in the next chapter. In 1834 the Raja of Coorg declared 
war against the British government, and was speedily reduced by 
British arms. His country, at the expressed and unanimous desire of 
the people, was then brought under the Company’s rule. The incident 
belongs to the administration of Lord William Bentinck, and will be 
told hereafter. 


CHAPTER IX. 


MAHRATTA WARS : WELLESLEY. 

A.D. 1799 TO 1805. 

A.L\ The Mysore war did something more than establish the 
1799-1802 British government as the dominant power in the Peninsula. 

T" It put an end to the phantom of a balance of power in the 

ment^ Hekhan and Hindustan. The Nizam was helpless; his 

of a very existence depended on the British government. The 

balance of Peishwa's government w^as faithless ; it sent no contingent 

power. tQ join the forces of the English and the Nizam, and kept 

the envoys of Tippu at Poona long after the war began, in 
order to carry on underhand negotiations with the enemy. 
Henceforth it was for the British government, and for that 
government alone, to keep the peace of India by the 
exercise of a paramount power. 

Political The political system contemplated by the Marquis of 
system of Wellesley lies in a nutshell. The native states were to 
surrender their international life to the British govern- 
paramom^ ment in return for British protection. They were to make 
power and no wars, and to carry on no negotiations with any other 
its feiida- state whatever, without the knowledge and consent of the 
tones. British government They were not to entertain Ere n civ 
men or any other Europeans in their service, without the 
consent of the British government The .greater princi- 
palities were each to maintain a native force commanded 
by British officers for the preservation of the public peace ; 
and they were each to cede certain territories in full 
sovereignty to meet the yearly charges of this force. The 
lesser principalities were to pay tribute to the paramount 


Chap. IX.] MAHRATTA WARS : WELLESLEY. 


4^7 


power. Ill return the British government was to protect a.d. 
them, one and all, against foreign enemies of every sort ^799*4 ^02 
or kind. This system had already been carried out as 
regards the petty Hindu principalities of Travancore and 
Coorg, which had been left intact in the Peninsula. Its ex- 
tension was now to be urged on the greater powers of 
the Dekban and Hindustan. 

The Nizam of Hyderabad was the first to enter into the TheNizam 
new political system ; the first to become a feudatory of the 
British government Nizam Aii agreed to the maintenance ^ 
of a native force under British officers, known as the Hyder- 
abad Subsidiary Force ; and he ceded back to the British 
government all the territories which had been given him 
after the Mysore conquests in 1792 and 1799, to meet the 
charges of the Hyderabad Subsidiary Force. This was the 
beginning of the new political system of a British empire 
over native feudatories.^ 

Lord Wellesley next tried to bring over the Peishwa^s The 
government to the subsidiary system. He offered to make Teishwa ' 
over the remaining share of the Mysore country, provided 
the Peishwa would agree to the same terms as the Nizam. 

Baji Rao and Nana Farnavese were anxious for the proffered 
territory, but would not accept the conditional treaty. They 
urged that the Peishwa was endowed with the inherent right 
to collect chout for the whole of the Mysore territory ; and 
they tried to convince Lord Wellesley that it would be 
politic to make over the proposed share of the Mysore 
conquest to the Peishwa as an equivalent for the col- 
lection of the chout throughout the whole of the Mysore 
teiTitory, They met all other proposals by diplomatic 
evasions. The Peishwa would help the English against 
the French, but would not dismiss the Frenchmen in his 
service. He would take English battalions into his pay 
provided he might employ them against his refractory 
feudatories. But he would not accept the mediation of the 
English in the claims of the Mahrattas against the Nizam, 
nor pledge himself as regards wars or negotiations with 
other states or principalities. 

Daulat Rao Sindia was still more refractory. He was 

^ A distinction must be made between the Hyderabad Subsidiary 
Force and the Hyderabad Contingent The Contingent was a later 
creation. 


428 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 



Lord Wel- 
lesley’s 
alarm at 
the 

Afghans. 


1799-1802 


Stubborn- 
ness of” 
Daulat 
Rao 
Sindia, 


barely nineteen years of age, but he exercised a preponde- 
rating influence in the Mahratta empire, and was puffed up 
with exaggerated ideas of his own importance and power. 
Lord Wellesley refrained from exciting his suspicions by any 
premature disclosure of his larger political views, and only 
attempted to engage him in a defensive alliance against 
the Afghans. Lord Wellesley himself was in some alarm 
about the Afghans. Zeman Shah, the reigning sovereign of 
Afghanistan, was a grandson of the once famous Ahmad 
Shah Abdali, and longed to tread in the footsteps of his 
illustrious progenitor. In 1796 he had advanced into the 
Punjab as far as Lahore; but was compelled to return to 
Kdbul the following year on account of distractions in his 
own territories. Later on he sent a letter to Lord Wellesley 
announcing his intention to invade India, and inviting the 
British government to help him to drive the Mahrattas out 
of Plindustan. Lord Wellesley forwarded this letter to 
Dauiat Rao Sindia, and proposed an alliance between the 
English and Mahrattas against Zeman Shah. But Daulat 
Rao Sindia was not to be terrified by an Afghan invasion. 
The slaughter of the Mahrattas at Paniput in 1761 had 
died out of the memory of the rising generation. Accord- 
ingly Daulat Rao Sindia treated the letter of Zeman Shah 
as the idle vapourings of a distant barbarian ; and refused 
to hamper himself with an English alliance for resisting 
an invasion which might never be attempted.^ 

Lord Wellesley was exasperated at the apathy of Daulat 
Rao Sindia, for he was seriously afraid of the Afghans. He 
knew nothing of their domestic wars and endless feuds ; he 
only knew that they had more than once established a 
dominion in Hindustan, and must be anxious to recover their 
lost power. He was in great alarm lest the Afghans should 
invade Oude; for Oude had nothing to protect her but 
a few English battalions, and a rabble army, in the pay of 
the Nawab Vizier, that would be worse than useless in the 
event of an invasion. 

^ lu a previous generation, when the Afghan armies of Ahmad Shah 
Abdali were overrunning the Punjab, and threatening Hindustan, neither 
the Moghuls nor the Mahrattas ever troubled themselves about the 
Afghans until the invaders reached Delhi. Since then thirty years 
had passed away, Ahmad Shah Abdali died in 1773, and his sons were 
too much occupied in fighting one another for the throne to attempt a 
renewal of their aggressions on Hindustan, 


I 


Chap. IX.] MAHRATTA WARS : WELLESLEY. 


429 


Under these circumstances Lord Wellesley called on the A.n. 
Nawab Vizier of Gude to disband his own army, and ^799* iSoa 
devote the money thus saved to the maintenance of a larger 
number of the Company’s battalions. The Nawab Vizier on the^ ^ 
refused to do anything of the kind. Lord Wellesley was Nawab 
imperious and peremptory ; he was not disposed to give in Vizier of 
to the Nawab Vizier as he had given in to the Peishwa 
and Daulat Rao Sindia. He considered that unless Hin- 
dustan was in a sufficient state of defence against the 
Afghans, the British empire in India would be in peril. , 
Accordingly he compelled the Nawab Vizier to cede half 
his territories and revenues for the protection of the 
remaining half ; and he devoted the additional income thus 
acquired to the permanent defence of Hindustan. 

As a matter of fact the threatened invasion of Zeman Justifica- 
Shah turned out a bugbear. In t8oo the would-be conqueror tion of ^ 
of Hindustan was dethroned and blinded by one of his ^®.^^^*^^” 
brothers, and ultimately compelled to seek a refuge in British 
territory. But Lord Wellesley had no means of knowing 
what was going on. Kabul in those days was associated 
with the invasions of Timiir, Nadir Shah, and Ahmad 
Shah Abdali^ and for aught Lord Wellesley knew to the 
contrary, hosts of Tartars and Afghans might have rushed 
into Hindustan like a destroying flood. Moreover no help 
was to be expected from native princes. The Mahrattas 
would have held aloof and played a waiting game. The 
Muhammadans expected Zeman Shah to deliver them 
from the English. The Rajputs expected him to deliver 
them from the Mahrattas. Then again there was no know- 
ing what the French might be doing in the background. 

Under such circumstances Lord Wellesley was driven by the 
instinct of self-preservation to take extreme measures for the 
permanent defence of Hindustan against foreign invaders. 

Meanwhile Lord Wellesley turned an anxious eye towards Persian 
Persia. During the anarchy which followed the assassina- 
tion of Nadir Shah in 1747, the old trade between Bombay 
and Persia had dwindled away. Persia was the theatre of^^yeythe 
bloody struggles between the Persian and the Turkoman, Zend, 
otherwise known as the Zend and the Kajar. For a brief 
interval the Zend gained the mastery, but in 1794 was com- 
pelled to succumb to the Kajar, amidst massacres and 
atrocities too horrible for description. A Kajar dynasty was 


430 

A.D. 

I79.9-1S03 


Malcolm’s 
mission 
to Persia, 
i8cx>. 


Mahratta 
affairs : 
death of 
Nana 
Farnavese, 
1800. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

founded by Agha Muhammad Khan. For a brief interval 
it was exposed to Russian aggression.^ Subsequently there 
was reason to suspect that it might be made an instrument 
of French intrigue. Accordingly, having got rid of Tippu 
as a creature of the French in the southern Peninsula, it 
was natural that Lord Wellesley should provide against any 
possible danger that might be brewing to the north-west of 
Hindustan. 

In 1800 Lord Wellesley sent Captain John Malcolm on a 
mission to Persia, to create a diversion against Zeman Shah 
on the side of Khorassan, and to counteract any designs 
that might be entertained by France. The mission ‘has left 
no mark in history ; but Malcolm was a man of his time, 
and destined to play an important part in the later affairs 
of India. He distinguished himself in Persia by a lavish 
distribution of presents amongst the Shah and his courtiers, 
who were equally poor, vain, and mercenary; and he con- 
cluded a treaty, under which the Shah agreed to act, if 
necessary, against Zeman Shah, and to exclude all French- 
men from his dominions.^ 

Meanwhile the progress of Mahratta affairs had engaged 
the anxious attention of Lord Wellesley. In 1800, Nana 
Farnavese, the famous Mahratta minister, was gathered to 
his fathers. He was a Brahman statesman of the old Hindu 
type. For many years he had grasped the real power, and 
treated the late Peishwa, Mahdu Narain Rao, as a child * 
but Baji Rao, the successor af Mahdu Narain, was older, 
more experienced, and consequently more troublesome, and 

^ The Kajar conqueror, Agha Muhammad Khan, was extending his 
conquests to the eastward, when he was called away by Russian aggres- 
sion in Georgia ; but he was saved by the death of Catherine the Second 
in 1796, and the unexpected recall of the Russian army by her son and 
successor the Emperor Paul. In 1797 Agha Muhammad Khan was 
assassinated, and ^ter another interval of wars and distractions, was 
succeeded by his nephew, Futih Ali Shah, the second sovereign of the 
Kajar dynasty, who died in 1834. 

2 John Malcolm belonged to th*e old military school of political 
officers. In 1783 he landed at Madras as a boy ensign of fourteen. 
In 1784 he took charge of the prisoners surrendered by Tippu after 
the treaty of Mangalore, and caused some amusement on the occasion 
by reason of his extreme youth. In 1791 he distinguished himself in 
the Mysore war under Lord Cornwallis. In 1798 he took an active 
part in the disbandment of the Nizam’s French battalions. He was 
only thirty-one when he was sent by Lord Wellesley on his mission to 
Persia. 


431 


Chap. IX.] MAHRATTA WARS : WELLESLEY. 

was for ever intriguing against his authority. The death of 
Nana Farnavese released Baji Rao from a state of ministerial 
thraldom, but exposed him more than ever to the galling 
dictation of Daulat Rao Sindia. Shortly afterwards Sindia 
was called away to the northward by disorders which had 
broken out in Holkads territory; and Baji Rao was left 
alone at Poona to follow his own devices without any inter- 
ference whatever. 

The dominion founded in Malwa by Mulhar Rao Holkar 
was at this period passing through a crisis, which tempted 
the interference of Daulat Rao Sindia. Ailah Bai, the 
daughter-in-law of Mulhar Rao, had carried on the civil 
administration of the state ever since his death in 1767.^ 
She had transformed the village of Indore into a wealthy 
capital ; and henceforth the name of Indore was applied to 
the state as well as to the capital. She died in 1795, leaving 
the state of Indore in the sole possession of her commander- 
in-chief, Tukaji Holkar. 

Tukaji Holkar died in 1797, leaving two legitimate sons, 
one of whom was an imbecile. Daulat Rao Sindia hurried 
away from Poona to Indore, and played the part of a suzerain. 
He placed the imbecile son of Tukaji Holkar on the throne, 
and put the other in prison and eventually murdered him ; 
his object being to render his own influence paramount at 
Indore. But an illegitimate son of Tukaji appeared upon 
the scene under the name of Jaswant Rao Holkar. This 
man had no pretensions to the throne, for they were barred 
by the baseness of his birth. He had professed to be the 
partisan of the half-brother whom Sindia had set aside ; but 
when the half brother was murdered, Jaswant Rao fled to the 
jungles and turned outlaw and freebooter after Rajpiit 
fashion. He was joined by a host of the predatory rascals 
who infested Central India at this period,— Bhils, Pindha- 
ries, Afghans, and Mahrattas. In this fashion he became 
so formidable that Daulat Rao Sindia was compelled to 
march against him with a large army and attempt to suppress 
him by main force. 

The army of Jaswant Rao Holkar was reckoned at 
twenty thousand men, all of whom were maintained by 
plunder. It is needless to dwell upon the details of rapine, 


A.D., 

1799-1802 


Affairs of 
Holkar : 
foundation 
of Indore. 


Troubles 
in the 
Holkar 
family : 
rise of 
Jaswant 
Rao 
Holkar. 


^ See ante, page 343. 


433 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III 



A.D. 

1799-1802 

Defeat of 
Jaswant 
Hao Hol- 
kar. 


Cruelties 
of Baji 
Rao at 
Poona. 


Jaswant 
Kao 
Holkar 
at Poona. 


Defeat 
of the 
Peishwa, 
1802. 


desolation and bloodshed which characterised his proceed- 
ings, and rendered him the pest of Malwa and Berar. 
In October, i8oi, he was attacked and routed by Sindia and 
his French battalions ; but defeat in those days w'as of little 
avail in suppressing a freebooting chief, whose name alone 
was a tower of strength for outlaws and refugees of every 
kind, and a rallying point for all the brigands and black- 
guards in Central India. 

Meanwhile Baji Rao was free from all restraint. Nana 
Farnavese was dead, and Daulat Rao Sindia was busied in 
establishing his influence over the territory of the Holkar 
family in Indore. Accordingly, the young Peishwa at Poona 
pursued a wild career of revenge upon all his enemies, real 
or supposed. It would be tedious to dwell on his acts of 
savage ferocity; a single instance will serve as a type. A 
brother of Jaswant Rao Holkar had given some offence, or 
committed some crime, and was condemned to die by being 
dragged through the streets of Poona tied to the foot of 
an elephant Baji Rao was not only deaf to the humblest 
prayers for mercy, but revelled in the sufferings of his victim. 
He looked on with delight whilst the wretched man,,, was 
being dragged by the elephant from the palace yard, and 
filling the air with his shrieks at the prospect of a death of 
lingering agony. 

Baji Rao had soon reason to repent of his cruelty. News 
arrived at Poona that Jaswant Rao had re-assembled his 
scattered forces, inflicted some small defeats on Daulat Rao 
Sindia, and was marching to Poona to be revenged on the 
Peishwa for the tortures which had been inflicted on his 
brother. 

Baji Rao was in great consternation. He was half in- 
clined to agree to the treaty with the English, and accept 
their protection. Sindia, however, prevented the British 
alliance for a while by despatching a large force to reassure 
the Peishwa. In October, 1802, the decisive battle of 
Poona changed the fate of the Mahratta empire. The 
united armies of Sindia and the Peishwa were defeated by 
Jaswant Rao Holkar; and Baji Rao fled for his life to the 
western coast, and escaped on board an English ship to the 
port of Bassein, about twenty miles to the northward of 
Bombay. 

Baji Rao was paralysed by the disaster. Another Peishwa 


GliAP. IX.] MAHRATTA WARS : WELLESLEY. 


43i 


was set up by Jaswant Rao Holkar at Poona, and Baji Rao a.d. 
saw nothing before him but ruin. In this extremity he 
agreed to sign the obnoxious treaty, provided the English 
restored him to his throne at Poona. Accordingly the BLsehi^ 
treaty of Bassein was concluded on the last day of 31st Dec. 
December, 1802. 1802. 

By the treaty of Bassein Baji Rao severed all the ties The 
which bound the Mahratta princes to him as Peishwa, lord Peishwa 
paramount, and suzerain. He absolutely abdicated the becomes a 
headship of the Mahratta empire. He pledged himself to 
hold no communication with any other power, not even with 
the great feudatories of the empire, such as Sindia and , 
Holkar, the Gaekwar and the Berar Raja, without the con- 
sent of the British government. He also ceded territory 
for the maintenance of a Poona Subsidiary Force. He thus 
secured his restoration to the throne of Poona ; but, as far 
as treaties were binding, he had ceased to be lord paramount 
of the Mahratta empire ; he had transferred his suzerainty to 
the East India Company ; and henceforth was bound hand 
and foot as a feudatory of the British government. 

The treaty of Bassein is a turning-point in the history of Objections 
India. It established the British empire as the paramount to the 
power in India, but it rendered a Mahratta war inevitable. 

It was impossible for a Mahratta. prince of Baji Rao’s 
character and surroundings to fulfil the obligations involved 
in such a treaty ; he was certain, sooner or later, to attempt 
to recover the lost headship of the Mahratta empire. It 
Was equally impossible for Daulat Rao Sindia to respect 
the terms of a treaty which shut him out from the grand 
object of his ambition, namely, to rule the Mahratta empire 
in the name of the Peishwa. 

In 1803 Baji Rao was conducted by a British force from Treachery 
Basseizr to Poona, The Madras army under Colonel Welles- 
ley, and the new Hyderabad Subsidiary Force under Colonel 
Stevenson, were moving up from the south in the same direc- 
tion for his protection. Yet at this very time Baji Rao 
was secretly imploring Daulat Rao Sindia and the Bhonsla 
Raja of Berar to march to his assistance, and deliver him 
from the English supremacy.^ 

^ Mtidaji Bhonsla died in 17S8, and was sncceeded on the throne of 
Berar by his eldest son Rughoji Bhonsla, who reigned twenty-eight years, 
and died in 1816. Baji Rao was implbring the help of Rughoji Bhonsla. 

,F'"F 


434 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


a.d, Sindia and the Bhonsla had each taken the field with a 
large army, and were restlessly moving near the western 
Stupefac- Nizam's dominions; They were closely 

tion of watched by Wellesley and Stevenson, but they were stupe- 
Sindia and fied by the treaty of Bassein, and knew not what to do. 

. They had no particular regard for Baji Rao ; indeed they 
Biionsla, opposed in theory to the supremacy of the Brahman 

Peishwas. Daulat Rao Sindia had long been intriguing to 
gain the ascendency at Poona, and rule the Mahratta feuda- 
tories in the name of the Peishwa; whilst every successive 
Raja of Berar nursed the design of overthrowing the Brah- 
manical supremacy, and seizing the throne at Poona as the 
representative of Sivaji. But both Sindia and the Bhonsla 
preferred the Brahman sovereignty to the British ; and they 
hesitated to conclude treaties with Lord Wellesley, or to 
begin a war. 

Crafty pro- Meanwhile both Sindia and the Bhonsla used every effort 
ceedings of to induce Jaswant Rao to join them. They were prepared 
to make any sacrifice ; to ignore the legitimate branch of 
Holkar. Plolkar's family, and to acknowledge Jaswant Rao as Maha- 
raja of Indore. But Jaswant Rao was richly endowed with 
the craft and cunning of his race. He was profuse in pro- 
mises to join the allies against the English ; and by these 
means he procured from Sindia and the Bhonsla all the 
recognition and countenance he wanted ; and then he went 
back to Indore, to strengthen his position and await the 
result of the expected collision with the English. At Indore 
he received repeated invitations from Sindia and the 
Bhonsla; but he replied to all with seeming frankness, — 
“If I join you in the Dekhan, who is to take care of 
Hindustan?" 

Alarm of All this while Lord Wellesley was fulL of alarms at the 
Lord Wei- presence of Sindia's French battalions between the Jumna 
sTndIa? Ganges. De Boigne had returned to Europe, and was 

Fmnch^ succeeded in the command by a violent French republican 
battalions, named Perron, who was known to be hostile to the English. 

Perron collected the revenues of the Doab for the mainte- 
nance of his French battalions ; and the imagination of Lord 
Wellesley was so fired by his fear and hatred of the French, 
that he pictured Perron as a French sovereign of upper 
Hindustan, with the Great Moghul under his thumb, and 
unbounded resources at his command. 


43S 


Chap. IX.] MAHRATTA WARS : WELLESLEY. 

The state of affairs in Europe gave a fresh impetus to a.d. 
these alarms. Napoleon's expedition to Egypt had revealed 1S03. 
the vastness of his ambition. The young Corsican was 
prepared to march in the footsteps of the great Macedonian ^edesL-ris 
from Egypt to Persia, and from Persia to Hindustan. The of Napo- 
peace of Amiens in 1B02 was only an interval of preparation leon. 
for grand designs. News of a renewal of the war between 
Great Britain and France was expected by every ship from 
Europe ; and many besides Lord Wellesley imagined that 
the imperial dreamer at the Tuileries was still longing to 
outdo Alexander by conquering the oriental world from 
the Mediterranean to the mouths of the Ganges. 

Lord Wellesley brooded over the map of India with a Fears of 
jealous eye. He pondered over every vulnerable spot on the a French 
coast of India where a French armament could anchor, landing at 
He was especially alarmed at the convenient position 
Baroche on the western coast to the northward of Surat. 

Baroche was a port belonging to Sindia, situated at the 
mouth of the Nerbudda river. Accordingly, the fevered 
imagination of Lord Wellesley was again at work. He 
pictured a French armament sailing down the Bed Sea, 
and across the Indian Ocean, to Sindia’s port of Baroche; 
a French flotilla going up the Nerbudda river from Baroche 
to the neighbourhood of Indore ; a French army marching 
through Malwa, followed by a host of Mahrattas and 
Bajpdts, joining Perron at Agra and Delhi, and pretending 
to conquer India in the name of the Great Moghul.^ 

At this time, General Lake, commander-in-chief of the Instrac- 
Bengal army, was posted at Cawnpore on the frontier of dons to 
Oude. He was told by Lord Wellesley that a Mahratta war 
was impending ; and that directly the war note was sounded 
he was to march towards Delhi, break up Sindia’s French 
battalions, and occupy -the whole territory between the 
Jumna and the Ganges. 

. Meanwhile Colonels Wellesley and Stevenson continued 
to watch Sindia and the Bhonsla in the Dekhan. Sindia 
was still waiting to be joined by the recreant Jaswant Bao 

^ Baroche, or Broach, had fallen into the possession of the English, 
together with other territories in Gnzerat, during the first Mahratta war 
in the days of Warren Hastings, but had been needlessly and heedlessly 
made over to Mahadaji Sindia at the treaty of Saibai in 1782. See 
page 374. 

F F 3 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

Holkar, but his language as regards the British government 
and its allies was more hostile. He threw out hints to 
the British Resident, who accompanied his camp, that he 
meant to collect chout in the Nizam’s territory. He was 
doubtful, he said, whether there would be peace or war 
between the Mahrattas and the English; and he could 
arrive at no decision on this point until he had talked the 
matter over with the Bhonsla Raja of Berar. 

Sindia had a meeting with the Bhonsla, but nothing was 
decided. The two chiefs professed to be the friends of the 
friendship. British government, but naturally cavilled at the treaty of 
Bassein, They said they ought to have been consulted 
before it was concluded, and that many of the articles 
required more discussion, 

In August, 1803, Colonel Wellesley put an end to these 
vacillations. If,” he said, Sindia and the Bhonsla are 
such friends of the British government ds they profess to be, 
let them prove their sincerity by marching back their 'armies 
to their respective dominions.” Sindia replied that the 
English ought to set the example; in other words, that 
the English were to leave Sindia and the Bhonsla with 
their armies of freebooters tO' threaten the frontier of the 
Nizam, whilst Wellesley returned to Madras and Steven- 
son withdrew to Hyderabad. Sindia forgot that he had 
threatened to plunder the Nizam’s dominions, and had 
doubted whether there was to be peace or war. Sindia was 
accordingly told that it was he, and not the British govern- 
ment, who had broken the peace, and that therefore he must 
take the consequences. , 

Thus began the second Mahratta war. The Resident left 
Mahratta Sindia’s camp. Sindia and the Bhonsla moved towards 
war, 1803. south-east, as if to threaten Hyderabad ; but their 
operations were feeble and undecided. They marched and 
countermarched more to delay action than to carry out any 
definite plan. 

Victory at At last Wellesley and Stevenson agreed to make a com- 
Assaye, bined attack on the united armies. By sonie accident 
Wellesley alone came upon the enemy near the village of 
Assaye on the Nizam’s frontier, and resolved to fight a battle 
■ single -handed. His force only numbered four thousand five 
hundred men, whilst that of the Mahrattas numbered fifty 
thousand* The battle of Assaye was fought on the 23rd of 


Welles- 
ley’s test, 


Second 


*43fi 

■■ A.D., 

1803, 

Plostile 
tone of 
Sindia in 
the 

Dekhan. 


Profes- 
sions of 



Chap. IX.] MAHRATTA WARS : WELLESLEY. 437 

September, 1803. The Bhonsla Raja fled at the first shot, a.d. 
and Sindia soon followed his example. The Mahratta 1S03. 

artillery, however, worked great execution j and Wellesley — 

only won the battle by cavalry and infantry charges. It 
was the clashing of a fiery few of Europeans against a host 
of Mahrattas ; and the fiery few won the day.^ The victory 

was decisive, but one-third of the European force in the 

British army lay dead or wounded on the field. 

The victory of Assaye was followed by the capture of End of the 
fortresses, and another victory at Argaum. It would be Dekhan 
tedious to dwell on the details of the military operations, 
which, however much they redounded to the credit of the 
youthful Wellesley, were destined to be overshadowed by 
the glories of the Peninsula and Waterloo. It will suffice 
to say that by the end of the year 1803 the Dekhan cam- 
paign was over, and Sindia and the Bhonsla sued for peace. 

Meanwhile General Lake had carried on another brilliant Lake’s 
campaign in Hindustan. He left Cawnpore in August, campaign 
1803, defeated Perron’s cavalry at Alighur, and captured the 
Alighur fortress. He next marched on to Delhi, defeated 
the French infantry, and entered the capital of the Moghuls Alighur 
as a hero and a conqueror. More than forty years pre- and Delhi, 
vioiisly the last representative of the dynasty of the Great 
Mogul, the unfortunate Shah Alam, had fled from Delhi 
to Bengal, and taken refuge with the English. Ten years 
later he fled back from his protected retreat at Allahabad 
to the city of bis fathers under the wing of the Mahrattas. 

In 1803 he was pondering over his deliverance from the 
Mahrattas, and the advent of his English protectors at 
the capital of Aurangzeb and tomb of Humdyun. 

The imperial family were much excited by the arrival of Settlement 
the English army. Some finery and tinsel were furbished whh Sfiah 
up to enable the blind and aged Shah Alam to give a recep- 
tion to the English general. The tottering descendant of 
Aurangzeb then placed himself under British protection; 
and was left to dwell in the palace, supported by "a liberal 
pension from the British government. 

^ This is he that far away 

Against the myriads of Assaye 
, Clash’d with a fiery few and won.’’ 

Tennyson’s Ode on the Death of the 
Duke of Wellington, 





438 BR;iTISH INDIA. [Part III. 

A,D. General Lake left the city of Delhi in charge of Colonel 
18 03-18 04 Ochterlony, and brought the campaign to a close by the 
End of the and victory at LaswarL The battle of 

campaign Laswari broke up the French battalions for ever, and put the 
in Hindus- English in possession of the whole of upper Hindustan. 

^ The fate of Perron was somewhat extraordinary. At the 
Perron in beginning of the campaign he appeared as a suppliant 

Ufr^^^ ' English general. He was in bad odour with Sindia; 

his life was in danger d and he was anxious to retire to 
British territory with his private fortune. Permission was 
granted, and Perron ultimately took up his abode in the 
French settlement at Chandernagore, and then dropped into 
oblivion. 

Sindia Sindia and the Bhonsla had no alternative but to accept 
and the the dictation of the British government. Accordingly they 
ome^ concluded treaties on the basis of the treaty of Bassein. Sindia 
feuXto^ renounced all pretensions to the regions northward of the 

lies. Jumna and westward of the Chambal ; all hold on the Great 

Moghul; all claims to collect chout or plunder from the 
Bajpilts, J 4 ts, or other native princes. To all appearance 
his power for mischief had gone for ever.^ The Bhonsla 

' The negotiations with Daulat Pao Sindia were conducted by Major 
Malcolm and General Wellesley. Sindia’s prime minister was a veteran 
Brahman and born diplomatist, with a sour, supercilious, inflexible 
countenance, which nothing could disturb. The most startling demand 
or unexpected concession was received without the movement of a 
muscle. Malcolm said that he -never saw a man with such a face for a 
game of brag ; and henceforth the grey-haired Mahratta went by the 
name of “Old Brag.” Years passed away, and Wellesley returned to 
Europe and became Duke of Wellington, Malcolm met him and asked 
him about Talleyrand. Wellington replied that he was very much like 
“ Old Brag,” but not so clever. 

Negotiations under such circumstances were not easy, Malcolm 
went to Sindia’s camp, and found the young Maharaja almost as grave 
as his minister. A meeting took place in a large tent amidst a storm 
of rain. Suddenly a volume of water burst in torrents through the 
canvas, and fell upon an Irish officer named Pepper. The Maharaja 
screamed with laughter at the catastrophe, and all present joined in 
the chorus. All gravity was at an end. The rain w^as followed by 
a storm of hail, and the diplomatists and their followers fell to work 
at collecting the hailstones, which are as refreshing as ices in the hot 
plains of India. 

But nothing could stop the pertinacity of “Old Brag.” On a sub- 
sequent occasion he demanded that an article should be inserted in the 
treaty that out of respect for the caste of Brahmans of wHch the 
Peishwa was a member, and out of friendship for Maharaja Sindia, and 


Ghap. IX.] MAHRATTA WARS : WELLESLEY. . 


439 


Raja belonged to a smaller fry. He ceded Cuttack on the a.d. 
east and Berar on the west; and was henceforth known as 
the Raja of Nagpore. But Lord Wellesley was afraid to ’ “ 
vaunt his conquests in the eyes of the people of England, 
unless he could prove that they were necessary for protection 
against the French, He kept possession of Cuttack because 
it was the only vulnerable tract on the Bay of Bengal that 
was open to invasion from the sea; but he made over 
the territory of Berar proper as a free gift to the Nizam^of 
Hyderabad. 

In 1804 Lord Wellesley had completed his political Comple- 
sclieme for the government of India. The Gaekwar 
Baroda accepted the situation, and ceded territory for the 
maintenance of a Subsidiary Force. The Rajput princes, political 
and the Jdt Raja of Bhurtpore gladly surrendered their system: 
old international life, with all its wars and feuds, for the , 
sake of protection against the Mahrattas. The cession ^ * 
of Cuttack by the &rar Raja removed the only break 
on the British line of seaboard from Calcutta to Comorin. 

Only one power of the slightest moment remained outside 
the pale of the new political system ; and that was Jaswant 
Rao, the Mahratta freebooter who had usurped the throne 
of Holkar. 

In those days the British government had no interest Status of 
or concern in the rightness or wrongness of Jaswant Rao’s Jaswant 
pretensions. It was in no way responsible for his usurpa- . 

tion, for that had begun before the subsidiary treaties were objections 
concluded with the other Mahratta powers. The British to a 
government might have arbitrated, but it could not force protective 
the people of Indore, nor the Mahratta princes in general, to 
accept its arbitration. It could not conclude any subsidiary 
or protective treaty, which would guarantee Jaswant Rao 
Flolkar in the dominions of the Holkar family; because, 
according to the common understanding of the Mahratta 
states, Jaswant Rao Holkar was a rebel against the Peishwa, 
and an illegitimate son of the late ruler, whilst the legitimate 

for the purpose of increasing its own reputation, the British government 
should prohibit the slaughter of cows througbout Hindustan. Such a 
wholesale demand was perilous to the well-being of European soldiers, 
to say nothing of Englishmen In general, who are supposed to 
owe their superiority to beef. Accordingly the proposition was rejected 
as inadmissible, .. , , 


440 . BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

A.D. heir was still alive^ But Lord Wellesley was willing to leave 
18 03-180 4 Jaswant Rao alone, provided only that he abstained from all 
aggressions upon the territories of the British government, 
or upon those of its allies. 

Predatory But Jaswant Rao was a free lance of the old Mahratta 
instincts of ^.ypg . ^ Stamp of Sivaji with, the instinct of a 

freebooter running in his blood. He did not aspire to be a 
Holkar. warrior and hero like the Sindias. He preferred plunder to 
political power; and consequently took more delight in 
commanding loose bodies of predatory horsemen, like 
another Sivaji, than in directing the movements of drilled 
battalions of infantry, like Mahadaji Sindia or Daulat Rao. 
It was the boast of Jaswant Rao Holkar that his home was 
in the saddle, and that his dominions extended over every 
country that could be reached by his horsemen. 

Formid- In 1803, whilst English and Mahrattas were engaged in 
able power in the Dekhan and upper Hindustan, Jaswant Rao 
in 1804. jjop^ar collected a golden harvest in Mahva and Rajpdtana. 

Subsequently he was joined by deserters or fugitives from 
Sindia and the Bhonsla; and but for the presence of the 
English in Hindustan might have become the most for- 
midable predatory power in Central India. 

Ideas of But Jaswant Rao Holkar was ill at ease. He was an 
Jaswant Esau amongst the Mahratta powers, without fear or love 
for any one of them. He was alarmed at the victories of 
the English, It was obvious to his mind, moulded by 
Mahratta culture, that he had an inherent right to collect 
ch out, which the English were bound to respect. As a 
matter of fact, he could not keep his forces together without 
plunder or chout. But he feared that the English w^ere 
unable or unwilling to recognise the sacred rights of the 
Mahrattas, and were bent on putting a stop to his future 
expeditions. 

Rebuffed Jaswant Rao proceeded to work upon the English with all 
by General the wariness of a Mahratta. He wrote an arrogant letter to 
' Lake. General Lake, full of pretensions as regards what he called 
his rights, but still professing much friendship. He con- 
tinued the work of collecting chout and plunder from the 
protected allies in Rajpdtana, and at the same time he urged 
them to throw off their dependence on the British govern- 
m.ent. He was told by General Lake that the English 
had no desire to interfere with him, but that it was absolutely 


Chap. IXJ MAHRATTA WARS : WELLESLEY^ 441 

necessary that he should withdraw to Indore territory, and a.d, 
abstain from all aggressions on the British government or its 1S03-1804 
allies. , ' ■ ' ' 

Jaswant Bao then took a more decided tone. He requested Arrogant 
permission to levy chout according to the customs of his demands 
ancestors. He offered to conclude a treaty, provided the 
British government would guarantee him in the possession ^ leas. 
of Indore territory. But he refused to withdraw from 
Rajputana until the English complied with his demands. 

He wrote letters still more peremptory to General Wellesley 
in the Dekhan, threatening to burn, sack, and slaughter by 
hundreds of thousands in the event of refusal. He invited 
Daulat Rao Sindia to join him in an attack upon British 
possessions; but Sindia was already disgusted with his dupli- 
city, and not only refused to have anything more do do 
with such a faithless chieftain, but reported Jaswant Rao’s 
proffered alliance to the British authorities. 

There was no alternative but to reduce Jaswant Rao to Prepara- 
submission. General Lake was ordered to move southward tions for 
into Rajpiitana, whilst General Wellesley moved northward war against 
from the Dekhan ; and Jaswant Rao would then have been 
hemmed in between the two armies, and compelled to sur- Holkar. 
render at discretion. But there was a famine in the Dekhan ; 
the rains had failed, and the country had been ravaged by 
the armies of Sindia and the Bhonsla. General Wellesley 
could not move from the Dekhan, but ordered Colonel 
Murray to march from Guzerat towards Malwa with a suffi- 
cient force to co-operate with any force which might be sent 
by General Lake. Daulat Rao Sindia also offered to co- 
operate with the English for the reduction of Jaswant Rao, 
whom he declared had forfeited all claim to consideration 
from his treacherous refusal to join the allied Mahratta 
armies before the battle of Assaye. 

In April, 1804, General Lake moved an army into General 
Rajpiitana, and sent a detachment in advance under Colonel Lakejn 
Monson. Jaswant Rao beat a hasty retreat through Rajpd- L^jpu- 
tana towards Indore territory in the south. In May the 
English force captured Holkar’ s fortress of Rampoora, jaswant 
known as Tonk-Rampoora. The rains were now approach- Rao. 
ing, and General Lake left Colonel Monson to keep Jaswant 
Rao in check, and then returned to cantonments. 

The force under Colonel Monson consisted of five 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 



A.D. battalions of sepoys, a train of artillery, and two bodies of 
•1804. irregular horse, one under a Lieutenant Lucan, and the other 
— , under Bapoji Sindia, a kinsman of Daulat Rao. In June 
Snce* Monson crossed the river Chambal and reached Kotah, 
into and was joined by a body of troops in the service of the 
Hollcar’s Rajput ruler' of Kotah, who was anxious for the friendship 
territory, British government. Monson was daily expecting to 

be joined by Murray with the force from Guzerat, as well as 
by a force which Daulat Rao Sindia promised to send from 
Ujain, Accordingly he advanced through the pass of 
Mokundra into Holkar’s territory, and continued his march 
some fifty miles further to the southward. 

Untoward In the beginning of July Colonel Monson was staggered 
events. by a succession of untoward events. His supplies were 
running very low. Treachery was in his camp of which he 
was ignorant; Bapoji Sindia was sending secret messages to 
Jaswant Rao to turn back and advance against the English 
brigade. Next Monson heard that Colonel Murray had 
taken fright and was retreating to Guzerat ; and that Jaswant 
Rao had stayed his onward flight and turned back, and was 
marching against him with overwhelming forces, and a vast 
train of artillery. 

Monson’s Colonel Monson ordered a retreat to Mokundra pass, 
retreat leaving the irregular horse to follow. Shortly afterwards 
M Icundra Sindia came up with a story that Jaswant Rao had 

routed the irregular horse, and that Lucan was taken prisoner. 
Monson reached the Mokundra pass ; and Bapoji Sindia 
filled up the measure of his iniquity by deserting the 
English and going over bodily to Jaswant Rao with all his 
horsemen. Shortly afterwards Monson w^as attacked by 
the whole army of Holkar, but succeeded in repulsing the 
enemy. 

Retreat to Unfortunately, instead of holding out at the Mokundra 
Kotah and pass, Colonel Monson continued his retreat to Kotah. The 
Agra. of Kotah lost heart at seeing the fugitives, and shut 

his gates against them. The rainy season was at its 
height. Colonel Monson continued his retreat towards 
the north, but his supplies were exhausted, and ^ his 
guns sank hopelessly in the mud. He was obliged 
to spike his guns and destroy his ammunition to prevent 
their falling into the hands of the enemy. Sindia’s com- * 
mander came up to join him with the expected detachment 


Chap. IX.] MAH RATTA WARS : WELLESLEY 


443 


from Ujain : but when the Mahratta saw the wretched a.d. 
state of the fugitives, he turned his guns upon the English 1804-1805 
force and went over to Jaswant Rao. It is needless to 
dwell on further details of disasters in crossing rivers, and 
privations and sufferings beneath the pitiless rains. The 
retreat became a disorderly rout, during which the English 
sepoys were constantly exposed to the charges and sur- 
prises of Jaswant Rao Holkar. About the end of August, 

1804, the shattered remains of Monson’s brigade managed 
to reach Agra. 

Monson^s retreat was one of those disasters which will Disastrous 
upset the designs of the ablest statesmen. The political polkical 
system of Lord Wellesley was in imminent danger. For a 
brief interval British prestige vanished from Hindustan. 

Jaswant Rao Holkar was exaggerated into a Mahratta hero, 
and was joined by most of the predatory bands of Central 
India. Even the Rajput and Jit princes, the protected 
allies of the British government, were shaken in their 
allegiance by the successes of the victorious Mahratta. 

Jaswant Rao took possession of Muttra, and then with Jaswant 
happy audacity hastened to Delhi, to seize Shah Alam, and 
plunder Hindustan in the name of the Great Moghul. He 
was beaten off from Delhi by a small force under Ochter- Delhi, and 
lony ; but meanwhile a new ally had sprung up in his rear. Bhurtpore. 
The Jit Raja of Bhurtpore threw off his dependence on the 
British government, and declared in favour of Jaswant 
Rao Holkar. The fortress of Bhurtpore was the strongest 
in Hindustan. The huge walls of hardened mud rose 
round the city like a rampart of mountains. They were a 
godsend to Jaswant Rao. He sent his guns and infantry 
within the walls, and began to ravage the Doab with his 
army of horsemen, like a Tartar Khan of the olden time. 

General Lake took the held with his cavalry, and soon Lake 
routed and dispersed the Mahratta horse. The English 
captured the fortress of Deeg, which also belonged to the ^ 
Bhurtpore Raja. But then, instead of completing the besieges 
destruction of Jaswant Rao, General Lake advanced against Bhurtpore, 
Bhurtpore, and endeavoured to capture the impregnable 
fortress without even a siege-train. For a period of four 
months, from January 1805 to the following April, he wasted 
- the strength of the English army in trying to storm these 
enormous earthworks. To make matters worse, jRaulat Rao 


444 


^BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


»A.D. 

1805. 

Submis- 
sion of 
Bhurtpoi'e 
and 

Sindia : 
arrival 
of Lord 
Corn- 
wallis, 
July, 1805. 


Sindia threw off his allegiance to the British government, 
and declared for Jaswant Rao Holkar. 

The fortunes of the English soon began to brighten. 
The Raja of Bhurtpore grew frightened, and was restored to 
the protected alliance on paying a fine of two hundred 
-thousand pounds to the British government Subsequent 
defeats inflicted on Jaswant Rao brought Daulat Rao Sindia 
to his senses. Difficulties were being removed, and tran- 
quillity was about to be restored, when negotiations were 
upset by the home authorities. At the end of July, 1805, 
Lord Cornwallis landed at Calcutta, and took up the office 
of Governor-General, and the policy of the British govern- 
ment underwent an important change. Shortly afterwards 
Lord Wellesley returned to England. 

Genius and Lord Wellesley was a statesman of the highest order, 
policy of who brought the political experiences of western culture to 
Wellesley. Hear upon the conditions of Asiatic rule. His genius was 
untrammelled by the narrow ideas which grew out of a 
trading monopoly, and which swayed the better judgment 
of Robert Clive and Warren Hastings. He valued the 
security and prestige of the British empire in India at a 
higher rate than the commercial privileges of the East India 
Company ; and consequently he raised up a host of enemies, 
who could not appreciate his comprehensive foresight. But, 
in the teeth of all opposition, he established the sovereignty 
of the British government over the greater part of India, 
and put an end for ever to the English-born fantasy of a 
balance of power. 

Lord Wellesley has been compared with Akbar. Con- 
sciously or unconsciously, he sought to build up a British 
empire in India on similar foundations to those of the 
Moghul empire of Akbar. He avoided, however, the spirit 
of oriental intrigue, which balanced one element of race or 
religion against another; and he laboured to provide for the 
peace and security of India by establishing the British 
government as a paramount power over Moghuls and 
Mahrattas, and protecting the chieftains of Rajputana against 
the predatory incursions of Sindia and Holkar. He formed 
a school of political officers, whose aspirations were linked 
with the well-being of the British empire, rather than witli> 
the maintenance of the Company's monopoly; and thus he 


Wellesley 

and 

Akbar. 


Cha?.'IX.] MAHRATTA WARS: WELLESLEY. 445 

led to the identification of British interests with those of a.d, 
India, which has been the main work of the nineteenth 
century. Small in stature and imperious in will, he was 
known to his admirers as the “glorious little man ; ” and as 
long as the Anglo-Indian empire retains a place in history, 
the name of the Marquis of Wellesley will rank amongst its 
most illustrious founders. 

Lord Wellesley was led into errors, but they were the Errors of 
errors of genius — the outcome of a foresight which credits ^^hesley 
enemies with the entertainment of designs beyond their 
power of execution. Wellesley gauged the ambition of the genius, 
first Napoleon, and foreshadowed the dreams which would 
have carried a French army from the Mediterranean to the 
Ganges ; but he overrated the resources as well as the 
prescience of the imperial dreamer, and he underrated the 
obstructions and difficulties which beset Napoleon in Europe, 
and checked his advance in the footsteps of Alexander. He 
provided for the defence of India against plans which had 
no real existence, excepting in his own imagination, but 
which nevertheless might have proved substantial dangers 
had Napoleon been a Wellesley, or Wellesley a Napoleon. 

Lord Wellesley was the founder of the Indian Civil Remodel- 
Service on its existing footing. The old servants of the 
Company were emphatically merchants ; and he rightly con- 
sidered that mercantile training is of small use to civil Service, 
administrators in comparison with a knowledge of histor}^, 
law, political economy, and Indian languages. Moreover, 
during the old commercial period, money-making too often 
became a master passion, and certainly exercised an undue 
influence on the Indian rulers of the eighteenth century. 

With these views Lord Wellesley founded a College on a 
grand scale at Calcutta, with a competent staff of professors, 
for the special education of young civilians fresh from 
Europe ; and although his plans were dwarfed for a while into 
insignificance by the Court of Directors, yet in the end they 
led to the establishment of a College at Haileybury, which 
served as a training-school for Indian civil servants until the 
introduction of the competitive system in comparatively 
modern times# 


CHAPTER X. 


COXCILIATION : LORD CORNWALLIS, SIR GEORGE BARLOW, 
AND LORD MINTO. 

A.D. 1805 TO 1813. 

^ The second coming of Lord Cornwallis to India was the 

1805*" 1807 result of a political reaction. The British nation was 
— - alarmed at Lord Wellesley’s conquests, and his large assump- 

Reaction of political power. It was always averse to territorial 
Srd Wei- aggrandisement except for colonial purposes, or to humble 
lesley's France; and it was especially averse to conquests in India, 
imperial which provided no outlet for the superfluous population of 
policy. England, but only transferred large provinces from the govern- 
ment of native princes to that of the servants of the East 
India Company. The Directors themselves were equally 
alarmed at the extension of their dominion and responsi- 
bilities ; for they had learned by bitter experience that wars 
and conquests only added to the expenditure, without in- 
creasingTlie profits of the Company, or otherwise promoting 
the interests of trade. iVbove all, neither the British nation 
nor the Company could understand the new political dogma, 
that India could only be governed in peace by reducing her 
princes to the condition of feudatories, and setting up the 
British government as the paramount power. The policy 
of Lord Wellesley savoured too much of that of Napoleon 
to be acceptable to the people of England ; and it was 
accordingly attacked on all sides tooth and nail. 

The real fact was that the native powers in India were 
not states after the European model. They were for the 
most part new and crude principalities, which had grown up 


Chap. X.] conciliation : CORNWALLIS. 


447 


within the previous half century.^ Rebel Muhammadan a.d, 
Viceroys had thrown oif their dependence on the Great 1^05-1807 
Moghul, and converted their provinces into kingdoms, p 
Mahratta freebooters had created an empire over feudatory e^-ors^^ 
princes on the basis of plunder; and their dominions had respecting 
been consolidated by Brahmans, who played' the part of native 
ministers, accountants, and collectors of revenue. There 
were no political constitutions or hereditary aristocracies in 
either the Moghul or the Mahratta empires; nothing but 
bodies of officials, organised chiefly for the collection of 
revenue, bound by no national ties, and only held together by 
a system of red-tape and routine, which in times of revolution 
or disaster was either broken up or dwindled into hereditary ^ 

names and sinecures. 

The older states of Europe may have been created in a Contrast 
similar fashion ; but they have endured for a thousand years, between 
and the traditional experiences of a past history have con- 
verted subject populations into nationalities, and rude warrior native 
barons into landed nobilities. The kingdoms of India, with princi- 
the exception of the Rajput principalities, were things ofpalities, 
yesterday, without national life or organisation. The king- 
doms of Europe had undergone a political training under ■ 
kings and emperors, parliaments, popes, and priests, which 
had moulded them into substantive states, quickened them 
with international life, and fitted them for the exercise of 
political power within their respective circles, and the ob- 
servance of their obligations and duties in the European 
states system. 

The princes and nobles of India required the same Absence of 
training as the old feudal kings and barons of Europe. The 
Great Moghul, the last symbol of imperialism, had shrivelled 
into a feeble pageant The little vitality that remained in 
the name had died out under a Vizier, or an Amir of 
Arnfrs, who might be Moghul or Mahratta, Afghan or Arab, 
according to the daily game of revolutions and shuffling of 
factions at the Moghul capital. Lord Wellesley was a 
generation in advance of his age. He saw, with that true 
genius which is rarely understood or recognised by contem- 
poraries, that a new paramount power was necessary for the 

^ The only exceptions of importance were the Rajputs, and they 
were overrun by Mahrattas, and were as shattered as the Nizam after 
the battle of Kurdla. 


448 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

1805-1807 

Errors of 
Lord Wel- 
lesley, 


Return to 
neutrality 
and 

isolation. 


Mortifica- 
tion of 
Lord 

Wellesley. 


Extreme 
•views of 
Lord 
Corn- 
wallis. 


Death of 

Lord 

Corn- 

w^allis, 

1805. 


salvation of India ; and that such a power could be exercised 
by the British government and by that government alone. 

But Lord Wellesley . made mistakes, like all other states- 
men who are dealing with a present which is imperfectly 
known, and a future that can only be conjectured. He had 
over-rated the strength of the Mahrattas, and the danger 
of Sindia’s French battalions. Since then he had under- 
rated the powers of mischief wdiich were still left in the 
hands of the Mahratta princes. He was consequently taken 
aback at die outbreak of Jaswant Rao Holkar ; especially 
when it was followed up by the defection of Sindia and the 
protected Rajas of Rajputana. 

The result of the embroglio was that the home authorities 
resolved to reverse the policy of Lord Wellesley, and revert 
to that of Sir John Shore ; to abandon the system of sub- 
sidiary and protective alliances, and return to that of neutral- 
ity and isolation ; and, above all, to conciliate the Mahratta 
princes to British ascendency by the restoration of con- 
quered territories, and surrender of captured fortresses. 

That Lord Wellesley was bitterly mortified by this decision 
may well be imagined ; but every statesman who is in 
advance of his generation must be prepared to see his ideas 
ignored, misunderstood, or held up to derision, until popular 
errors are corrected by public disasters, and the foregone 
conclusions of those in power are educated by a larger ex- 
perience to a right understanding of the evils and their cure. 

Lord Cornwallis was prepared to go extravagant lengths 
in the way of conciliation and neutrality. He would have 
withdrawn the Great Moghul and all his family to Bengal, 
and made over Delhi to Daulat Rao Sindia, with liberty to 
recover his lost territories between the Ganges and the 
J umna. He would have abandoned the protective treaties 
with the Rajput and Jit princes-, and left them to the tender 
mercies of the Mahrattas. 

Fortunately for the interests of philanthropy, Lord Corn- 
wallis did not live to carry out these reactionary intentions. 
He was sixty-seven years of age; he had landed at Calcutta 
at the end of July to be exposed to the damp heats of a 
Bengal August, when every breeze from the south was laden 
with the feverish malaria of the Sundeibunds. In the month 
of September, the most trying month in the plains, he was 
travelling towards the north-west ; and the fatal result might 



Chap. X.] 


CONCILIATION : BARLOW. 


449 


have been foreseen. The anxious veteran became weak a.d. 
in mind and body, sank into a state of insensibility, and 1S05-1807 
finally, died on the 5th of October, 1805, before he had been ““ 
ten weeks in the country. * 

The successor of Lord Cornwallis was a man of a different Sir George 
culture. Sir George Barlow was not an independent noble- Barlow, 
man, educated in European politics : but a civil servant of the 
Company, pliant under superior authority, but self-willed i §05-7 :* 
in his own sphere of action. He had been a member ofhischa- 
council in the time of Lord Wellesley, and had steadily racter. 
supported Wellesley’s imperial policy. Subsequently, how- 
ever, he accepted the policy of conciliation and neutrality, 
which Lord Cornwallis was preparing to carry out in accord- 
ance with the will of the home authorities. 

The political apostasy of Barlow has been much con- Political 
demned, but perhaps without sufficient cause. He adopted a-postasy 
the imperial system of Lord Wellesley when that nobleman ‘ 
was in power j but it was impossible for him to resist the 
reaction in public opinion, which had recalled Lord Wellesley 
and placed Lord Cornwallis at the head of afiairs. Such 
open rebellion against all the home authorities, including 
both houses of parliament, would have been an unwarrant- 
able assumption, and have ended in a political suicide from 
which nothing was to be gained. 

By the end of 1805, Lord Lake had pursued Jaswant Rao Submis- 
Holkar into the Punjab, and forced him to come to terms, sion of 
A half-hearted treaty was concluded by Sir John Malcolm 
with the Mahratta adventurer, which satisfied no one. Holkar. 
There was enough concession to the new policy of con- 
cilation to exasperate Lord Lake, and enough spice of 
Wellesley's policy of imperialism to exasperate Sir George 
Barlow, All Holkar’s territories were restored to Jaswant 
Rao, except the fortress of Tonk Rampoora ; but he was 
bound over not to commit any aggressions on the British 
government, or on any of its allies, including the Rajpdt 
Rajas. 

This unexpected liberality revived the audacity of Jaswant Arrogant 
Rao. He claimed the territories in Hindustan and the pyeten- 
Dekhan, which he had demanded from Lake and Wellesley 
before the Deginning of the war. He claimed a right to 
collect contributions from the Raja of Jaipur. Lord Lake 
was so disgusted with these arrogant demands on the part of 

G G 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


4SO 

A.D. 

1S05-1807 

Mistaken 

conces- 

sions. 


Annul- 
ment of 
protective 
treaties 
with 

Rajpiit . 
states. 


Turn of 
the tide. 


a prostrate foe, that he stopped the negotiations j and then, 
of course, Jaswant Rao Holkar gave in, and withdrew all 
demands, and accepted the proffered terms. 

But Sir George Barlow was not* satisfied with this treaty. 
He ordered the fortress of Tonk Rampoora to be restored 
to Jaswant RaO. The recovery of the fortress was most 
gratifying to the faithless Mahratta, and he naturally thought 
he could do as he pleased. Accordingly he broke all his 
pledges, and exacted enormous sums from the Jaipur Raja; 
whilst Lord Lake, who had returned to head-quarters to 
save the expense of his field force, was prevented from 
putting a stop to his depredations. 

Sir George Barlow next annulled the protective treaties 
which had been concluded with the chiefs of Rajpfitana. 
He declared that the chiefs had forfeited British protection 
by the countenance they had subsequently given to Jaswant 
Rao Holkar during the retreat of Colonel Monson. The 
Rajput chiefs had certainly deserted the English and helped 
Holkar when they saw Monson running away. But in like 
manner they deserted Holkar and helped the English when 
they saw Jaswant Rao running away. The question in 
dispute however became a matter of personal quarrel be- 
tween Lake and Barlow. Lake had promised to restore 
the Raja of Jaipur to the protective alliance provided he 
resisted the advance of Holkar. Tire Raja performed his 
part, but Barlow annulled the protective treaty with Jaipur, 
and Lake was naturally indignant that his pledges should 
be ignored. But Barlow was deaf to all the protests of 
Lake, and abandoned the Rajpdts to the irregular demands 
of the Mahrattas, with the exception of the Rajpdt state of 
Ulwar and the Jdt state of Bhurtpore, whose claims to pro- 
tection could not be set aside. 

But the violence of the reaction against the policy of 
Lord Wellesley went too far for even Sir George Barlow. 
The home authorities proposed to restore all the territories 
which had been acquired by Lord Wellesley during the 
M ahratta war. Barlow replied that such a restitution would 
be most dangerous. Instead of inducing the Mahrattas to 
keep the peacCj it would only tempt them to renewed efforts 
for the subversion of the British power in India, and a 
return to the wars and anarchy of the eighteenth century. 
Meanwhile the Mahratta feudatories heard of the proposal, 


Chap. X.] 


CONCILIATION : BARLOW. 


4SI ^ ' 

and were puzzled by the restoration of territory and a.d. 
fortresses to Jaswant Rao Holkar. The Raja of Nagpore 1805-1807 
especially demanded the restoration of Cuttack and Berar, 
although Cuttack was essential to the maritime defence of 
British India, and Berar had been ceded to the Nizam. 

The Raja of Nagpore, however, was a true Mahratta; and 
down to his death, in 1816, he never ceased to implore the 
British government for compensation on account of Cuttack 
and Berar. 

For a brief interval the policy of non-intervention ap- Brief 
peared to be a success. The predatory powers confined interval 
their depredations to Malwa and Rajpdtana, and respected 
the territories of the British government and its allies. 

There were frequent rumours of confederacies against the 
British power, but they were generally discredited. To all 
Outward appearance theTeishwa w'-as politically dormant, or 
too much engaged in trying to reduce the smaller refractory 
feudatories within his own dominions, to attempt to carry 
on secret intrigues with other powers outside his frontier. 

At the same time Sindia and Holkar were afraid of each 
other, and chiefly busied themselves with exacting revenue 
and cliout for the maintenance of their overgrown armies. 

In 1806 there was a great alarm in the Madras Presidency, Disaffec- 
There was a sudden rising of the sepoys at Vellore, and the 
Madras army was said to be disaffected. The fortress 
of Vellore, which had been the scene of many tragedies in mutiny at 
the past history of the Carnatic, had been turned into a Vellore, 
residence for the Mysore princes of Tippu's family. It was 
held by a garrison of about four hundred European soldiers, 
and fifteen hundred sepoys. The sepoys arose in the night, 
and attacked the European barracks, firing through the Vene- 
tian windows until half the force were killed or wounded. 

Other parties of sepoys attacked the European houses and 
shot down thirteen English officers, who had rushed out to 
learn the cause of the uproar. All this while the Mysore 
princes and their followers were in active communication 
with the mutineers, supplied them with provisions, and 
hoisted the flag of Mysore over the fortress. 

Unforto^ had no ammunition, but Prompt 

the survivors made a sally from the barracks, and managed action of 
to maintain a position on a gateway under cover of a. 
bastion. Every officer was killed^ but a gallant resistance was 

■ ■ G G 2 


452 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI, 


A;D. maintained by a Sergeant Brodie, who was the hero of the day. 
1805-1807 Meanwhile news of the outbreak was carried to Arcot, eight 
miles off, where Colonel Gillespie was in command. Relief 
was soon at hand. Colonel Gillespie galloped to Vellore 
with a troop of European dragoons, and two field guns. 
Gillespie rode far in advance of his men, and reached the 
gateway, amidst a furious fire, just as Brodie and his small 
party were burning their last cartridge. A chain of soldiers’ 
belts was let down by Brodie, and Gillespie dragged himself 
to the top of the gateway, and placed himself at the head of 
the survivors, who welcomed him as their deliverer. At his 
word of command the soldiers promptly formed, and drove 
back the enemy with the bayonet. Presently the dragoons 
came up with the galloper guns. The gates of the fortress 
were blown open ; the soldiers rushed in ; four hundred 
mutineers were cut down; others were taken prisoners; 
and a few only escaped by dropping from the walls. 

Needless A searching inquiry was made into the cause of the 
innova- mutiny. It was ascertained that the military authorities at 
bottom oiT issued orders forbidding the sepoys from 

themutiny. parade with ear-rings or caste marks, and 

requiring them to shave their beards and trim their mous- 
tachios. Above all, an obnoxious head-dress had been 
introduced, which was totally unlike the beloved turban, 
and bore a closer resemblance to the European hat, which 
has always been an eyesore to orientals. 

Aggra- These innovations had rankled in the hearts of the 
vated by^ Madras sepoys, and exposed them to taunts and derision. 

At Vellore the disaffection was aggravated by the presence 
rumours. Mysore princes, and the Tact that many of Tippu’s 

old soldiers were serving in the English garrison. Moreover 
alarming rumours were whispered abroad that the new army 
regulations were only a preliminary to the forcible conver- 
sion of the sepoys to Christianity. The prompt action of 
Colonel Gillespie put a stop to further troubles ; but there 
were some disturbances, at Hyderabad, which showed that 
the disaffection was widely spread. 

Recall of The Court of Directors were so alarmed at this sepoy 
Bentinck mutiny, that they recalled Lord William Bentinck, the 
M^ras Governor of Madras, as well as Sir John Craddock, the 

commander-in-chief of the Madras army, for having sanc- 
tioned such dangerous innovations. Lord William Bentinck 


Chap. X.] CONCILIATION : LORD MINTO. 


453 


protested against his removal, but the Directors were inex- a.d. 
prable. Twenty years afterwards he obtained tardy redress 1S07H813 
by being appointed Governor-General of India. ' 

In 1807 Sir George Barlow was succeeded at Calcutta by Lord 
Lord Minto. The new Governor-General was strongly 
impressed with the wisdom of the policy of non-interven- 
tion. He was bent on eschewing the errors of Lord Welles- 
ley and walking in the ways of Lord Cornwallis. Moreover 
Great Britain was engaged in wars against Napoleon, and 
peace in India was to be maintained at any price. 

Immediately after Lord Mintons arrival in Bengal, atten- Turbu- 
tion was called to the state of affairs in Bundelkund ; and he lence and 
discovered to his surprise and disappointment that the policy 
of non-intervention was sometimes not only inexpedient 
but impossible. The territory of Bundelkund stretches to 
the southward of the Jumna from Behar to Malwa. It 
was parcelled out amongst a number of turbulent chieftains, 
who had been partly conquered by Ali Bahadur,^ but 
who were supposed to acknowledge the suzerainty of the 
Peishwa. A large tract of Bundelkund had been ceded by the 
Peishwa to the British government for the maintenance of 
the Poona Subsidiary Force; but it was found that the country 
had never been completely subjected by the Peishwa, and 
that territory had been ceded which had never acknowledged 
his suzerainty. Bundelkund was overrun with military free- 
booters. A hundred and fifty fortresses were held by as 
many chiefs of banditti, who w^ere permitted on the prin- 
ciples of non-intervention to settle their disputes by the 
sword. 

Sir George Barlow had sacrificed revenue and prestige Departure 
rather than violate the new policy ; but Lord Minto resolved 
to take action. Military operations were undertaken with ^ori-lLer- 
the usual success. The result was that peace and order vention. 
were established in Bundelkund ; and the turbulence and 
anarchy which had prevailed in these jungle tracts since the 
days of Aurangzeb, were banished out of the land under the 
protective influence of British rule. 

The Punjab next attracted the attention of Lord Minto. Rise of 
A Sikh V chieftain, named Runjeet Singh, had brought 
Sikh Sirdars under his authority, and established a sovereignty 

^ See page 391. Lahore. 


454 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. which kept down rebels and bandits by the iron heel 
18 07-18 13 military despotism. The territories of Runjeet Singh 
included the old battle-grounds where Alexander fought 
against Porus; and fears were entertained that Napoleon 
would march in the steps of the great Macedonian and 
attempt the conquest of Hindustan.^ 

Aggres- In 1807 Runjeet Singh was making aggressions on the 
sionson Sikh principalities of Sirhind, between the Sutlej and the 

Ae Ds- Jumna. These Cis-Sutlej Sikhs had paid allegiance to the 
state? British government ever since the campaign of Lord Lake ; 
1807/ and they now applied for British protection against Runjeet 
Singh. The case was a difhcult one, for it was necessary to 
conciliate Runjeet Singh as regards French invasion, whilst 
maintaining British supremacy on the banks of the Sutlej. 
Mission of In 1808 Lord Minto sent a young civilian, named Charles 
Charles Metcalfe, to conduct the negotiations with Runjeet Singh ; 

and by firmness on the part of the envoy, and the advance 
of a military force to the Sutlej, Runjeet Singh was induced 
to give in, and withdraw his troops to the westward of the 
river. Mr, Metcalfe established his reputation for tact and 
discretion by his able conduct of the mission, and lived to 
play an important part in Indian history. ^ 

Rebellion Later on the affairs of Jaswant Rao Holkar fell into dis- 
against ^ order. His subjects rebelled against him as a usurper, and 
of to retain the throne by murdering his legitimate 

Jaswai^ brother and nephew. Next he took to drinking brandy, 

Rao, until at last he was pronounced to be insane, and placed in 

confinement; and his wife Tulsi Bai assumed the govern- 
ment of Indore with the help of an Afghan adventurer, 
named Amir Khan. 

^ According to the latest orthography Runjeet ” is spelt “ Ranjit,’^ 
and this spelling has been adopted in dealing with Ranjit Singh, the 
Jat Raja, ^ who is unknown to European readers. But the name of 
Runjeet Singh, the “Lion of Lahore,” has become classical. 

2 Besides Metcalfe’s mission to the Punjab, Lord Minto sent a mission, 
under Colonel Malcolm, to the court of Persia, and another, under Mr. 
Mountstuart Elphinstone, to, the court of Kabul, to counteract the sup- 
posed designs of the Emperor Napoleon. N either mission was followed 
by any practical result, and both might be passed over as obsolete. It 
is, however, curious to note that Elphinstone never reached Kabul, but 
met Shah Shuja, the nominal sovereign-of Afghanistan, at Peshawar. 
By this time the 'Afghan empire, founded by Ahmad Shah Abdali, was 
broken up ; the whole country was distracted by eivn wars, and Shah 
Shuja was driven into exile shortly after Elphinstone left Peshawar, 


Chap. X.] CONCILIATION : LORD MINTO. 


45S' 


The career of Amfr Khan, the founder of the Tonk prin- a.d. 
cipality, reveals the wretched condition of Rajptitana and 1807*1813 
Malwa, Originally AmiT Khan was a leader of bandits, ^ 

and as such he Iiad been an associate of Jaswant Rao ^ 
Holkar. His banditti grew into an army, maintained by Khan, 
forced contributions and robberies. When Jaswant Rao tke 
became insane, Amir Khan interfered in the affairs of In- 
dore j he professed to protect the state of Holkar, whilst 
exacting large grants of territory and revenue from the 
weak government of Tulsi Bai. 

Amir Khan, like all the predatory powers at this period, Aggi-es- 
was constantly in want of means to support his lawless si^ns of 
soldiery. Rajpdtana and Malwa were exhausted, and he 
was compelled to look abroad. He revived some dormant Nagpore. 
claim of Holkar against the Bhonsla Raja of Nagpore, and 
invaded Nagpore territory with a large army. 

Lord Minto sent a force to protect Nagpore, and the Inter- 
result was that Amir Khan was forced to retire to his own ference of 
territories. But Lord Minto felt that this interference was 
a violation of the policy of non-intervention ; and he ex- ^ ■ 
plained to the Court of Directors that he had interfered in 
behalf of the Raja of Nagpore as a measure of self-defence, 
to prevent any alliance between two Muhammadan powers, 
like Amir Khan and the Nizam. By this time, however, 
the home authorities were awakening to the fact that war, 
brigandage, and anarchy were on the increase in Central 
India ; and they not only approved of what Lord Minto 
had done, but expressed a wish that he had made an end 
of Amir Khan. 

One episode will suffice to reveal the horrible state of Quarrel 
turmoil which prevailed in the fertile regions of Rajpiitana. 

Every Rajput chieftain was anxious to marry a daughter of Jnd Taipur 
the Rana of Udaipur. The reigning Rana had only one respecting 
daughter, and she had been betrothed at an early age to the the 
Raja of Jodhpur. The Raja died, and was succeeded by 
a prince named Mdn Singh. Meanwhile the princess J^ad 
been betrothed to the Raja of Jaipur; but Man Singh 
claimed her hand on the ground that she had been be- 
trothed to the throne of Jodhpur, and not to the mere 

occupant for the time being. , Desolatiiv^ 

From 1806 to 1810, Rajpiitana was convulsed by this^^^g 
domestic struggle between Jodhpur and Jaipur. Nearly all 1806-10. 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A.D. 

iSo7-iSi3 

Inter- 
fereace of 
Amir 
Khan. 


Ravages 
of Mah- 
rattas and 
Afghans. 


Rajpdt 
appeals for 
British 
inter- 
ference, 
1S09. 


Results of 
non-inter- 
vention. 


Murder of 
the 

princess, 

1810. 


the chiefs in E.ajpdtana took a part in the war, just as their 
forefathers had fought on either side in the war of the Mahi 
Bhirata. 

Amfr Khan went from one side to the other with his army 
of banditti, as best suited his own interests. Originally he 
was bought over by Jaipur, and helped to defeat Man Singh, 
and shut him up in his fortress of Jodhpur, whilst ravaging 
the surrounding country. Next he was bought over by Man 
Singh, who offered to pay him a yearly tribute of some half 
a million sterling. Meanwhile Amfr Khan was guilty of 
treacheries and wholesale assassinations, which alone would 
suffice to brand his character with infamy. 

All this time the Rana of Udaipur took no part in the 
war ; but his territories were exposed to the ravages and 
depredations of Daulat Kao Sindia and Amfr Khan. The 
marches of the Mahratta and Afghan armies were to be traced 
by blazing villages and ruined harvests ; and wherever they 
encamped they turned the garden of Rajpdtana into a desert 
and desolation. 

In this extremity the Rana of Udaipur claimed the pro- 
tection of the British government as the paramount power. 
He offered to cede half his territories for the defence of the 
other half. The rival princes of Jodhpur and Jaipur joined 
in the solicitation. They declared that there always had 
been a paramount power in India to protect the weak against 
the strong ; and as the East India Company had become the 
paramount power it was bound to fulfil its duties. 

The interference of the British government would have 
put an end to all, this frightful anarchy ; but it would have 
been an open and undisguised violation of the policy of non- 
intervention. The Rana of Udaipur was refused all help. 
Driven by despair, he bought the protection of Amfr Khan 
by the cession of a quarter of his dominions ; and stooped 
to the ignominy of exchanging turbans with the Afghan free- 
booter. 

Still the war was raging between Jodhpur and Jaipur. 
Amfr Khan proposed to stop it by taking the life of the 
innocent cause of the quarrel; and he threatened to carry 
off the princess, and make her over to Man Singh of Jodhpur, 
unless his advice was followed. The miseraWe Rana gave 
his consent to* the murder of his child; and the Rajpiit 
maiden accepted her doom, and drank the poison which was 



Chap. X.] CONCILIATION : LORD MINTO. 


457 


to put an end to her existence. The terrible tragedy filled a.d. 
western India with shame and horror* and, there was, not aTSo7»i8i3 
chieftain in Rajpfitana who did not lament the fate of the 
unhappy princess, and execrate all concerned in the heart- 
less atrocity. 

But other causes were at work, besides the policy of non- Successes 
intervention, to prevent Lord Minto from interfering in of the 
western India. The war between Great Britain and France 
was being fought in eastern waters. The Mauritius was a ^j^ters. 
depot for French frigates and privateers, which swept the 
seas from Madagascar to Java. The merchants of Calcutta 
alone estimated their losses at two millions sterling since the 
beginning of the war, whilst, in one year, the East India 
Company estimated their losses at half a million.^ ' 

In i8io Lord Minto sent an expedition against the British ^ 
Mauritius and captured the island. In i8ii he sent expedi- occupatiou 
tions against the Dutch settlements in India, which had Mauritius 
passed into the hands of Napoleon. The island of Java and Java! 
was captured and occupied by the English down to the end i8io-ii. 
of the war with France ; but eventually it was restored to 
the Dutch, and irretrievably lost to the British nation. 

Lord Minto accompanied the expedition to Java, but Death of 
returned to Calcutta in 1812. Anarchy still prevaUed inJaswant 
Malwa and Rajpdtana. Jaswant Rao Holkar died in 1811, Golkar • 
and was succeeded by an infant, named Mulhar Rao Holkar, increasin<>- 
who had been adopted by his widow Tulsi Bai. This, how- anarchy.^ 
ever, was a matter of small moment in comparison with the 
dark clouds which threatened India in the shape of organised 
battalions of bandits under Amir Khan, and the loose bands 
of marauders, who were known by the dreaded name of 
Pindharies. 

The Pindharies were a low class of freebooters, who had Rise of 
been attached to the Mahratta armies during the desolating 
wars of the eighteenth century. Their origin is lost 
obscurity, but one body, as already seen, joined the Mah- 
rattahost that fought at Paniput, 2 The Mahratta horsemen of 
any respeGtability affected to look down upon the Pindharies ; 
but it was only a difference between regular and irregular 

^ The merchants at Ca:lcutta chiefly confined their trading to the 
eastern seas, and consequently suffered most severely. The East 
Indiamen from Europe were armed like men of war. 

- See page 338. 


458 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


a.d. 

1807-1813 


Connec- 
tion witli 
Siudia and 
Hoikar. 


Pindhari 
leaders, 
Clietu and 
Khunm, 


Extended 

depreda- 

tions. 


Periodical 

incursions. 


Foreign 

invasions. 


banditti ; between gentlemen, highwaymen who were ready 
to fight, and pickpockets and pilferers who were ready to run 
away. 

Before the Mahratta wars of 1803 and 1804 the Pindharies 
had been distributed amongst different Mahratta chieftains. 
One body was known as Sindians Pindharies ; another body 
as Holkaf s Pindharies ; and lands were assigned by Sindia 
and Hoikar to different Pindhari leaders for the maintenance 
of their respective hordes. When the wars were over the 
Pindharies still formed separate and independent bodies, but 
followed the fortunes of any turbulent chieftain or lawless 
adventurer. They were not divided by differences of race 
and religion, but were the riff-raff of Hindus and Muhamma- 
dans bound together by no tie save that of plunder. 

Two notorious Pindhari leaders were known by the names 
of Clietu and Khurim. There was no union between the 
two; on the contrary they were jealous of each other and 
often at open enmity; and they were entirely wanting in 
the military strength ai]d organisation which characterised 
the army of Amir Khan. 

At first the Pindharies confined their depredations to 
Rajpdtana and Malwa. Sometimes they made raids on the 
territories of Sindia and Hoikar. On one occasion Daulat 
Rao Sindia captured the two Pindhari leaders, and kept 
them in confinement ; but was at last induced to liberate 
them on payment of a ransom of a hundred thousand pounds 
sterling. Subsequently, they extended their raids into the 
Dekhan, and invaded the territories of the Peishwa, the 
Nizam, and the Raja of Nagpore. 

In 1809-10, Captain Sydenham, the Resident at Hydera- 
■ bad, described the proceedings of the Pindharies. Their 
incursions, he said, were as regular as the periodical mon- 
soons. They seemed to wait with malicious pleasure until 
the crops were ripe upon the ground, and then robbed the 
unfortunate husbandmen of the fruit of their labours at the 
moment they expected to reap them. Every villain who 
escaped from his creditors, or was expelled for flagrant 
crimes, or was disgusted with an honest and peaceable life, 
fled to Central India and enrolled himself amongst the 
Pindharies. . 

The Pindharies generally invaded a country in bands 
varying from one thousand to four thousand men. On 


CHA.P. X.] CONCILIATION: LORD MINTO. 


459 


reaching the frontier they dispersed in small parties of two a.i>. 
or three hundred. They advanced with such rapidity that 
the Story of their depredations was generally the first " 
news of their approach. They were not encumbered with 
tents or baggage, but carried only their arms, and slept on 
their saddle-cloths. Both men axid horses were accustomed 
to long marches, and they never halted except to refresh 
themselves, to collect plunder, or to commit the vilest out- 
rages on the female population. They subsisted on the 
grain and provisions which they found in the villages ; took 
everything that was valuable ; and wantonly destroyed all 
that they could not carry away. 

Lord Minto left India in 1813, and was succeeded as Departure 
Governor-General by Lord Moira, afterwards Marquis 
Hastings. One of the last acts of Lord Minto's administra- 
tion was to impress on the Court of Directors the necessity 
for adopting large measures for the purpose of suppressing 
the Pindharies ; and thus from an early period the attention 
of Lord Moira was directed to the annual depredations of 
these organised banditti. 

Lord Moira landed at Calcutta in the fifty-ninth year of Lord 
his age. Before he left England he had denounced the .. 
ambitious policy of Lord Wellesley in seeking to establish 
the British government as the paramount power in India. Wellesley. 
But his attention had already been directed to the yearly 
expeditions of the Pindharies ; and soon after his arrival 
in Bengal he began to modify his political views. He 
reported to the Court of Directors that the battalions of 
Amir Khan and hordes of Pindharies numbered some fifty 
thousand men ; that they subsisted by plunder alone, and 
extended their ravages over an area as large as England, 

He emphatically declared that the affairs of the Company 
would never prosper until the British government was placed 
at the head of a league which embraced every native state 
in India, and was enabled to bring the whole strength of the 
league to bear upon any single power that disturbed the 
public peace. 

This sudden conversion of Lord Moira from the policy of 
non-intervention to that of a paramount power had no effect 
upon the home authorities. There was still the same morbid 
dread of the Mahrattas, which misled the British nation at 
the beginning of the century. Daulat Rao Sindia was still 


460 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Pt. III. Ch. X. 


A.D. 

1S07-1S13 

Opposi- 
tion of the 
home au- 
thorities ;] 
dread of 
the Mah- 
rattas. 


Threat- 
ened war 
withNipal, 
2813. 


regarded as a dangerous power like Chenghiz Khan or 
Timdr. In reality he was a prince in sore distress, worried 
by an army which was in frequent mutiny from want of sub- 
sistence, and paralysed by a terror of the English, which never 
left him after the battle of Assaye. He had been anxious 
to follow the advice of the British Resident, who still ac- 
companied his camp ; but the Resident was a victim to the 
policy of non-intervention, and refused to advise Sindia. 
Thus in India and in England every one, save Lord Moira, 
was a strict adherent to the policy of non-intervention. 
Accordingly, Lord Moira was told by the Directors that 
no league was to be formed, or any step taken for the sup- 
pression of the Pindharies, that was likely to embroil the 
British government with the Mahrattas, or to give offence to 
Daulat Rao Sindia. 

Meanwhile black clouds were gathering over the Hima- 
layas. For years the Ghorka rulers of Nipal had been 
making systematic encroachments on British territory. The 
English in Bengal remonstrated in vain. They were anxious 
for peace at any price short of abject submission ; but the 
Ghorkas were beyond all bearing : appropriating villages 
and districts without a shadow of a claim, and turning a deaf 
ear to all. representations, or stubbornly insisting that the 
abstracted territory had always belonged to Nipal. Lord 
Minto sent an ultimatum to Kbatmandu before he left 
Bengal, and Lord Moira sent another shortly after Ms 
arrival. The result was the Ghorka war of 1814 and 1815 ; 
but before describing the military operations it will be as 
well to review the history of the Ghorka conquest of Nipal. 



CHAPTER XL . 

NJPAL HISTORY; GHORKA CONQUEST. 

A.D. 1767 TO 1814. 

Northward of Hindustan, a square mass of territory ex- a.d. 
tends over the Himalayas beyond the British frontier towards ^7^7- 
the great desert of Gobi or Shamo, the terror of Marco Polo.^ Ni^f^ 

On the west, this irregular quadrangle is bounded by Kashmir Bhutan, 
and the upper streams of the Sutlej and Ganges ; on the east and 
by China proper and the courses of rivers which are as yet Thibet, 
unfamiliar to modern geographers. The southern side of 
the quadrangle, immediately to the northward of British 
territory, is occupied by the mountain range of the Hima- 
layas, which includes the valley of Nipal and heights of 
Bhutan. Northward of the Himalayas the flat table-land of 
Thibet stretches over little-known tracts towards the great 
desert. Southern Thibet is watered by the Brahmaputra 
river, which coils like a huge serpent round the northern 
slopes of the Himalayas, and finally flows southward 
through Assam, and helps to form the delta of the Ganges. 

A veil of religious mystery hangs over the Hima- l^eligious 
layan mountains and the Thibetan table-land beyond. 
Buddhism, which once overshadowed Hindustan, was transplan- 
driven northward between the eighth and twelfth centuries ted from 
of the Christian era by the great Brahmanical revival which Hindustan, 
was associated with the reformed worship of Vishnu and 
Siva. The monasteries and the monastic colleges, which 
once flourished on the banks of the Ganges and Jumna, 

i It was known to Marco Polo as the desert of Lop, and was said to 
be haunted by evil spirits or goblins. 


462 


a.d. 

1767. 


Great 
Lama at 
Lhassa : ^ 
Teshii 
Lama at 
Digarchi. 


Descrip- 
tion of 
Nipal, 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part IIL* * 

reappeared amidst the mountain scenery of the Himalayas - 
and pathless wastes to the northward. But Hindustan was 
never forgotten. The memories of the holy land of Behar 
and Gaya, sanctified by the footsteps of Sakya Muni and 
his disciples, were treasured in the hearts of the inmates of j 

every monastery, from the boy neophyte of twelve or i 

fourteen to the venerable Lama or abbot, who ruled as lord | 

and master. To this day pious legends of Magadha and I 

Benares are still the subjects of religious thought and teach- 
ing in those remote regions, which are a terra incognita to 
the European.^ 

Buddhism, like ' Christendom, has its bishops and its 
heresies. The city of Lhassa, seated on the southern bank 
of the Brahmaputra, forty days’ journey from Pekin, is the 
Rome of Thibetan and Chinese Buddhism. At Lhassa a 
succession of Great Lamas, the supposed incarnations of 
Sakya Muni, exercise a spiritual dominion resembling that 
of the Holy See. At Digarchi, ten days’ journey to the 
westward of Lhassa, the Teshu Lama is worshipped and pro- 
tected by the emperors of China as their spiritual father.^ 

The valley of Nipal is located in the southern slopes of the 
Himalaya range. It is shut out from Hindustan by the lower 
shelves and precipices of the Himalayas; whilst the still lower 
range of mountains, at the base, is guarded by a broad belt 
of dense forest, from which a low marshy plain stretches 
out towards the south, the whole being known as the TeraL 
Nipal has rarely been invaded by Muhammadans or Moghuls, 
and to this day the Muhammadans form no part of its popu- 
lation.^ 

From a remote period this fertile and secluded valley has 

^ The holy land of Magadha is iucntical with tne modern Beiiar or 
Vihar. The word Vihar signifies a Buddhist monastery. 

^ Both the Great Lama of Lhassa and the Teshu Lama of Digarchi 
are pontiffs of the yellow sect, the orthodox and reformed Buddhism of 
the court of Pekin. But the followers of the red sect, who retain much 
of the old devil-worship and incantations in their religious observances, 
continue to maintain monasteries and Lamas of their own in Thibet and 
Bhutan. 

Thibet is nominally subject to the Chinese emperor, but little is 
known of the extent of Chinese jurisdiction in that quarter. Lhassa 
is the capital of what is called Chinese Thibet, and is the abode of 
a Chinese viceroy as well as of the Great Lama. 

^ Muhammad Tughlak sent an army over the Himalayas in the four- 
teenth century, but it perished miserably. See ante, page 87. 


Chap. XL] NIP AL HISTORY: GHORKA CONQUEST. 463 

been inhabited by a peaceful and industrious race of a.d. 
Hindu Buddhists, known as Newars. Like India, the whole * 7 ^ 57 . 
country was parcelled out into petty Hindu kingdoms, HinST 
each having its own Raja; but in the early half of the Buddhists, 
eighteenth century the whdle were absorbed in three king- 
doms, of which Khatmandu was the chief. Indeed, at this 
period the Newar Raja of Khatmandu was always treated 
by the East India Company as the ruler of Nipal. 

In those early times the valley of Nipal might have been Happy 
likened to the happy valley of Rasselas. The Newars were valley of 
devoted to agriculture and trade, and pursued the even . 

tenor of their way under the mild influence of Buddhism. 

The East Indian Company carried on a profitable trade 
with Nipal; and numerous commodities, including quantities 
of gold from Thibet, were imported into Behar and Bengal. 

About 1767, ten years after Plassy, the Ghorkas ofGhorka 
Kashmir, a race of Rajputs and Brahmans, invaded the conquest 
happy valley of Nipal. There was no apparent cause of 
quarrel. The Ghorkas were a military people, hungering ^ '' 
after territory and revenue ; and the valley of Nipal, with, its 
peaceful population of Buddhist Newars, was open to their 
inroads. They preserved the usages of caste, and worshipped 
the same gods as the Rajputs of Hindustan ; and the Ghorka 
conquest may have been a later wave of the great Brahmanical 
revival, which convulsed India in mediaeval times, and drove 
Buddhism out of Hindustan. 

The Newars were as helpless to resist the Ghorkas as British 
sheep when attacked by wolves. The Newar Raja oflf^^^^ven- 
Khatmandu abandoned his territories to the invaders, and 
shut himself up in his capital, and implored the help of 
his mercantile friends in Bengal. Strange to say, the English 
rulers responded to his prayers. Their trade was slack, 
their revenues were falling away, and specie itself was vanish- 
ing from Bengal. Moreover, the spirit of Clive was still 
abroad, and the Company’s servants were burning with 
military glory as well as commercial enterprise. A small 
force was sent to the Himalayas under a Captain Kinloch to 
deliver the Newar Raja from the Ghorkas, and re-open 
the outlets of gold from Thibet. Unfortunately Kinloch 
set out at the worst season of the year. He made a desperate 
effort to march through the Terai in the rniddle of the rains, 
but was beaten back by malaria and want of provisions; 


BRITISH INDIA. 


464 

A.D. 

^ 767*17 71 

Prithi 
Narain,tlie 
Ghorka 
kero : 
horrors of 
the con- 
quest. 


Ghorka 
constitu- 
tion : 
king and 
barons. 


Three 
armies 
main- 
tained at 
the ex- 
pense of 
one. 


Yearly 

Panjani, 


[Part III. 


and the Newars and their Rajas were abandoned to their 
doom. 

Maharaja Prithi Narain was the hero and sovereign of the 
Ghorkas. He conquered the Nipal valley by the aid of his 
Bharadars or barons. He made a great slaughter of the 
Newar Rajas, and massacred every Newar of distinction 
throughout the country. The horrors of the Ghorka con- 
quest were beyond all telling. A European eye-witness, 
Father Guiseppe, describes Prithi Narain as a monster of 
inhumanity — as crafty, treacherous, and bloodthirsty as any 
Tartar conqueror of the olden time. Atrocities and out- 
rages were committed which must be left to the imagination. 
At one city, six miles from Khatmandu, the whole of the in- 
habitants were deprived of their lips and noses in punishment 
for their long and obstinate resistance to the invaders. 

The Ghorka conquest throws valuable light on the ancient 
constitution of the Rajpdts. The valley of Nipal was 
parcelled out amongst the Ghorka Bharadars, much in the 
same way that England was parcelled out amongst the 
Norman barons under William the Conqueror. The Maharaja 
reigned at Khatmandu as sovereign and despot ; but the 
Bharadars claimed for themselves and families an exclusive 
right to all offices and commands, as well as a voice in the 
national councils. Accordingly the Mahdraj a selected his 
ministers exclusively froth the Bharadar aristocracy ; and in 
times of national emergency all the Bharadars in the kingdom 
were summoned to a council of state at Khatmandu. 

The strength of the Ghorkas lay in their military organi- 
sation, They maintained three armies at the expense of 
one, each army numbering about twelve thousand men. 
About the end of every year the existing army returned to 
civil life, whilst a new army was enrolled, which generally 
consisted of old soldiers. Thus three trained armies could 
be brought into the field in cases of emergency, whilst 
only one army was kept on military duty, and drew military 
pay. 

The old army was disbanded and the new army was 
enlisted at a yearly festival known as the Panjani,^'/ At every 
Panjani there was a redistribution of all offices and com- 
mands amongst the Bharadars and their families. Indeed, 
under the old Ghorka constitution, the Panjani was the great 
institution of the year, when there was a change of ministers, 


Ghap. XL] NIPAL history : GHORKA CONQUEST. 465 

as well as officers and generals, and nothing remained per- a.d. 
manent excepting the MaMraja, 1771-1792 

Prithi Narain, the hero founder of the Ghorka dynasty in j. 

Nipal, died in 17 71, leaving two sons. The elder succeeded 
to the throne, but died in 1775, leaving an infant son, a Narain : 
babe in arms. Then followed the usual complication. The 
baby grandson of Prithi Narain was placed upon the throne 
under the name of Run Bahadur. The uncle of the infant, ^ncle^ 
the younger son of Prithi Narain, became regent and 1775.86. 
guardian. But the queen-mother also claimed to be regent 
and guardian ; and for some years there was a struggle for 
supremacy between the queen-mother and the uncle — a 
struggle which used to be common to every Hindu court in 
India.^ In 1786, when the boy Maharaja was eleven years of 
age, the queen-mother died, and the uncle became supreme. 
Henceforth the uncle surrounded the boy with all the young . 
profligates of the court, and permitted him to indulge in every ^ 
species of vice and cruelty, in the hope of thereby perpetuating 
his own authority as regent. It will be seen hereafter that 
he sowed the wind and reaped the whirlwind. 

Meanwhile the Ghorkas were troublesome and aggressive Chinese 
towards all their neighbours — westward towards Kashmir and invasion, 
the Punjab, and eastward towards Sikhim and Bhutan. One 
Ghorka army invaded Thibet and plundered the temples at 
Lhassa and Digarchi. The audacity and sacrilege kindled 
the wrath of the Chinese emperor a.nd court of Pekin ; and 
in 1792 a Chinese army of seventy thousand men advanced 
against Nipal. 

The Ghorkas were wild with alarm, and began td make Ghorkas 
advances to the English. Hitherto they had alfected to dis- conclude 
dain trade and traders, and had displayed a haughty and 
exclusive spirit in their dealings with the Bengal govern- English, 
ment. But the victories of the English in the first Mah- 1792. 
ratta war had inspired them with respect, and they hungered 
for the help of British arms and soldiers.^ They hastily 

1 Such, rivalries and jealousies between a minister and a queen- 
mother have been frequent in all oriental courts from a remote antiquity. 
Sometimes the quarrel is prevented by a criminal intimacy between the 
two parties. In India the British government arbitrates as the para- 
mount ^ower, and all quarrels about a succession or a regency are thus 
nipped in the bud. 

2 The old trade between Bengal and Behar had died out under the 
military despotism of the Ghorkas, and every effort to recover it had 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. offered to negotiate a treaty of commerce and friendship 
17 9 ^’ r 7 9 5 with the English Resident at Benares ; and a treaty was 
”” concluded in 1792, under which certain privileges were 
granted to traders from British territories, and a fixed 
duty of two and a half per cent was to be charged by 
either government on all commodities imported on either 
side. 

Apply for The commercial treaty was a blind. The Ghorkas 
amused the Bengal government with hopes of a revival of 
trade, and then asked for British help against China. Lord 
Cornwallis replied that the English had no quarrel with the 
Chinese emperor, but would willingly mediate between 
Nipal and China ; and for this purpose he sent Colonel 
Kirkpatrick on a mission to Khatmandu. 

Humilia- Before Kirkpatrick left Patna the Ghorkas were routed 
tion of ]3y the Chinese and driven back to Nipal through the snows 
• Qf the Himalayas. The Chinese army advanced to Nayakote, 
within a day^s march of Khatmandu, and dictated their own 
terms. The Ghorka regency was compelled to restore ail 
the plunder that had been carried from the temples, and to 
pay tribute for the future to the court of Pekin. 

Mission of TJie Ghorkas were now disgusted with their treaty with 
^ the English, and only anxious to keep the English out of 
itf failure. Kirkpatrick was met by messengers, who announced 

* the peace with China, and tried to induce him to go back. 
But the Bengal government was anxious to establish friendly 
relations with the Ghorka government, and Kirkpatrick 
pushed on to Khatmandu. He was received with every 
'show of courtesy and respect, but thwarted in every 
attempt at negotiation. He soon found that his presence at 
Khatmandu was useless and dangerous, and returned to 
Bengal. Henceforth the treaty was a dead letter. 

Revolution In 1795 there was a revolution at Khatmandu. Mah£- 
of 1795 J raja Run Bahadur had reached his twentieth year. He had 
been nurtured in the worst possible school, and the natural 
regent ferocity of his temper had been encouraged rather than 
uncle. controlled. At last he cunningly worked the destruction of 
his uncle. Pie suddenly announced in open durbar that 
he had assumed the sovereignty ; and the Bharadars hailed 

hitherto proved a failure. In 1774 Warren Hastings sent a mission to 
Thibet under Mr. Bogle ; and in 1783 he sent another under Mr. 
Turner; but there was no practical result. 


Chap. XL] NIP AL HISTORY; GHOKKA CONQUEST. ' 467 

the declaration with a burst of loyalty. The regent uncle a.d. 
was powerless to contend against the voice of the nobles, 1795* ^Soo 
and compelled to give place to his nephew. For a few 
months he was treated with decent respect, but was then 
arrested, loaded with chains, and thrown into a dungeon. 

Nothing more was heard of him. Some said that he was 
starved to death ; others that he was assassinated by his 
royal nephew. 

Run Bahadur reigned over Nipal like another Nero. Run 
Day by day he took a savage joy in beholding tortures, Bah^ur, 
mutilations, and executions. His marriages and amours 
were the scandal of Khatmandu. His chief wife was 1795-1800- 
childiess. His second wife gave birth to a son, and was 
then neglected. Run Bahadur, in spite of his Kshatriy a caste, 
was bent on securing a Brahmani bride. He carried off a 
young Brahmanf widow from her father’s house in the plains, 
and made her his queen, in violation of the laws against 
widow marriages and the mixture of castes ; and a son was 
born of the Brahmani queen, who was destined to change 
the fortunes of the dynasty. 

Run Bahadur was deeply enamoured of his Brahmanf Death of 
bride. She was his prime favourite, the idol of his soul, 

She was seized with small-pox, and Run Bahadur was frantic 
with grief and alarm. He spent vast sums on offerings to ^ 
the gods at the different temples. He summoned the ablest 
physicians from Benares to attend the sick lady. But 
prayers and medicines were of no avail, and the Brahmanf 
queen was soon numbered with the dead. 

Run Bahadur was driven to madness by the loss of his Madness 
Brahmanf queen. He broke out in fits of ungovernable 
fury, which spread a wild terror through the court and 
capital. He flogged the physicians, cutoff their noses, and 
sent them back to Benares. He wreaked his vengeance on 
the gods of Nipal by firing cannon at the sacred statues in 
the temple of Pusput Nath, the great national shrine of 
Siva and Parvatf in the suburbs of Khatmandu. He threw 
up the sovereignty, and vowed to spend the remainder of 
his days in religious seclusion at Benares; and he actually 
placed the little son of his dead queen on the throne of 
Nipal, and called on the Bharadars to sw^ear allegiance to 
the infant. He sought to smooth matters by appointing 
his second wife to be regent, and her young son to be 

H H 2 


46S 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. prime minister. The result was a baby sovereign aged four, 
iS oQ-iSo a child premier aged six, and a regent stepmother. But 
Run Bahadur remained at Khatmandu. He had abdicated 
the throne, but persisted in exercising supreme authority. 
Feigned The abdication of Run Bahadur was a mere caprice of 
abdication, insanity. He wished to honour his dead queen by placing 
her son upon the throne; but he continued to wreak his 
ferocity on those around him. Some officers of govern- 
ment were scourged ; others were hung up by the heels to 
branches of trees. In a word, the sovereign was dangerous 
to his subj ects ; and neither rank, age, nor caste could protect 
any one from his blind anger. 

Pandey Meanwhile the Bharadars began to conspire against the 
headstrong Mahdraja ; and Damodur Pandey, the head of 
the once famous Pandey family, was the moving spirit of 
^ the conspiracy. The Bharadars urged that their allegiance 
Bahadur to had been solemnly transferred to the dnfant son, and they 
Benares, called on Run Bahadur to complete his abdication of the 
throne by going into exile. Damodur Pandey had 
already gained over the army ; indeed, he was a type of 
those Hindu ministers who, at different intervals, have 
dragged their country and its princes at the heels of a 
military car. A civil war broke out, and Run Bahadur was 
worsted He saw that his life was in sore peril, and suddenly 
left Khatmandu in the night time, and hed to Benares, 
accompanied by his neglected chief queen and a young 
Bharadar named Bhfm Sein Thapa, who was the head of the 
Thapa family, and bitter rival of the Pandeys. 

Pandeys iu The flight of Run Bahadur placed Damodur Pandey at 
affairs. He was appointed prime minister to 
countS infant Maharaja and regent stepmother ; and he filled 
plots. nil the ministerial posts with members of the Pandey 
family. Henceforth there were constant plottings at 
Benares for the destruction of the Pandeys and restoration 
of Run Bahadur to the throne of Nipal ; and at the same 
time constant counterplots at Khatmandu for the forcible 
detention of the royal exile in British territory, and the 
destruction of Bhim Sein Thapa. 

Lord At this period Lord Wellesley was Govemor-General 

Wellesley^s Qf The sudden appearance of the ex-Maharaja 

wlth^Rm Nipal within British territory stirred up that active 
Bahadur, nobleman to attempt the recovery of the lost trade. Run 


Chap. XL] NIPAL HISTORY : GHORKA CONQUEST. 


4^9 


Bahadur was received by the British authorities at Benares a.d. 
Avith every mark 'of honour and distinction. Money from 
the Company’s treasury was advanced for his support. A 
Captain Knox was appointed Political Agent, to carry on 
all communication with the royal exile, and to open up 
negotiations in his behalf with the regency at Khatmandu. 

The government of the East India -..Company was com Mission oi 
ducted on mercantile principles. It was therefore deemed Captain 
necessary to apply to the Ghorka government for a repay- 
ment of the moneys advanced to the ex-Mah^raja, and also ^ 
for a suitable pension for his future maintenance. Accord- 
ingly Captain Knox was sent to Khatmandu in 1802 to 
make the necessary arrangements, and also to establish a 
cordial friendship with the ruling powers, and open up a 
trade through Nipal with Thibet and Bhutan. Knox was 
welcomed at Khatmandu with respect and courtesy, but 
soon found that lie was hedged around with spies, and played 
upon by mendacious intriguers. There was a great show 
of business and much pretended negotiation, but nothing 
w^as concluded. At heart the Ghorkas were as jealous and 
exclusive as ever, and evidently imagined that Lord 
Wellesley was scheming to restore Run Bahadur, overthrow 
the Ghorka dominion, and take possession of Nipal. After 
much prevarication and vacillation they agreed to pay 
certain yearly allowances to the ex-Mahdraja, as long .as 
he was detained in British territory. In return, the ex- 
Mahdraja pledged himself to devote the remainder of his 
life to the worship of the Supreme Spirit at Benares, under 
the religious title of ‘‘ Swami.” But the money was never 
sent to Benares, and Run Bahadur only professed to be a 
Swami until a way was opened for his restoration to the 
throne at Khatmandu. 

Suddenly the chief queen left the ex-Mah£raja at Benares, Revolution 
and made her way to Nipal. She was resolved to oust the ^ 
second queen from the regency, and take the government 
into her own •hands. Her approach threw the court of becomes 
Khatmandu into confusion. Cannon were drawn up before regent, 
the city gates j guards were posted in every avenue ; ammu- 
nition was served out ; and hurry, noise, and disorder pre- 
vailed in every quarter. Damodur Pandey began to 
vacillate, and went out to make terms with the chief queen. 

In his absence the second queen fled from the palace with 


470 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

1803-1804 


Failure of 
Knox’s 


Run 

Bahadur 
returns to 
Nipal, 
1804. 


Downifall 
of the 
Pandeys. 


Counter 

conspiracy. 


the infant Mahiraja, and took refuge in the temple of 
Pusput Nath. Meanwhile the chief queen was joined by 
Damodur Pandey, and entered Khatmandu in triumph, and 
assumed the post of regent. The infant Maharaja was then 
brought back from the temple, and placed upon the throne ; 
and the second queen saved her life by timely submission 
to her older rival. 

The new government was profuse in promises to Captain 
Knox, but only to cajole and thwart him. The new queen 
regent evaded the terms which had been accepted by her 
predecessor ; and Knox left Khatmandu in disgust as Kirk- 
patrick had done ten years previously. Accordingly Lord 
Wellesley formally announced to the new government that 
the alliance with Nipal was dissolved, and told the ex- 
Maharaja that he might leave Benares, and go where he 
pleased. 

In 1804 Bahadur returned to Nipal accompanied by 
Bhim Sein Thapa. Damodur Pandey came out to meet him 
at the head of the Ghorka army, prepared to join him or 
fight him as occasion might arise. But the Ghorka soldiery 
were still loyal at heart towards the ex-Mah^raja. Kun 
Bahadur fearlessly advanced towards the opposing column, 
and threw his royal bonnet into the air, exclaiming, “ Now, 
my Ghorkas, who is for me, and who is for the Pandeys ? ” 

At once the whole army received their sovereign 'with 
acclamations. Damodur Pandey was arrested on the spot, 
loaded with chains, and carried off to Khatmandu, and 
beheaded with many of his adherents. The chief queen 
resigned the government into the hands of her husband ; but 
Run Bahadur dared not assume the title of Maharaja. The 
army had sworn fidelity to the son of the Brahmani queen ; 
and Run Bahadur was obliged to be content with the post 
of regent, and to carry on the government in the name of 
his son, with Bhrm Sein Thapa for his prime minister. 

The revolution, however, was not yet over. The air of 
. Khatmandu was heavily charged with plots and intrigues. 
Many Bharadars had supported the Pandeys, and they now 
dreaded the resentment of the Thapas. A conspiracy was 
formed under the leadership of the brother of Run Bahadur 
for the overthrow of the new government, and the destruc- 
tion of the Thapas j but the scheme exploded before it was 
ripe for execution. 


Chap. XI.] NIP AL HISTORY; GHORKA CONQUEST. 


4.71 


1 




Bhfm Sein Thapa discovered the plot, and made his a^d 
arrangements accordingly. By his advice Run Bahadur 3 

ordered his brother to attend the durbar, and then directed 
him to join the Ghorka army on the western frontier. The of Run* 
brother returned an insolent reply, and was ordered off to Bahadur, 
immediate execution. The brother drew his sword before 
he could be arrested, and slaughtered Run Bahadur on the 
spot, but was then cut to pieces on the floor of the hall. 

The bystanders were horror-stricken at the double murder. Massacre 
Every man was cowed, and thought only of his own safety, at Khat- 
Bhim Sein Thapa alone was master of himself and the 
situation. By his orders every enemy of the Thapa family 
was put to the sword on the charge of being implicated in 
the murder of Run Bahadur. Fifty officers of the army are 
said to have been executed amidst the general massacre. 
Meanwhile the remains of the dead sovereign were carried 
off to the place of burning; and his second queen, the 
deposed regent-mother, was forced to immolate herself on 
the funeral pile. 

The deeply laid plot of Bhim Sein Thapa was soon revealed Rule of 
to the people of Khatmandu. It turned out that he was Bhim Sein 
the secret paramour of the chief queen. Accordingly the 
chief queen resumed her post of regent-mother, and Bhfm 
Sein Thapa continued to hold the post of prime minister, ^ 
whilst he was virtually the sole ruler of Nipal. For some ^ 
years there was a lull in the domestic politics of the Ghorkas, 
but meanwhile the Ghorka rulers were forcing the British 
government into a war against Nipal. 


I 



A.D. 

1804-14 

Aggres- 
sions of 
Nipal on 
British 
territory. 


Occupa- 
tion of 
British 
districts 
by the 
Nipalese. 


CHAPTER XIL 

NIPAL WAR : LORD MOIRA (HASTINGS.)^ 

1814 TO 1S16. 

In 1813, eight years after the elevation of Bhfm Sein 
Thapa, Lord Minto resigned the post of Governor-General 
of India into the hands of Lord Moira. Ever since the 
dissolution of the alliance hy Lord Wellesley in 1804, there 
had been constant wrangling between the two governments. 
The Ghorka authorities had been gradually absorbing British 
territory along the whole line of frontier to the north of 
Hindustan, from the neighbourhood of Darjeeling to the 
neighbourhood of Simla. Sir George Barlow had remon- 
strated, and Lord Minto had remonstrated, but to no purpose. 
Each Governor-General in turn had overlooked the aggres- 
sions in order to avoid a war ; until at last it was discovered 
that within the previous quarter of a century more than two 
hundred British villages had been added to Nipal territory ; 
and it was obvious that the aggressions were conducted on a 
regular system, having for its object the extension of Nipal 
dominion to the banks of the Ganges. 

At last two large districts were annexed by the Ghorka 
authorities, respecting which, there could not be a shadow 
of doubt. At this date Lord Minto was still Governor- 
General, and he invited the Nipal government to send a 
commissioner to investigate the claim to the two districts, 
in association with a British commissioner. The investiga- 
tion lasted over a year. In the end it was ascertained that 
the districts in question had always belonged to Oude ; and 

^ Lord Moira was not created Marquis of Hastings until after the 
Nipal war, but he is best known to history by the latter title. 


XIII. 


Jndictj, tu ifaccpcifje 47Z. 



Lonflon; Macmillaix & Go. 


Start/orclh Gec^l' JE'Stdi^ 







ChaI‘. XII.] NIPAL WAR : LORD MOIRA (HASTINGS). 473 

tHat they formed a part of the territory which the Nawab a.d. 
Vizier had ceded to the British government in 1801, The 1^13*1814 
Nipal commissioner was unable to disprove this fact, or to 
show that his government had any claim whatever to the 
disputed territory. 

The Nipal government dealt with the case in characteristic The 
fashion. They recalled their commissioner, and stoutly 
maintained that the investigation proved their right tp the two 
districts. Lord Minto then brought matters to a crisis.- He 
sent an ultimatum to the effect that unless the districts were 
restored they would be recovered by force. The answer 
was not received until after the arrival of Lord Moira; it 
was to the effect that the districts belonged to Nipal, and 
would not be surrendered. 

Lord Moira followed up the action of his predecessor by Recoveiy 
sending another ultimatum, fixing the day on which the of the dis- 
districts were to be restored. The Nipal government allowed 
the time to pass ; and a British detachment took possession 
of the districts without opposition, and set up police-stations 
for their protection. 

But although the Ghorka government had treated the Council of 
ultimatum with apparent, contempt, the letter of Lord Moira Bharadars 
had nevertheless created a profound sensation, and led to ^^ndu^' 
a division of parties in Nipal. Bhfm Sein Thapa foresaw 
that the local dispute about frontier districts was broadening 
into a question of peace or war. He summoned the Bharadars 
to a council of state at Khatmandu, and twenty-two Bharadars 
assembled to discuss the question. 

Amar Singh^ the most renowned general in the Ghorka Ghorka 
army, was opposed to the war. He had faced Runjeet Singh, <lebates 
the “ lion ” of the Punjab ; and he knew something of the 
fighting powers of Englishmen, and the resources of the 
British government. “ Fighting against the Newars,'' he said, 

“was like hunting deer; but fighting against Englishmen 
would be like battling with tigers.” Other chiefs joined 
Amar Singh in deprecating a collision •with the British 
government ; but Bhim Sein Thapa held a different opinion. 

‘‘What power,” he' asked, “can fight against us in Nipal? 

Not even the great Alexander of Macedon could carry Ms 
rams into our mountains.^ Our hills and fastnesses are the 

^ Alexander the Great is known to Asiatics by the name of Sekunder. 

Bhim Sein Thapa alluded to him as Sekunder, but the name would 


474 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A,D. 

1 8 14-181 6 


Ghorka 
slaughter 
of British 
police. 


Lord 
Moira^s 
plan of a 
campaign. 


Disastrous 
operations 
of 1814. 


Brilliant 
successes 
of Ochter* 
lony, 
1814-15. 


work of God, and are not to be taken by mortals. As for 
the English, they could not even capture the fortress of 
Bhurtpore, which is the work of men's hands ; how then shall 
they reduce our strongholds, which were created by the 
Almighty? There can be no peace between Nipal and the 
English, until the Company have surrendered all their 
provinces to the northward of the Ganges, and made the 
Ganges their boundary against us.^^ 

The council of Bharadars resolved on war; but a war 
after oriental fashion. They did not make a declaration 
of hostilities, and prepare for a solemn appeal to the God 
of battles ; but they sent a large force into the disputed 
districts which had been recovered by the English, and 
attacked a police station, and slaughtered eighteen police 
constables. The Ghorka army then hastened back to Khat- 
mandu, leaving the English to make their way through the 
swamps and forests of the Terai, and climb the heights of 
the Himalayas, before they could exact retribution for the 
cowardly crime. 

Lord Moira soon planned a campaign against Nipal, Four 
British divisions, aggregating thirty thousand men and sixty 
guns, proceeded to enter Nipal at four different points ; the 
western column on the Sutlej, the eastern column on 
Khatmandu, and the other two columns on intermediate 
positions. 

The operations of 1814 proved very nearly a failure. The 
Ghorkas exhibited a fpluck and bravery which took the 
English by surprise. General Gillespie, the hero of Vellore, 
who commanded one of the columns, was shot dead whilst 
recklessly attempting to storm a mountain fortress without 
a siege train. Other generals showed a strange incompe- 
tency, and one of them on setting out was s6 alarmed at 
the density of the forests in the Terai, that he galloped back 
to Dinapore, leaving his division behind him. 

General David Ochterlony, who commanded the division 
advancing by the way of the Sutlej and Ludhiana, was pitted 
against Amar Singh, the Ghorka general who had depre- 
cated the war. Ochterlony was a Company's officer of the 
old heroic type. In his younger days he had fought against 
Hyder AH in the Carnatic under Sir Eyre Coote. At a later 

convey no idea to English readers, and has accordingly been modified 
in the text. 


Chap. XII.] NIPAL WAR: LORD MOIRA (HASTINGS). 475 

day he had held Delhi against the Mahratta army under a.d.^ 
Jaswant Rao Holkar. His advance up the Himalayas was iSi4'iSi6 
a marvel of caution and audacity. Those who have visited 
Simla will realise the dijfhculties of his march along shelves 
and precipices, dragging up eighteen-pounders, and opening 
roads by blasting rocks, and battering down obstructions 
with his field guns. For five months, at the worst season 
of the year, in the teeth of snowstorms and mountain 
blasts, he carried one fortress after another, until not a 
stronghold was left in the hands of the enemy excepting 
Maloun. 

The fortress of Maloun was situated on a shelf of the Fall of 
Himalayas, with steep declivities of two thousand feet on Maloun. 
two of its sides. Amar Singh was shut up in Maloun. After 
a desperate attack on the British works, he held out till 
the British batteries were about to open on his stronghold, 
and then came to terms, and was permitted to march out 
with the honours of war. 

The fall of Maloun shook the faith of Bhim Sein Thapa Nipalese 
in his heaven-built fortresses, and he sent commissioners to sue for 
make terms with the British government. He ceded all 
the conquests of the Ghorkas to the westward of the 
Kali river, together with the whole of the Terai ; and he 
also agreed to receive a British Resident at Khatmandu ; 
but nothing was said about a subsidiary force. 

The negotiations were closed ; Lord Moira had even Sudden 
signed the treaty ,; when a question arose as to whether the renewal of 
Terai, which had been ceded to the English, included the 
forest on the lower slopes of the Himalayas, or only the 
marshy plain at the foot of the mountain. . At this moment 
Amar Singh returned to Khatmandu, and persuaded the 
Bharadars to defend their mountain territory to the last, and 
if conquered to retire towards China, rather than yield to the 
demands of the British government 

Lord Moira, who had been honoured with the title of Treaty of 
Marquis of Hastings, at once prepared to renew the war. Segowlie, 
In the beginning of 1816, General Sir David Ochterlony, 
who had been made a baronet, advanced towards Khat- 
mandu with an army of twenty thousand men, and defeated 
the Ghorka army within fifty miles of the capital. The 
original treaty was then concluded in hot haste by the 
Thapa regent; the red seal was attached; peace was 


476 


A. D . 

1814*1816 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

concluded at Segowlie, and the British army was withdrawn 
from Nipal. But the difference about the Terai was re- 
newed in other forms with a tenacity peculiar to the Ghorka 
character; it ended by the British government tacitly 
abandoning its rights rather than renew the war. The 
other mountain territory ceded by the treaty has however 
proved a valuable acquisition ; it has furnished sites for the 
principal hill stations in India,— for Simla and Mussoorie 
Landour and Nynee Tal. ’ 


CHAPTER XIIL 


PINDHARI WAR, AND FALL OF THE PEISHWA ; LORD HASTINGS. 

A.D. 1815 TO 1S23. 

In 1815-16, whilst Sir David Ochterlony was bringing the a.d* 
Nipal war to a dose, the Pindharies began to make raids on 1815-1817 
British territories. One horde of eight thousand horsemen 
swept the Nizam’s territories as far south as the Kistna river, 

Another and a larger horde of twenty-five thousand Britifsh 
Pindharies entered the Madras Presidency, and plundered territories, 
three hundred villages on the coast of Coromandel. A 1^15-16. 
third band of five hundred horsemen rode through the 
Peishwa’s dominions, and plundered the villages along the 
coast of Malabar for a distance of two hundred miles, and 
then returned up the valley of the Taptf river to their homes 
in Malwa. 

Lord Hastings determined, in spite of all orders to the Lord 
contrary, to take steps for the extermination of these 
execrable miscreants. Other Pindhari raids were carried out 
in the cold weather of 1816 and 1817, and confirmed him extinction 
in this resolution. He tried to form such a league with the of the 
Mahratta powers as would at least prevent them from inter- Lindha* 
fering in behalf of the Pindharies. At the same time he 
secretly and silently made his own preparations for a cam- 
paign on such a large scale against the homes of the Pindhari 
hordes as would ensure their destruction once and for 
ever. 

Meanwhile the ‘horrible details of Pindhari atrocities were lydi^a- 
told in England, and created a revulsion of public opinion, 

Even the Mahratfas were -forgo tten in the stern resolution to pindlmri^ 
punish the Pindharies and put an end to their cruel raids, atrocities. 


47S 


BRITISH INDIA, 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

;i8i5-i8i7 


Intrigues 
of Baji 
Rao 

Peishwa, 


Under- 
hand 
breaches 
of treaty. 


Stories were related of villages surrounded by swarms of 
savage banditti ; of fire and sword, rapine, murder, torture, 
and outrage, which spread universal alarm, and were proved 
by unquestionable testimony. At the approach of the Find- 
haries, fathers were known to pile fire- wood round their 
dwellings, and perish with all their families in flames kindled 
by their own hands; and in some cases the whole female 
population of a village threw themselves into wells rather 
than fall into the hands of such merciless marauders. Under 
such circumstances the home authorities violated their own 
policy of non-intervention, and hastened to sanction the 
most vigorous measures for the protection of British subjects. 
The British cabinet concurred with the Court of Directors 
in authorising hostilities against Sindia, Holkar, or any 
other native power, that should venture to protect the 
Pindharies against the just resentment of the British 
government. 

At this moment, and indeed for some years previously, 
the British government was aware that certain secret intrigues 
were being carried on at Poona by Baji Rao Peishwa, and 
his minister Trimbukji Dainglia, with Sindia and Holkar’s 
governments, and even with the Pindharf leaders. The 
main object of these intrigues was to re-establish political 
relations with Sindia and Holkar contrary to the treaty of 
Bassein ; to restore the Peishwa to the headship of the 
Mahiatta empire ; and to form a general confederacy of 
native powers for the overthrow of the British government 

The objects which the Peishwa and his minister had in 
view might possibly be justified as patriotic efforts to throw 
off a foreign yoke ; but the underhand means employed to 
carry them out were of a nature to provoke the hostility of 
the British government The Peishwa had certain money 
claims against the Nizam of Hyderabad and the Gaekwar of 
Baroda ; and these claims were to have been settled by the 
arbitration of the British government in accordance with 
the treaty of Bassein. But the Peishwa evaded all such 
arbitration, and it was discovered that these claims were 
used as a cover for carrying on secret negotiations with the 
Nizam and the Gaekwar, like those which had been carried 
on with Sindia, Holkar, and the Pindharf leaders. 

In 18x5 it was proposed that the Gaekwar should send 
his minister to Poona to settle the claims of the Peishwa 


Chap. XIII.1 PINDHARI WAR, ETC: LORD HASTINGS. 


479 


against Baroda. This minister was a Brahman of high a.d. 
caste, named Gtingadhur Shastri. His sacred character would 
have ensured his safety in any other court in India ; but the 
unscrupulous treachery of Baji Rao was notorious, and the of Gun- 
Shastri* would not go to Poona until the British government gadKur 
guaranteed his safety^* Shastri 

Gungadhur Shastri was coldly received at Poona. He was 
suspected of being a friend of the British government, and reSptfL, 
was treated with so much reserve and covert hostility that cold and' 
he prepared to return to Baroda. His departure, however, hot. 
would have put an end to all further communications with 
the Gaekwar. Accordingly the Peishwa and his minister 
turned round, and won him over by flattery and cajolery. 

The Shastri was told that the Peishwa had been so much 
struck by his talents, that he was to be appointed minister 
at Poona directly the claims against Baroda were settled. 

Moreover a marriage was arranged between the son of the 
Shastri and a sister-in-law of the Peishwa. 

The result of this cajolery was that Gungadhur Shastri Halting 
was brought to agree to a settlement of the claims, which 
was more favourable to the Peishwa than to the Gaekwar. Gaekwar 
The proposals were sent to Baroda for ratification, but the and tke 
Gaekwar was very angry and sent no reply. The Shastri Peishwa. 
became alarmed ; he was afraid that the Gaekwar would think 
that he had neglected his master’s interests in order to form 
a marriage connection with the Peishwa, Accordingly he 
broke off the marriage. 

The Peishwa was mortally offended at this proceeding, Murder of 
but betrayed no sign of anger to the Shastri. On the con- 
trary, the Shastri was treated with more kindness and cordi- g^^stn 
ality than ever. He was invited to accompany the Peishwa 
and his minister on a pilgrimage to the temple of Punder- 
pore. He was warned of danger, but was too much puffed 
up with the deference paid to him to take any heed. He 
went to Punderpore, dined with the Peishwa, proceeded to 
the temple, performed his devotions, took leave of the 
Peishwa and minister on the veranda of the temple, and 
set out to return to Poona. He had scarcely gone three 
hundred yards from the templegateway, when he was attacked 
and cut to pieces by assassins who had been hired by the 
minister, Trimbukji Dainglia. 

There was no doubt of the guilt of Trimbukji Dainglia. 


BRITISH INDIA* 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

XS15-1817 

Surrender 
of the 
Peishwa's 
minister. 


Romantic 
escape of 
Trimbukji 
Dainglia, 
i8i6. 


Mr. Elphinstone, the British Resident at Poona, investigated 
the case, and found that it was Trimbukji who hired the 
assassins. The general voice of the country pronounced 
that Trimbukji was the murderer of the Brahman. There 
was no moral doubt that the Peishwa was also implicated, 
but that was allowed to pass. The British government had 
guaranteed the safety of the Shastri, and the Peishwa was 
called upon to surrender the murderer. The Peishwa tried 
to evade the demand, but was at last terrified into compliance; 
and Trimbukji was placed under confinement in the fortress 
of Thanna on the island of Salsette, near Bombay. 

Trimbukji Dainglia was confined at Thanna from Septem- 
ber, 1815, to December, 1816. To prevent the possibility 
of escape, his guard was composed entirely of Europeans. 
He felt that his case was hopeless. He admitted to the 
officers of his guard that he had planned the murder of 
the Shastri, but declared that he only acted under the 
orders of the Peishwa. Subsequently Baji Rao managed to 
communicate with his favourite. A Mahratta horsekeeper 
in the service of one of the officers of the garrison passed 
the window of the prisoner every day with his master^s 
horse. He carelessly sung a Mahratta song under the 
window, which the European guards neither understood nor 
suspected, but which told the ex-minister how'' to escape.^ 
A number of Mahratta horsemen were lying in wait in the 
neighbourhood, and one night Trimbukji Dainglia w^as 
missing. He had escaped over the wall, joined the party of 
horsemen, and fled northward to the hills and jungles of 
Kandeish, where he found refuge amongst the Bhils. No 
one doubted that Baji Rao had abetted the escape of his 
favourite ; but nothing could be proved, and the matter 
was allowed to drop. 

^ Bishop Heber -turned the Mahratta ballad into English verse as 
follows : — 

** Behind the bush the bowmen hide 
The horse beneath the tree. 

Where shall I find the knight will ride 
The jungle paths with me ? 

** There are five-and-fifty coursers there, 

And four-aiid-fifty men ; 

When the fifty-fifth shall mount his steed. 

The Deklian thrives again, 

Heberts journal. 


Chap. XIIL] PINDHARI WAR, ETC: LORD HASTINGS. 4S1 

All this while, however, the Peishwa was actively but a,d. 
secretly negotiating with Sindia, Holkar, Amfr Khan, and iSi 6-1817 
the Pindhari leaders, against the British government. He 
was enlisting troops in all directions, and sending large sums intrigues 
of money to Trimbukji Dainglia to enable him to raise a of the 
force in like manner. Subsequently Mr. Elphinstone I^eishwa. 
discovered that Trimbukji had assembled an army within 
fifty miles of Poona. The Peishwa denied all know- 
ledge of the fact, but continued to aid and abet his 
exiled favourite, and encouraged him to make war on the 
British government 

The conduct of Baji Kao Peishwa at this crisis was as Increasing 
provoking to Lord Hastings as the conduct of Jaswant <iaugers. 
Kao Holkar had been to Lord Wellesley. It threatened 
to interfere with his plans for the extermination of the 
Pindharies. Lord Hastings had been most anxious to avoid 
a breach with Baji Kao, and had consequently ignored the 
Peishwa’ s connivance at the murder of the Shastri and 
escape of the minister. But Baji Kao was enlisting large 
bodies of troops in spite- of the Kesidenfs remonstrances ; 
and he was placing his forts in a state of preparation, and 
sending his treasures out of Poona. At the same time the 
number of rebels under Trimbukji was increasing daily. 

It was obvious that the Peishwa was engaged in a con- 
spiracy against the British government in order to effect 
the restoration of Trimbukji Dainglia to power, and possibly 
to carry out designs of a more serious character. 

At last in April, 1817, Mr. Elphinstone told the Peishwa The 
that unless he put a stop to his hostile preparations, active Peishwa 
measures would be taken against him by the British govern- 
ment. The Peishwa was now alarmed, and made a show of treaty of 
disbanding troops ; but all this while he was raising fresh Poona, 
levies, and re-enlisting the disbanded troops in other quarters. June, 

In May the Kesident sent an ultimatum; and after endless 
evasions and delays the Peishwa came to terms, and delivered 
up three important fortresses as pledges of his future good 
behaviour. In June, iSi 7, a treaty was concluded at Poona, 
under which the Peishwa ceded a considerable territory, 
and pledged himself to hold no further communication with 
any power whatever, Mahratta or otherwise, excepting the 
British government. 

Lord Hastings was at this time completing his military 




BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part Hi. 


h-)l 


A.D. preparations ; he was assembling the largest army that had 
^^^7 ever appeared in India under British colours. Lord Goru- 
Miiitoy Wallis brought thirty thousand men to bear against Tippu. 
prepara- Lord Wellesley assembled nearly sixty thousand during the 
tions for second Mahrattawar, Lord Hastings called together the 
extenni-_ armies of the three Presidencies, which, together with native 
contingents and irregular troops, numbered nearly a hundred 
and twenty thousand strong. He was resolved, not only to 
exterminate the Pindharies, but to take decisive measures 
with the three predatory powers, — Sindia, Holkar, and 
Amir Khan. 

Pindha- Lord Hastings planned a campaign for placing the 
_ Pindharies between two fires ; between the Bengal army 
hemmed north under his own command, and the Madras 

army from the south under Sir Thomas Hislop. On the 
north four Bengal divisions were to march from the Jumna, 
and to close round Malwa from the side of Bundelkund, 
Agra, and P.ajpdtana. At the same time four Madras 
divisions were to move from the south, cross the Nerbudda, 
and drive the Pindharies out of their haunts towards the 
river Chambal, where a Bengal force was lying in wait to 
receive them. 

Attitude of The three predatory powers were aware of the move- 
the three nients of the Madras army from the southward, but they had 
powers^ no inkling of the decisive operations which Lord Hastings 
kndia, proposed to carry out on the nortlward from the side of 
Holkar, Bengal, They imagined that the greater part of the British 


Pindha- 

ries 

hemmed 

ill. 


powers- 
S India, 
Holkar, 


and Amir forces on the Madras side were to be employed in defending 
■ the frontiers of the Nizam, the Raja of Nagpore, and the 
British possessions. They expected that a British detachment 
would make a push upon the homes of the Pindharies to 
the northward of the Nerbudda; but they calculated that 
the Pindharies would hide themselves for a while, either by 
enlisting in the predatory armies of the three powers, or by 
retiring to remote villages. Moreover they chuckled over 
the idea that when the storm had blown over, and the 
British troops had returned to cantonments, the Pindharies 
would revenge the British attack on their homes by still 
more savage and extensive raids on British territories. 

Daulat Rao Sindia was the most decided supporter of the 
Pindharies, As far back as i8i6 he engaged to help in the 
expulsion of the Pindharies ; but he hoped to evade his 


ChaiP, Xin.] PINDHARI WAR, ETC: LORD HASTINGS. 4S3 

promise by some delusive action against the Pindharies, a.d. 
which might be managed in concert with their chiefs. He 
permitted the British to establish posts in his territories for 
operations against the Pindharies, but made no attempt to leans to 
co-operate with the British officers for the destruction of the Pin- 
his old retainers. On the contrary, his officers maintained <ihaiies, 
cordial relations with the Pindhari leaders, in spite of the 
remonstrances of Captain Close, the British Resident. 

In 1817, at the beginning of the campaign, Daulat Rao Yields to 
Sindia was asked to issue orders for the friendly reception British 
of the Madras army, which was crossing the Nerbudda into 
his territories in order to dislodge the Pindharies from his 
dominions. He was thunderstruck at the demand, and said 
that it required time for consideration. He was told by 
Captain Close that deliberation was out of the question ; that 
the Madras forces were hastening northward on the faith 
that he was acting in concert with them for the extirpa- 
tion of the Pindharies; and that these movements were 
combined with those of the Bengal army, which was about 
to cross the Jumna under the command of the Governor- 
General in person. Sindia saw that he was outwitted, and 
in imminent danger of being overwhelmed. He was over- 
awed by the threatened approach of the Bengal army under 
Lord Hastings. Next day he sent to say that he had des- 
patched orders to his officers for the friendly reception of the 
British troops within his own territories. 

Lord Hastings was fully alive to the fact that the sym- Necessity 
pathies of the three predatory powers were with the Pind-fordis- 
haries ; and that the Pindharies looked to them for refiige arming the 
and protection during the coming storm. Consequently he predatory 
foresaw that the mere expulsion of the Pindharies from their powers. ^ 
haunts would not secure the peace of India, or prevent the 
revival of the predatory system. Accordingly he resolved 
to disarm the three predatory powers before rooting out the 
Pindharies. 

Daulat Rao Sindia soon felt that his powers for mischief Negotia- 
were ebbing away. He w^as told that he had violated exist- bons with 
ing treaties by carrying on secret negotiations with the 
Peishwa, as well as with Runjeet Singh, the ruler of the sindia, 
Punjab. Nevertheless Lord Hastings was willing to leave 
him in possession of his territories, but was determined to 1 

deliver the Rajpdt states out of the clutches of the predatoiy 

■ ' 'I 12 ■ „ 


BRITISH INDIA. 


484 


[Part HI. 


A.B. 

1S17 

Treacher- 
ons nego^ 
tiations 
with 
Nipal. 


powers by reviving the protective treaties that had been 
annulled by Sir George Barlow. 

At this crisis Daulat Rao Sindia was singularly unlucky. 
Whilst solemnly protesting that he had carried on no nego- 
tiations contrary to treaty, two of his messengers were 
arrested on the road to Nipal conveying letters to the 
Ghorka government at Khatmandu. Other letters were dis- 
covered between the leaves of a Sanskrit book, which had 
been glued together, and concealed amongst the baggage of 
the messengers. The contents proved that Daulat Rao 
Sindia was making proposals to the Thapa ministry for a 
combined attack of Ghorkas and Mahrattas on the British 
government. 

Ignoreclby Lord Hastings, however, was not inclined to press matters 
Lord Has- too hardly upon the Mahratta. He directed the British 
tings : new president to make over the documents to Daulat Rao Sindia 


treaty with t 
Sindia, 

1817. 


Treaty 


in open durbar, briefly stating what they were and what 
they contained. Sindia was dumb with astonishment and 
alarm ; he could make no defence whatever. He agreed to 
a new treaty under which the Rajpilt states, and all other 
native states that desired it, were taken under British 
protection. He also pledged himself to co-operate for the 
expulsion of the Pindharies, and to prevent the future for- 
mation of any predatory gangs in his dominions. 

Negotiations were next opened with Amfr Khan, through 


with Amir Mr. Charles Metcalfe, the British Resident at Delhi. The 
Afghan freebooter was growing old, and could not contend 
against the British government. He agreed to a treaty 
which converted a leader of bandits into a prince, and 
turned a predatory power into a native state under the 
guarantee of the British government. In return, Amir 
Khan engaged to abstain from all depredations for the 
future ; to reduce his troops to a specified number j to 
surrender his artillery to the British government at a certain 
valuation ; to refrain from all foreign conquest and aggran- 
disement ; to exclude Pindharies and plunderers of every 
kind from his dominions ; and tc oppose to the utmost of 
his power the revival of the predatory system. Amir Khan 
thus appears in history as the founder of a Muhammadan 
dynasty, which is represented to this day by the Nawab of 
Tonk in Rajpfitana. 

The territories of Holkar were in a different condition to 


Chap. XIII,] PINDHARI WAR, ETC: LORD HASTINGS. 485 

those of Sindia or Amir Khan, The government had been a.d. 
rapidly declining ever since the insanity of Jaswant Rao; 1S17-181S 
and after his death it had fallen into a state of imbecility, 
and was literally at the mercy of the so-called army of govern- 
Holkar. The best provinces were usurped by military chiefs, ment at 
or mutinous bodies of armed men. The regent-mother, the mercy 
Tulsi Bai, and the young prince, Mulhar Rao Holkar, had 
sought refuge in a remote fortress from the outrages of the 
turbulent soldiery, who were clamouring for arrears of pay. 

Under such circumstances the regent-mother was naturally 
anxious for British protection against the army. 

In October, 1817, Lord Hastings left Cawnpore and Destmc- 
began to cross the Jumna; and the different divisions of his hop of the 
army took up the positions assigned them. Meanwhile the 
Pindharies had been dislodged from their haunts by the iSiy-ig. 
Madras army, and fled with their wives and families to the 
northward ; and now found themselves checkmated by the 
Bengal forces, and barred out of Raj piltana and Bundelkund. 

They were panic-stricken at the open defection of Sindia, 
and knew not where to go. All their anxiety was to avoid 
a conflict with the British troops. One body managed to 
escape in a southerly direction, with the loss of nearly all 
its baggage ; the rest were forced to abandon their horses 
and hide themselves in the jungles, where numbers perished 
miserably. The body that escaped towards the south re- 
ceived a severe defeat, and sufered so much in smaller 
encounters that in the end it was completely dispersed. 

Many were sl^in in these actions and the subsequent flight ; 
and many fell by the hands of the villagers in revenge for 
their former cruelties. 

In this state of misery and despair some of the Pindhari Extinction 
leaders threw themselves upon the mercy of the conquerors, of the 
Khuiim was provided with a landed estate in British terri- F*^^l^tory 
tory, and permitted to reside there with his family. Chetu 
was killed in the jungles by a tiger. Several of the sub- 
ordinate chiefs, and some of their followers, were settled in 
agricultural pursuits in the territories of the Newab of 
Bhopal, and converted into peaceful and profitable subjects. 

Others who survived the conflict mingled with the population 
and melted away, insomuch that after a very few years not 
a trace of the Pindhari gangs remained. 


CHAPTER XIV. 


A.D. 

18x7-1823 

Mahratta 
affairs : 
Lord 
Hastings 
thwarted. 


Desperate 
designs of, 
Baji Kao 
Peishwa. 


Duplicity 
of the 
Peishwa. 


MAHRATTA CONQUEST; LORD HASTINGS. 

A.D. 1817 TO 1823. 

From the very beginning of the Pindhari war the attention 
of Lord Hastings was distracted by untoward events. He 
had hoped to suppress the predatory system in India, without 
disturbing one of the established principalities, or adding a 
rood of land to the British empire. This politic intention 
was thwarted by sheer force of circumstances. Whilst he 
was advancing against the Pindharies, Daulaf Rao Sindia 
and Amir Khan remained true to their engagements, but 
the Peishwa, the Raja of Nagpore, and the army of Plolkar, 
broke out in open hostilities to the British government, and 
his hopes of maintaining the existing political system were 
at an end. 

Baji Rao Peishwa could no more keep the treaty of 
Poona than he could keep that of Bassein. It was equally 
Opposed to his nature as a Mahratta, his culture as a 
Brahman, and his experiences as a Peishwa. It was just 
as reasonable to suppose that he could remain at Poona 
content with the loss of his suzerainty, as to suppose that 
the first Napoleon would have remained at Elba content 
with the loss of his empire. ^ 

Meantime Baji Rao Peishwa was playing his old game of 
duplicity. Pie had signed the treaty of Poona in June, 
1817, and he then tried to throw dust in the eyes of the British 
Resident by pretending to disband his army. He discharged 
large bodies of cavalry, but gave the officers seven months’ 
pay in advance, and sent them to their respective villages 
with orders to return to Poona with their friends and 


CHAP. XIV.] MAHRATTA CONQUEST; LORD HASTINGS. 487 

followers directly they received his summons. In July he a.d. 
left Poona, and went on a pilgrimage to the temples of ^^^7 
Punderpore, the scene of the murder of Gungadhur Shastri. ~~ 
From Pun derpore he went to another sacred place, named 
Maholi, which was situated near Satara, the later capital 
of the dynasty of Sivaji 

At this crisis Sir John Malcolm was at Poona, busied with Meeting 
political arrangements connected with the approaching with Sir 
Pindhari war. Malcolm knew th e Peishwa well, having accom- 
panied him on his restoration to Poona in 1 803, Accordingly 
Malcolm received a pressing invitation from Baji Rao to visit 
him at Maholi, and readily accepted it in the hope of reconcil- 
ing the Peishwa to his new situation. Baji Rao welcomed. 

Malcolm most cordially, spoke of his restoration in 1803, de- 
clared that J ohn Malcolm and Arthur Wellesley were his best 
friends, and dilated on his lasting gratitude to the English. 

But he was evidently smarting under the treaty of Poona. 

He bitterly complained of his loss of position and territory, 
and especially harped upon the three fortresses which 
he had been forced to surrender as pledges of his good 
faith. 

An officer of Malcolm’s experience ought to have known Malcolm 
that Baji Rao . was only caj oiling him, in the hope of getting outwitted, 
back the three fortresses before committing himself to a 
war. But Malcolm believed in the sincerity of the Peishwa, 
and tried to soothe him with promises of future reward and 
consideration. He explained the coming operations against 
the Pindharies, and exhorted the Peishwa to co-operate 
heartily with the English during the campaign. He then 
returned to Poona, so convinced of the good faith of the 
Peishwa that he actually induced Mr. Elphinstone to restore 
the three fortresses. 

Elphinstone however had lost all faith in Baji Rao. He Scepticism 
restored the fortresses because he would not throw cold 
water on Malcolm’s hopes ; but he was by no means carried ® 
away by Malcolm’s generous enthusiasm, and events soon 
proved that Elphinstone was in the right. 

, Baji Rao returned to Poona in September, and tookTreachery 
enormous numbers of horsemen into his pay, declaring ^ 
that he was going to make war on the Pindharies. Elphin- ’ 
Stone was not deluded, for Baji Rao was enlisting double 
the number of troops that could possibly be required. 


488 


BRITISH INDIA, 


[Part in. 



A/D, 

1817 


Prepara- 
tions 
of Mr. 
Elpbin- 
stone for 
defence. 


Move- 
ments 
of the 
Peishwa. 


Battle of 
IChirki : 


Moreover Baji Rao evaded sending any troops to the 
north^vard, although their presence was urgently required 
on the Nerbudda. At the same time he was putting 
his fortresses into a state of defence, strengthening the 
garrisons, and storing them with provisions and treasure. 
It Avas also discovered that he was tr3ang to seduce the 
English sepoys from their allegiance by bribes and promises ; 
sending secret emissaries to the Raja of Nagpore, as well 
as to Sindia, Holkar, and Amir Khan j and planning to 
assassinate Elphinstone, either by treacherously inviting 
him to an interview, or by surrounding the Residency with 
a rebel force under Trimbukji Dainglia. 

■ Elphinstone knew pretty well what* was going on, but was 
anxious not to precipitate a rupture, and accordingly 
proceeded very cautiously with his preparations for defence. 
The Poona Subsidiary Force under General Smith had gone 
to the northward to join in the operations against the Pind- 
haries ; but a detachment remained at Poona, and Elphin- 
stone obtained the services of a European regiment from 
Bombay. The whole British force at Poona only numbered 
two thousand sepoys and eight hundred European soldiers ; 
and it was deemed expedient to remove the troops from 
Poona to Khirki, a village about four miles from the 
British Residency. 

The arrival of the European regiment from Bombay was 
the one thing above all others which disconcerted Baji Rao. 
For more than sixty years the presence of a European 
regiment had been regarded with terror by every native 
prince. Accordingly, on the arrival of the Europeans, Baji 
Rao feigned to be alarmed at the intentions of the British 
government. He threatened to withdraw from Poona unless 
the European regiment was sent back to Bombay. The 
removal of the British force to Khirki re-assured him ; he 
ascribed it to fear. On the 5th of November Elphinstone 
himself ^eft the Residency and joined the force at Khirki. 

Baji Rao was at this time buoyed up by false hopes. He 
believed that Daulat Rao Sindia and Amir Khan had taken 


repulse the field against the British government. He knew that the 
Peishwa Nagpore and the army of Holkar were preparing 

November, lo support him. Accordingly on the afternoon of the day 
1S17. that Elphinstone left the Residency, Baji Rao attacked the 
British force at Khirki with an army of eighteen thousand 


Chap. XIV.] MAHRATTA CONQUEST: LORO HASTINGS. 

horse, eight thousand foot, and fourteen pieces of artillery. 
Notwithstanding these overwhelming numbers, he was 
repulsed with the loss of five hundred killed and wounded. 

That same night the Residency was plundered and burfit, 
and Elphin stone lost a magnificent library which no money 
could restore. 

The Subsidiary Force under General Smith, which had Peishwa 
been sent to co-operate against the Pindharies, had already flies from 
been recalled to Poona. It soon made its appearance, 
and prepared to attack the Peishwa’s army on the morn- 
ing of the 17th of November. But the heart of Baji Rao 
had already failed him. He left Poona on the night of the 
1 6th, and thus surrendered his dominions without a blow. 

The British troops occupied Poona, and General Smith set 
out in pursuit of Baji Rao. 

Meanwhile the Raja of Nagpore secretly made common Nagpore 
cause with the Peishwa. Rughoji Bhonsla died in i8i 6 ; affairs : 
his son and successor was an idiot, and his nephew Appa treachery 
Sahib became regent. The idiot was murdered by Appa 
Sahib, and the regent became Raja without any discovery of November 
his crime. Appa Sahib conciliated the English by concluding 1817. 
a subsidiary treaty. At the same time he secretly maintained 
an active correspondence with the Peishwa, and played 
the same game as the Peishwa. He was somewhat sobered 
by the treaty of Poona, which Baji Rao had been com- 
pelled to accept in June ; but he soon renewed his secret 
negotiations with the Peishwa, and began to levy troops 
on a large scale. When news anived of the attack on the 
British Residency at Poona, Appa Sahib talked at great 
length to Mr. Jenkins, the Resident at Nagpore, on the 
treachery of Baji Rao, and the impossibility that he should 
ever be induced to follow so bad an example ; yet all this 
while Appa Sahib was preparing to falsify every protestation 
by making common cause with the Peishwa against the 
British government. 

The story reveals the double-faced duplicity of the Appa 
Mahratta. In November, 18 1 7, when Baji Rao was already Sahib 
at war with the English, he appointed Appa Sahib to the 
honourable but nominal post of commander-in-chief of the 
army of the Peishwa. Such empty dignities had been chief by 
common enough in the palmy days of the Mahratta empire, 
and often served to revive the fadingdoyalty of a disaffected 


489 

A.D. 

1817 


490 BRITISH INDIA. [Part HI. 

A.D. feudatory, and bind him in closer allegiance to his suzerain. 

But such an appointment in November, 1817, was a gross 
“ ^ violation of the treaties of Bassein and Poona, and was ob- 
viously made for the purpose of drawing Appa Sahib into 
hostilities with the British government. 

Warned On the night of the 24th of November Appa Sahib sent 
by Mr. word to Mr. Jenkins that he had accepted the post of com- 
Jenkins. mander-in-chief of the army of the Peishwa, and was to 
be invested with the insignia of office on the following 
morning in the presence of all his troops ; and he invited 
Mr. Jenkins to be present on the occasion, and requested 
that a salute might be fired by the English in honour of the 
investiture., Mr. Jenkins declined having anything to do 
with the ceremony, and warned the Raja that it might lead 
to dangerous consequences. 

Prepara- Next morning Mr, Jenkins discovered that treachery was 
tions for abroad. All communication between the city of Nagpore 
and the Residency had been interdicted by the Raja; 
and the Raja and his ministers were sending their families 
and valuables out of the city. He foresaw that an attack 
would be made on the Residency ; and he ordered up the 
British troops from the neighbouring cantonment, and posted 
them on the Sitabuldi hill, between the Residency and the 
city of Nagpore. On the following evening the Raja brought 
up all his forces and began the attack on the hill. 

Battle of The battle of Sitabuldi is famous in the annals of British 
Sitabiildf, India. The English had no European regiment on the 
spot, as they had at Khirkf; they had scarcely fourteen 
hundred sepoys fit for duty, including three troops of Bengal 
cavalry, and only four six-pounders. Appa Sahib had an 
army of eighteen thousand men, including four thousand 
Arabs, the best soldiers in the Dekhan ; he had also thirty- 
six guns. The battle lasted from six o’clock in the evening 
of ' the 26th of November until noon the next day. For 
many hours the English were in sore peril ; their fate seemed 
to hang upon a thread. The Arabs were beginning to close 
round the Residency, when a happy stroke of British daring 
changed the fortunes of the day. 

Fitz- Captain Fitzgerald, who commanded the Bengal eavalr}^, 

gerald’s was posted in the Residency compoimd and was anxious to 

charge. charge the Arabs ; but he was forbidden by the commander 

of the British forces. Again he implored permission, but was 


Chap. XIV.} MAHRATTA CONQUEST: LORD HASTINGS. 491 

told to charge at his peril. On my peril be it 1 ” cried a.d. 
Fitzgerald, and gave the word to charge. Clearing the en- 1817-1818 
closures, the Bengal cavalry bore down upon the enemy’s — 
horse, captured two guns, and cut up a body of infantry. 

The British sepoys posted on the hill hailed the exploit 
with loud huzzas, and seeing the explosion of one of the 
enemy’s tumbrils, they rushed down the hill, driving the 
Arabs before them like sheep. The victory was won, but 
the English had lost a quarter of their number in killed and 
wounded. 

Foiled in this treacherous attempt, Appa Sahib sent Dealings 
envoys to Mr. Jenkins to express his sorrow, and to deny Appa 
having authorised the attack. Reinforcements were now 
pouring in from all directions ; but Mr. J enkins affected 
to believe the statement of the Raja,; and even promised to 
be reconciled, provided he disbanded his troops. But Appa 
Sahib was still playing his old game. He continued his 
correspondence with the Peishwa, and stirred up his own 
chiefs to rebellious outbreaks, in order to keep his terri- 
tories in a state of alarm and disorder. 

At this juncture it was discovered that Appa Sahib had Deposition 
been guilty of the murder of his predecessor. Under and flight, 
these circumstances he was arrested, and sent as a prisoner 
to Allahabad ; but on the way he managed to bribe his 
guards and make his escape. Henceforth Appa Sahib was 
a fugitive ; and after a precarious existence for many years 
in the Vindhya and Sltpiira mountains, he finally found 
refuge in the territories of the Raja of Jodhpur.i 

An infant grandson of Rughoji Bhonsla, aged nine, was Boy Raja 
then placed upon the throne of Nagpore. He was a son of Nag- 
of Rughoji’ s daughter, but was formally adopted by 
Rughoji’s widow in order that he might take the iianie s^pixme. 
of Bhonsla. The widow was appointed regent, but her 

^ The Raja of Jodhpur was called upon to surrender Appa Sahib to 
the British authorities, but pleaded that he would be disgraced in the 
eyes of his brother chieftains in Rajpiitana, if he gave up a fugitive who 
had found an asylum within his territories. As Appa Sahib had not 
committed an offence which placed him outside the bar of mercy, and 
as he was powerless for further mischief, the plea was admitted on the 
Jodhpur Raja becoming responsible . for his good behaviour. In the 
end a provision was made for the support of the wretched exile, and his 
latter days were soothed by the medical attendance of the English 
doctor at the Jodhpur Residency. 


492 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part IIT. 


a.d. authority was nominal, as the whole administration was 
placed in the charge of Mr. Jenkins until the boy Raja 
attained his majority. 

Holkar’s Affairs in Holkaris state of Indore ran nearly in the 
govern- same groove as at Nagpore, but the circumstances were 
^eckres different The regent-mother, Tulsi Bai, was no longer 
for the anxious to place the infant, Mulhar Rao Holkar, under the 
Peishwa. protection of the British government The Peishwa had 
reduced the army of Holkar to obedience by discharging all 
arrears , of pay , out of his own treasury. The regent-mother 
and her ministers recovered their ascendancy over the 
soldiery, avowed themselves the partisans of the Peishwa, 
and led the army towards the south to make war upon the 
British government in support of the Peishwa. 

Desperate At this moment, the Madras array, under Sir Thomas 
proceed- Hislop, was moving northward in pursuit of the Pindharies. 
mgs of the December, 1817, it met the army of Holkar near Ujain ; 
Hdkar. Malcolm, who accompanied the Madras army 

in a diplomatic capacity, opened up negotiations with the 
regent-mother and her ministers. The latter seemed 
inclined to come to an arrangement with the British 
government ; but the military chiefs were bent on war, and 
suspected that the ministers and regent-mother were making 
secret terms with the British authorities. Accordingly the 
army rose against their rulers, put the ministers under 
confinement, and carried off the regent-mother to a 
neighbouring river, and cruelly beheaded her on the bank, 
and threw her remains into the stream. 

Battle of The barbarous murder of a woman and a princess cut off 
Mehid- all hope of pacification. An action was inevitable | indeed, 
cembe?^' Holkar began operations by plundering the 

’ English baggage. The battle was fought at Mehidpore 
on the 2 ist of December, 1817. Sir John Malcolm com- 
manded the English troops on that occasion, and gained 
a complete victory. The army of Holkar was utterly 
routed, and all their guns and military stores fell into the 
hands of the English. 

Lord Has- The Mahratta powers were thus prostrate, and Lord 
tings con- Hastings prepared to construct the new political system, 
a^ew which has continued without material change down to the 
imperial present da)^ The arrangements with Sindia, Amir Khan, 
system. and the ■ infant Raja of N agpore, were already completed, or 


Chap. XIV.] MAHRATTA CONQUEST : LORD HASTINGS. 493 


were in course of completion. It may, however, be added, ' ' A.r). 
that Sindia was required to cede the territory of Ajmir in 1817-181S 
Rajpdtana ; as it was deemed essential to the security of the 
public peace in India, to shut out all Mahratta influences 
from Raj pfl tana. The only princes remaining to be dealt 
with were Baji Rao Peishwa and Mulhar Rao Holkar. 

The Peishwa had fled from Poona southward towards Move- 
Satara. He sought to strengthen his hereditary claims on ments 
the allegiance of the Mahratta powers by causing the pageant , 

Raja of Satara to be brought to his camp. His movements, anneSon. 
however, were little more than desperate efforts to avoid a 
collision with the British forces in pursuit ; and all hope of 
recovering his position as suzerain of the Mahratta empire 
died out of his restless brain, and reduced him to the depths 
of despair. 

The glorious defence of Koiygaum belongs to this in- Glorious 
terval ; it was regarded as the most brilliant exploit of the defence of 
war, and is celebrated to this day in Mahratta songs in all Rorygaum, 
parts of the Dekhan. A detachment of Bombay sepoys and ^rv 1818 
irregular horse, not exceeding 800 men, reached the village ‘ 
of Korygaum, on the bank of the river Bhima, under the 
command of Captain Staunton. There were only ten 
English officers, and twenty-four European artillerymen with 
two six-pounders. Suddenly Staunton saw the whole army 
of the Peishwa drawn up on the opposite bank, to the 
number of 25,000 horsemen and about 6,000 Arab and 
Gosain infantry. Staunton at once occupied the village of 
Korygaum, and prepared for defence. The enemy sur- 
rounded the village with horse and foot, whilst three picked 
bodies of infantry attempted to storm the English position 
with rockets. Then followed a series of charges and re- 
pulses, which lasted till nightfall Without provisions, and 
without waters — ^for all access to the river was cut oft' — the 
Bombay sepoys and their European officers fought with a 
pluck and desperation which broke the spirit of the enemy. 

Staunton lost a third of his sepoys, and eight out of his 
ten officers ; but the Mahrattas left six hundred killed and 
wounded on the field. Baji Rao witnessed the whole action 
from a neighbouring, hill, and was beside himself with 
anger and mortification. Next morning his army refused 
to renew the fight, and rapidly disappeared from the scene. 

For six months longer Baji Rao remained at large, but 


494 BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

A B. Ms career was run. There was another battle at Ashti, but 
i8 i7<iS iS cowardly fled at the first shot, leaving his army to be 
Pursuit of <iefeated by General Smith, whilst the pageant Raja of 
BajiRao, Satara fell into the hands of the English. Indeed, from a 
very early period, the defection of Daulat Rao Sindia, the 
destruction of the Pindharies, the crushing defeat of the 
army of Holkar, and the deposition of Appa Sahib at 
Nagpore, had combined to deprive Baji Rao of all hope 
of recovering his throne, and to render his capture a mere 
question of time. 

Extinction The Peishwa was doomed to extinction. The treaty of 
of the Bassein had failed to break up the Mahratta confederacy ; it 
Peishwa, failed to prevent the Mahratta states from regarding the 
Peishwa as their lawful suzerain, and leaguing under his 
authority against the British government. Nagpore and 
Holkar had waged war against the British government in 
obedience to the call of the Peishwa; and Sindia would 
probably have done the same had he not been taken by 
surprise, and bound over to keep the peace before com- 
mitting himself to a suicidal war. 

State was thus obvious to Lord Hastings that the abdication 

necessity of Baji Rao would have proved wholly insufficient to secure 
for the_ the peace of India. To have set up another Peishwa in his 
extinction, would Only have led to a revival of the old intrigues 
against the British government. To have transferred the 
territories of the Peishwa to a prince bearing another title 
would have proved equally dangerous and delusive. The 
other Mahratta powers would still have deemed it their 
duty to award to the new prince the indefeasible right of 
the Peishwa to command their armies, in spite of the 
change of name; and Poona would have continued to be 
the rallying point for disaffection, not only to every Mahratta 
feudatory, but possibly to every Hindu prince in India. 
Accordingly, Lord Hastings determined that henceforth 
the Mahrattas should be without a Peishwa. 

Proposed It was a question whether the Raja of Satara might not 
elevation _ have been raised from the condition of a pageant to that of 
sovereign of Poona. But the representative of Sivaji had 
^ long been shut up as an idol at Satara, and was now a for- 
gotten idol. The traditions of the once famous Bhonsla 
family had lost their hold on the Mahrattas. The dynasty 
of Sivaji had been superseded by the dynasty of Brahmans ; 



Chap. XIV.] MAHRATTA CONQUEST : LORD HASTINGS. 495 

and the descendant of Sivaji could no more have been restored a, d. 
to sovereignty than the descendant of the Great Moghul. Ac- 
cordingly Lord Hastings resolved to abolish the Peishwa, 
annex his territories, and reduce Baji Rao to the condition decfsion 
of Napoleon at St. Helena. He delivered the Raja of Satara of Lord 
from the thraldom of generations, and assigned a,- territory Hastings, 
for his support^put of the possessions of the Peishwa. 

In June, 1818, Baji Rao was surrounded by British troops Final 
under the command of Sir John Malcolm, and had no terms 
alternative but to die sword in hand, or throw himself on the 
the mercy of the British government. The terms offered by 
Malcolm were so liberal as to excite much controversy. 

Whilst the great Napoleon was condemned to pass his last 
days on a solitary rock in the southern ocean, with a 
comparative pittance for his maintenance, the ex-Peishwa 
was permitted to live in luxury in the neighbourhood of 
Gawnpore on a yearly stipend of eighty thousand pounds. 
Trimbukji Dainglia was captured shortly afterwards, and 
was doomed to spend the remainder of his days in close 
confinement in , the fortress of Chunar. 

Lord Hastings refused to annex HolkaPs territories. Settlement 
The hostile action of the army of Holkar had compelled ih® 
the British government to treat the shattered principality 
of Indore as an enemy; but Lord Hastings had no desire 
to annihilate the remains of Holkar’s government, or to 
dethrone thefamily of Jaswant Rao. Accordingly the Holkar 
state was required to cede certain territories, and to confirm 
the grants it had already made to Amir Khan ; it was also 
required to surrender its international life, and become a 
subsidiary state under the guarantee of the British govern- 
ment. But in all other respects the infant Mulhar Rao 
Holkar was treated as an independent prince, and the 
administration was left in the hands of the ministers and 
durbar, aided by the advice of the British Resident. 

The policy of Lord Hastings did not meet with the full Success of 
approval of his contemporaries, but its success is proved by Bord^ ^ 
the after history. From the extinction of the Peishwas in ^ 

1818, and the suppression of the Pindharies, there has ^ 
been no serious attempt at an armed confederation of 
native states against the British government. Possibly had 
Lord Weilesley extinguished the Great Moghul as thoroughly 
as Lord Hastings extinguished the Mahratta Peishwa, the 


BRITISH INDIA, 


Bart HR 



Education 
of tlie 
natives. 


A.D. mutinies of 1857 might never have occurred, Delhi might 
18 17-18 23 g^g g^g PooHa, aud Eny outbreak of deluded 

sepoys would have hurt no one but themselves. 

In other directions the administration of Lord Hastings 
marks a new era in the history of India. He was the first 
Governor-General that countenanced and encouraged the 
education of the native populations. Previous to his time 
it had been the popular idea that the ignorance of the natives 
insured the security of British rule ; but Lord Hastings de- 
nounced this view as treason against British sentiment, and 
promoted the establishment of native schools and native 
journals. In so doing he was in advance of his time, and 
consequently he was condemned in his generation. 

Affairs of The dealings of Lord Hastings with the Nizam’s govern- 
the Nizam ment have been much criticised. The Nizam profited by 
extinction of the Peishwa more than any other native 
^ ^ ' prince in India, for he was relieved by the British govern- 
ment from the Mahratta claims for arrears of chout, which 
had hung like a millstone on the necks of the rulers of „ 
Hyderabad for the greater part of a century. But the 
Nizam eschewed all business, and cared only for his plea- 
sures. A Hindu grandee named Chandu Lai was placed 
at the head of the administration, and found it necessary 
to keep on good terms with both the Nizam and the British 
government, much in the same way that Muhammad Reza 
Khan in a previous generation had tried to secure his hold 
- on the administration of Bengal. The result was that nothing 
flourished but corruption. Every public office was put up 
for sale ; judicial decrees could only be purchased by bribes ; 
the revenues of the state were farmed out to the highest 
bidders; and the farmers became all powerful in the dis- 
tricts, and were left to practice every species of oppression 
and extortion without control. In the end the people 
were driven by exactions to become rebels and bandits ; 
villages were deserted; lands fell out of cultivation, and 
provisions rose to famine prices. 

British In 1 8 20, Mr. Charles Metcalfe was appointed Resident 
supervision at Hyderabad, Having made a tour of the country, he 
Nizam’s it expeoient to place his political assistants, and 

territories. ®t^hsh officers of the Nizam’s Contingent,^ in charge of 

1 The Nizam’s Contingent was a body altogether different from the 
Nizam’s Subsidiary Force. By the treaty of 1800 the Nizam was 


Chap, XIV.] MAHRATTA CONQUEST : LORD HASTINGS. 497 


different districts, in order to superintend a new revenue a.i), 
settlement, check oppression, and control the police. There 1817-1823 
is no question that this measure contributed largely to the 
improvement of the country and well being of the people ; 
but it was naturally unpalatable to the Nizam and Chandu 
Lai, and in 1829 the supervision of British officers was 
withdrawn. 

Meanwhile as far back as the year 1814, a bank had been Bank of 
established at Hyderabad by a firm known as Palmer and 
Co. It received loans from deposits bearing twelve 
cent, interest, and lent the money to the Nizam at twenty- 
four per cent* on the security of assignments of land revenue. 
According to act of parliament all such transactions were 
prohibited to British subjects without the express sanction of 
the Governor-General ; but this sanction had been obtained 
from Lord Hastings, who believed that such dealings were 
better in the hands of European bankers, than in those of 
native money-lenders. Moreover, one of the partners had 
married a ward of Lord Hastings; and thus, under a 
variety of circumstances, the Governor-General was enabled 
to throw the veil of his authority over the transactions of 
Palmer and Co. 

Mr. Metcalfe reported that this bank had become a source Con- 
of corruption. In 1820, Chandu Lai had obtained thecl^^ii^^d 
sanction of the British government to a new loan of sixty 
lakhs of rupees, or six hundred thousand pounds sterling, 
nominally to pay off and reduce public establishments, to 
make advances to the ryots, and to clear off certain debts 
due to native bankers. Mr, Metcalfe, however, discovered 
that the new loan was a sham. Eight lakhs of the money 
was transferred as a bonus to the partners in Palmer and 
Co. ; whilst the remainder was appropriated to paying off 
money lent to the Nizam, or said to have been lent to 
him, without the knowledge of the British government. 


bomid to flimisli a Contingent of fifteen thousand troops in time of war, 
but those which he supplied during the Mahratta war of 1803 were 
little better than a rabble. Subsequently the force was reduced in 
numbers, and its efficiency was increased by the emplo3nnent of British 
officers ; and it was retained by the Nizam as a permanent force in time 
of peace for the reduction of refractory zemindars and other domestic 
purposes. 


K K 


498 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

1817-1823 


Payment 
of the 
Nizam’s 
debts. 


Error of 

Lord 

Hastings, 


Leaves 
India 
I St Jan- 
uary, 1823. 


Lord 

Amherst, 

Governor- 

General, 

1823. 


In a word, the new loan of sixty lakhs was a deception, 
which filled the pockets of interested parties without liqui- 
dating the real claims ; whilst, in consequence of the sanc- 
tion inconsiderately given by Lord Hastings, the British, 
government was more or less compromised in the matter. 
Accordingly it was resolved to pay off all debts due by 
the Nizam to the bank, and put an end to the relations 
between the Nizamis government and Palmer and Go, 
The matter ended in the insolvency of the firm. 

The money for paying off the Nizam’s debts was provided 
for in a peculiar fashion. Some half a century previously 
the East India Company had agreed to pay the Nizam a 
yearly rent of seventy thousand pounds sterling for the 
Northern Circars; and in spite of political changes this 
yearly sum had been regularly paid down to the time of 
Lord Hastings. Accordingly the rent was capitalised, and 
the money was devoted to the payment of the Nizam’s 
debt to Palmer and Co. 

The error of judgment committed by Lord Hastings in 
sanctioning the money dealings of Palmer and Co., blotted 
his reputation in the eyes of his contemporaries, and is only 
worthy of record as containing a useful political lesson for 
all time. 

Lord Hastings left India on the ist of January, 1823, at 
the advanced age of sixty-eight. His last years were em- 
bittered by the reproaches of the Court of Directors; but 
he will live in history as the Governor-General who carried 
the imperial policy of Lord Wellesley to its legitimate 
conclusion, and established the British government as the 
paramount power in India. 

Lord Amherst was appointed Governor-General in 
succession to Lord Hastings, but he did not reach India 
until August 1823. During the interval Mr. Adam, a civil 
servant of the Company, acted as Governor-General ; but 
his short administration is only remarkable for his sharp 
treatment of the public press. An obnoxious editor, named 
Buckingham, had written unfavourably of government officials 
in a Calcutta newspaper, and was forthwith deprived of his 
licence, and sent to England,^ Nothing further is known of 

^ Before the year 1833 no European was permitted to reside in India 
unless he was in the service of the late East India Company, or had 



Chap. XIV.] MAHRATTA CONQUEST : LORD HASTINGS. 499 


Mr. Adam; he perished at sea on his return voyage to 
England, 

The all-important event in Lord Amhersfs administra- 
tion was the first Burmese war of 1824-25 ; but before 
describing the military operations, it may be as well to bring 
the country and people of Burma under review. 

obtained a license from the Court of Directors, These restrictions were 
removed on the renewal of the charter of the late East India Company 
in 1833. 



A.D. 

1817-1823 


K K 2 


CHAPTER XV. 


A.D. 

I54O-1S23 

Geography 
of Burma. 


Ava and 
Pegu. 


BBRMAN HISTORY : AVA AND PEGU. 

A.D. 1540 TO 1823. 

Burma is an irregular oblong, lying west and east 
between Bengal and China, and between the Bay of Bengal 
and the kingdom of Siam. On the north it touches Assam 
and Thibet. On the south it runs downwards in a long 
narrow strip of sea board, like the tail of an animal, and 
terminates at the Siamese frontier on the river Pak Chan. 

Burma includes the valley of the Irawadi, which is 
destined at no distant period to play as important a part in 
the eastern world as the valley of the Ganges. Burma 
proper, or Ava, comprises only the upper valley. The 
lower valley, although included in the general term of 
Burma, is better known as Pegu.^ 

^ Ava, or Burma proper, is an inland country entirely cut off from 
the sea by the territory of Pegu. It has no outlet to the sea excepting 
by the river Irawadi, 'which runs through Pegu, and forms a Delta 
towards the Gulf of Martaban. In ancient times, and down to the 
middle of the last century, Ava and Pegu were separated into different 
kingdoms, and were often at war with each other. Indeed, there was 
some obscure antagonism of race, the people of Ava being kno'wn as 
Burmans, and the people of Pegu as Talains. Besides Ava and Pegu 
there are two long strips of coast territory facing the Bay of Bengal, 
which are respectively known as Arakan and Tenasserim ; but they 
also formed independent kingdoms, and had no political connection 
with either Ava or Pegu until a recent period. Arakan runs northward 
from the Delta of the Irawadi towards the frontier of Bengal on the 
river Naf. Tenasserim runs southward towards the frontier of Siam, 
on the river Pah Chan. Tenasserim is the “ territorial tail indicated 
in the opening paragraph to the present chapter. 


Chap. XV.] BURMAN HISTORY : AVA AND PEGU. 


The people of Burma belong to the Indo-Chinese race, a.d. 
having Mongolian features, with tolerably fair complexions, ^540-iS23 
varying from a dusky yellow to a clear whiteness. They 
are Buddhists in religion; converts from the old Vedic wor- titmof^he 
ship of Indra, Brahma, and other gods, which still lingers in Burmese 
the land. They are without caste, without hereditary rank save people, 
in the royal family, without nobility save what is official and 
personal, and without any of the prejudices which prevail 
in India as regards early marriages and the seclusion of 
females. They are a joyous race in comparison with the 
grave and self-constrained Hindus ; taking pleasure in 
dramatic performances, singing, music, dancing, buffoonery, 
boat-racing, and gambling. They revel in shows and pro- 
cessions on gala days, at which young and old of both sexes 
mingle freely together. They indulge in much mirth and 
practical joking at the water festival and other feasts which 
have been handed down from the old nature worship of 
Vedic times. They are imbued with military sentiments 
akin to those of Rajpilts ; and leave all menial appoint- 
ments to slaves and captives. 

Burma is a land of sun and rain. There are no cold Life and 
blasts from the Himalayas like those which sweep ' over manners. 
Hindustan during the winter season; and the south-west 
monsoon, which begins early in May and lasts till September, 
empties its torrents on the soil far more abundantly than on 
the plains of India. The villages are generally on the 
banks of rivers. They consist of wooden huts built on 
piles, so as to be raised above the floods during the rainy 
season. The ordinary villagers seem to saunter through 
life, caring only for their cattle and harvests, their fields, 
fisheries, and fruit-trees ; knowing nothing of the outer world, 
and caring for nothing, except as regards famous pagodas or 
renowned places of pilgrimage. All real business is gener- 
ally transacted by wives and daughters, who attend to the 
cares of the household, and often carry on a traffic in the 
bazar, and are most exemplary in the discharge of their 
' religious duties. 

In every village throughout Burma there is at least one Buddhist 
Buddhist monastery built of wood or brick, with a separate 
building for a monastery school There are no endowments 
of money or land of any sort or kind. Every morning the schools, 
monks go their rounds through the village, clad in yellow 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


50^ 

A.D. robes, and carrying bowls to receive the alms of the villagers 
1540-1823 in cooked food, after the manner of Gotama Buddha and 
his disciples. The daily alms are never wanting, for every 
Burmese man and woman is imbued with the faith that by 
such acts of benevolence and loving-kindness they secure 
a higher and better life in the next existence in the chain of 
transmigrations. When the monks return to the monastery, 
they take their breakfast, which with them is the chief, if 
not the only meal of the day. The younger monks- then 
engage in teaching reading, writing, and arithmetic to a 
daily gathering of village boys ; whilst the older monks are 
teaching the sacred language of Pali to more advanced neo- 
phytes, or studying Pali scriptures, or pondering over the 
mysteries of life and transmigrations of the soul. 

Buddhist Burma the pagodas of Buddhists are to be seen every- 

pagodas ; where, and are sometimes substantial buildings of masonry, 
worship Statues of Buddha are to be found in all parts of the 
building, or in neighbouring chapels. There are figures 
supp rs. ground, representing Gdtama about to 

become a Buddha ; and there are horizontal figures re- 
presenting Gotama in the act of dying, or entering into the 
sleep of Nirvana. Sometimes miniature figures are placed 
in small niches; sometimes there is a colossal statue many 
feet high. The images are covered with gilding, or are painted 
red, or are made of white alabaster, with the features 
tinted in gold and colours. On festival days the pagodas are 
decked with flags and garlands, and thronged with people 
of both sexes and all ages, who prostrate themselves before 
some great statue of Gotama Buddha, and chant his praises 
in sacred verses. Fathers and mothers go with all their 
families. Infants are carried about, sometimes in arms, but 
generally in baskets yoked to the shoulders like milk-pails. 
Old men and matrons march along with grave countenances, 
mingled with swaggering young men in gay attire, and demure 
damsels with graceful forms, radiant in divers colours and 
bright adornments, with flowers of every hue lighting up 
their coal-black hair. All go trooping up the aisles of the 
pagoda, to make their prostration to Buddha; and then 
they go out into the temple inclosure to hammer at the 
pagoda bells with antelopes* horns, as part of some mystic 
rite of which the meaning is forgotten. 

There is one institution in Burma which reveals the marked 


Chap. XV.] BURMAN HISTORY : AVA AND PEGU. 


S03 




j 


4 


contrast between Hindus and Burmese, In India marriages a, d. 
are contracted by the parents between boys and girls of a 
tender age, when the children themselves can have no voice 
in the matter. In Burma marriages are brought about by institut- 
mutual liking, which is developed by an innocent custom of tions : 
pastoral simplicity. The interval between sunset and retiring spurting 
to rest is known as courting-time. Any young daughter of a 
house who is desirous of receiving visitors, attires herself in 
her best, adorns her hair, takes a seat on a mat, and places 
a lamp in her window as a hint that she is at home. Mean- 
time all the young men of the village array themselves in 
like manner, and pass the hours of courting-time in a 
round of visits, at which there is always much talking and 
laughing. Sometimes the hour may.be a little late ; some- 
times there may be a little quarrelling between jealous rivals ; 
but as a rule the party breaks up at a suitable time without 
any serious incident to mar the pleasure of the evening. In 
this way young men and maidens meet and exchange their 
sentiments in a perfectly innocent and natural manner, until 
partners are selected for life, marriages are celebrated, and 
for them the courting time is over. 

This richly favoured country has been exposed from a Despotic 
remote period to cruel oppressions and bloody wars. It tyranny 
was anciently parcelled out, like India, amongst petty 
kings, who waged frequent wars on each other. There was ^^rs. 
constant rivalry between the Burmese people of Ava on the 
upper valley of the Irawadi and the Talains of Pegu on 
the lower valley.^ Other kings warred against each other in 
like manner; whilst ever and anon an invading army from 
China or Siam swept over the whole country, and deluged 
the land with blood. Sometimes there were insurrections 
under a rebel prince or schismatic monk, followed by 
sack and massacre without a parallel in recorded history, 
except amongst Tartar nations. To this day the whole 
region of Pegu and Ava bears the marks of these deso- 
lating contests ; and vast tracts of culturabie lands lie 
utterly waste from sheer want of population. 

In the sixteenth century many Portuguese adventurers Portuguese 
and desperadoes found a career in Burma. They were for Burma, 
the most part the scum of Goa and Malacca;- — renegade 

^ page $00, mU, 



504 

A.D 

1540-1823 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI 


A Burmese 
hero, 1540: 
conquest 
of Pegu. - 


Siege of 
Martaban, 

2546. 


Obstinate 
resistance ; 
wrath of 
Byeen- 
noung, ' 


priests or runaway soldiers, who had thrown off the restraints 
of church or army to plunge in the wild license of oriental 
life, and to reappear as pirates, bravos, or princes in the 
remoter eastern seas . _ One Portuguese deserter got possession 
of the island of Sundiva at the entrance to the Sunderbunds 
and created a fleet of pirate-galleys, which was the terror of 
Arakan. and eastern Bengal. He was followed by an Augustine 
monk known as Fra Joan. Another scoundrel got possession 
of a foit at Syriam, over against Rangoon, and was the terror 
of the Burmese kings on the Irawadi. Others entered the 
service of different kings of Burma, and often changed the 
fortunes of war by their superior physique and fire-arms. 

About 1540 a Burmese warrior, named Byeen-nouno- 
■mse to the front, and became a conqueror of renown“i 
Ongmally he was governor of Toungoo;^ then he made 
himself king of the country ; and subsequently he marched 
an amy of Burmans towards the south, and conquered the 
Talam kingdom of Pegu and slew the Talain king. 

next resolved on the conquest of Martaban 
-I his kingdom lay to the eastward of Pegu, 'between Pegii 
and Tenasserim j it was separated from Pegu by an arm of 
the sea, ^ known as the Gulf of Martaban. Byeen-nouno' 
^ised a large army of all nations, in addition to his army of 
Burmans, by promising them the sack of Martaban: and 
Tea invested Martaban by land and 

The^siege lasted six months. The king of Martaban had 
married the daughter of the slaughtered king of Pegu • and 
the queen and_ all her ladies spurred on the king and his 
generals to resist Byeen-noung to the uttermost. The people 
of Martaban were starved out and driven to eat their ele- 
phants. The king had taken several hundred Portuguese 
into his service, but they had all deserted him, and entered 

+1,' ®y®®n-noung is so named in Burmese annals. He was known to 
1 To, Zo See Faria y Sousa’s 

^ Toui^oo, the Portuguese Tangii, lies in the interior of Burma 

ofBridshXnS^ present day it is the frontier district 

Buima. In the sixteenth and -seventeenth centuries it was 
sometimes a province of Ava, sometimes an independent kingdom and 
a Burmese empire ; indeed, at one time the city 
° of Upper Burma or Ato! 


Chap. XV.] BURMAN HISTORY : AVA AND PEGU. 


the service of Byeen-noung. The king was reduced to such a.d. 
extremities that at last he offered to make over his kingdom ^54o> 1823 
to Byeen-noung, provided he might retire from Martaban 
with his queen and children ; but Byeen-noung was furious 
at the obstinate resistance he had encountered, and burning 
to be revenged not only on the king, but on the queen and 
all her ladies, and he demanded an unconditional surrender. 

The king of Martaban was in despair. He called his Council of 
generals to a council of war, and one and all pledged them- war a 
selves to die like warriors ; to slaughter all their women 
and children, throw their treasures into the sea, set the city 
on fire, and rush out and perish sword in hand. But when 
the council broke up, one of the chief commanders turned 
traitor or coward, and fled away to the camp of Byeen- 
noung, Then the rest of the generals lost heart, and 
threatened to open the gates of the city to Byeen-noung, 
unless the king gave himself up without further parley. 

Accordingly the king of Martaban held out a white flag Surrender 
on the city wall. He then sent a venerable Buddhist priest of the 
to Byeen-noung to request that he might be allowed to turn 
monk, and spend the rest of his days in a monastery, 
Byeen-noung was very reverential towards the priest, and 
promised to forget the past, and provide an estate for the 
king of Martaban, but no one could trust his word. 

Next morning there was a great parade of soldiers and Prepara- 
elephants, music and banners, throughout the camp of dons for 
Byeen-noung. A street was formed of two lines of foreign 
soldiers from the tent of Byeen-noung to the gate of the captim. 
city; and all the Portuguese soldiers were posted oub 
side the gate, with their captain, Joano Cayeyro, in their 
midst ; and many of the Burmese princes and nobles of 
Byeen-noung went into the city, with a host of Burmese 
guards, to bring the king of Martaban in a great procession 
to the feet of his conqueror. 

The scene is thus described by an eye-witness : — ^‘At 
one o^clock in the day a can^ion was fired as a signal After a 

^ Eernam Mendez Pinto. Modem writers have doubted the veracity 
of Pinto, but his truthfulness was never doubted by his contemporaries, 
and the author has resided long enough in Burma to vouch from his own 
personal knowledge for the credibility of Pinto’s accounts of that 
country. In fact, Pinto, like Hercdotus and Marco Polo, is trustworthy 
about what he saw, but he was simple enough to believe any absurd 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


506 

A.D. wHle the procession from the palace inside Martaban ap- 
^5 40-1^3 2 preached the gate of the city. First came a strong guard 
Sad^OTo- Burmese soldiers, armed with harquebuses, halberts, and 
cession. pikes. Next appeared the Burmese grandees mounted on 
elephants, with golden chains on their backs, and collars of 
precious stones round their necks. Then at a distance of 
nine or ten paces came the Roolim of Mounay, the sovereign 
pontiff of Burma, who was going to mediate between the 
king of Martaban and the high and mighty conqueror Byeen- 
noung. After him the queen of Martaban was carried in a 
chair on men’s shoulders, together with her four children — two 
boys and two girls — of whom the eldest was scarcely seven. 
Round about the queen were thirty or forty young ladies of 
noble birth, who were wonderfully fair, with cast-down looks 
and tears in their eyes, leaning on other women. After them 
walked certain priests, like the capuchins in Europe, with 
bare feet and bare heads, praying as they went, with beads 
in their hands, and ever and anon comforting the ladies, and 
throwing water upon them when they fainted, which they 
did very often. Presently the king appeared, mounted on a 
little elephant, in token of poverty and contempt of life. 
He wore a cassock of black velvet ; and his head, beard, 
and eyebrows were all shaven ; and there was an old cord 
round about his neck by which to render himself to Byeen- 
noung. He was about sixty-two years of age, and tall in 
stature ; and although his countenance was worn and 
troubled, he had all the bearing of a generous sovereign. 
Lamenta- ‘‘A great throng of women and children and old men were 
tionsatthe gathered round the city gate ; and when they beheld their 
city gates. ^ terrible cry, and 

struck their faces with stones until the blood ran down. 
The spectacle was so horrible and mournful that even the 
Burmese guards were moved to tears, although they were 
men of war and the enemies of Martaban. 

“ Meanwhile the queen fainted twice, and her ladies fainted 

fable that he was told. His stories of Byeen-noung are confirmed by 
Burmese annals and Portuguese historians. It should be added that 
the passages in the text, marked with inverted commas, are not taken 
from Pinto’s original narrative, which is tedious and prolix to the last 
degree ; they are extracted from a reproduction of Pinto’s travels and 
adventures, with notes and commentaries, which is in course of prepa- 
ration for the press. 


Chap. XV,1 BURMAN HISTORY : AVA AND PEGU. 


507 


around her; and the guards were fain to let the king a.d/ 
alight, and go and comfort her. Whereupon, seeing the ^540-1823 
queen upon the ground in a swoon, with her children in her ‘ 

arms, the king kneeled down upon both his knees, and cried ladies 
aloud, looking up to heaven,/ O mighty power of God, anguisli of 
why is thy divine wrath spent upon these innocent crea- ^ke kmg. 
tures ?’ This said, he threw water on the queen and brought 
her round. 

After a while the king was remounted on his elephant. Wrath at 
and the procession moved through the gate. Then the ^ke Form- 
king saw the Portuguese deserters dressed in their buff coats, 
with feathers in their caps, and harquebuses in their hands ; 
whilst their captain, Cayeyro, stood in front apparelled in 
carnation satin, making room for the procession with a gilt 
partisan. The king withdrew his face from the Portuguese 
deserters, and exclaimed against their base ingratitude ; 
and the Burmese guards fell foul of the Portuguese, and 
drove them away with shame and contumely. 

After this the king of Martaban went through the street Prostra- 
of soldiers until he came to the tent where the conqueror, tion and 
Byeen-noung, was sitting in great pomp surrounded by his 
lords. The king threw himself upon the ground, but spake 
never a word. The Roolim of Mounay stood close by, 
and said to Byeen-noung, ‘ Sire, remember that God shows 
his mercy to those who submit to his will. Do you show 
mercy likewise, and in the hour of death you will clear off 
a load of sins.^ Byeen-noung then promised to pardon 
the king ; and all present were greatly contented ; and 
Byeen-noung gave the king and queen in charge of two of 
his lords. 

Now Byeen-noung was a warrior of great craft ; and he Plunder 
posted Burmese captains at all the twenty-four gates of 
city of Martaban, and bade them let no one in or out on ^ ^ 

pain of death, as he had promised to give the sacking of 
the city to his foreign mercenaries. Meanwhile, and for the 
space of two days, he brought away all the treasures of 
the king of Martaban, including very many wedges of gold, 
and strings of precious stones of inestimable value. When 
he had carried away all that he wanted, he abandoned 
the city to the soldiery, A cannon was fired as a signal 
and they all rushed in pell-mell, so that many were stifled to 
death at the gates ; and for three days such horrible murders 


BRITISH INDIA. 


50S 


[Part III, 


A.D. 

1540-1823 

Twenty- : 
one gibbets 
on the bill 
Beidao. 


Procession 
to tbe bill. 


Terrible 
vengeance 
of Byeen- 
noung. 


Priests and 
children. 


and wickedness were committed that no man can imagine or 
describe. 

Whilst the city of Martaban was being sacked, Byeen- 
nonng left his quarters in the Burmese camp, and pitched his 
tent on the hill Beidao, which was close by. One morning, 
when the work of plunder and destruction was nearly over, 
twenty-one gibbets were set up in stone pillars on the hill, 
and guarded with a hundred Burmese horsemen. Presently 
there was a great uproar in the Burmese camp, and 
troops of horsemen came out with lances in their hands, 
and formed a street from the camp to the hill, crying aloud, 
‘ Let no man approach with arms, or speak aloud what he 
thinks in his heart, on pain of death ! ’ 

‘^Then the marshal of the camp came up with a hundred 
elephants and a host of foot soldiers. Next followed bodies 
of cavalry and infantry, and in their midst were a hundred 
and forty ladies bound together four and four, accompanied 
by many priests, who sought to comfort them. After them 
marched twelve ushers with maces, followed by horsemen, 
who carried the queen of Martaban and her four children on 
their horses. 

The hundred and forty ladies were the wives and daugh- 
ters of the chief captains of Martaban, on whom the tyrant 
Byeen-noung was wreaking his spite because they had 
persuaded their husbands and fathers to hold out against 
him. They were for the most part between seventeen and 
twenty-five years of age, and were all very white and fair, 
with bright auburn hair, but so weak in the body that often- 
times they fell down in a swoon ; and certain women on 
whom they leaned endeavoured to bring them to, presenting 
them with comfits and other things, but they would take 
nothing. Indeed, the poor wretches were so feeble and 
benumbed that they could scarcely hear what the priests 
said to them, only now and then they lifted up their hands 
to heaven. 

“ Sixty priests followed the queen in two files, praying with 
their looks fixed on the ground, and their eyes watered with 
tears ; some ever and anon saying one prayer in doleful 
tones, whilst others answered weeping in like manner. Last 
of all three or four hundred children walked in procession, 
with white wax lights in their hands, and cords about their 
necks, praying aloud with sad and lamentable voices, saying, 






Chap, XV.] BURMAN HISTORY : AVA AND PEGU. 509 

V We most humbly beseech thee, 0 Lord, to give ear a,d. 
unto our cries and groans, and show mercy to these thy 1540-1^23 
captives, that with a full rejoicing they may have a part of ” 
the graces and blessings of thy rich treasures.' Behind 
this procession was another guard of foot soldiers, all 
Burmans, armed with lances and aiTows, and some with 
harquebuses. 

‘‘ When the poor sufferers had been led in this fashion to Condem- 
the place of execution, six ushers stood forth and proclaimed' of 
with loud voices that the ladies were condemned to andlaS 
by the king of Burma, because they had incited their 
husbands and fathers to resist him, and had caused the 
death of twelve thousand Burmans of the city of Toungoo. 

Then at the ringing of a bell all the officers and ministers Horrible 
of justice, pell-mell together with the guards, raised up a farewells, 
dreadful outcry. Whereupon, the cruel hangman being ready 
to put the sentence of death into execution, these poor 
women sobbed and embraced each other, and addressed 
themselves to the queen, who lay at that time almost dead 
in the lap of an old lady. One of them spoke to the queen 
in the name of all the others, and begged her to comfort 
them with her presence whilst they entered the mournful 
mansions of death, where they would present themselves 
before the Almighty Judge, and pray for vengeance on their 
wrongs. To this the queen, more dead than alive, answered 
with a feeble voice, ‘ Go not away so soon, my sisters, but 
help me to sustain these little children.' This said, she 
leaned down again on the bosom of the old lady, without 
speaking another word. 

‘‘Then the ministers of the arm of vengeance — ^for so Execution 
they term the hangmen — laid hold of those poor women, and ^^ 
hung them all up by the feet with their heads downwards 
upon twenty gibbets, namely, seven on each gibbet. Now, 
this death was so painful that it made them give strange 
and fearful groans and sobs, until at length in less than an 
hour the blood had stiffed them all. 

“ Meantime the queen was conducted by the four women Death, of 
on whom she leaned to the remaining gibbet ; and there the the queen. 
Roolim of Mounay made some speeches to her to encourage 
her the better to suffer death. Then, turning to the hang- 
man, who was going to bind her two little boys, she said, 

‘ Good friend, be not, I pray you, so void of pity as to 



BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


510 

A.D. 

1540-1823 


Mutiny of 
the Pegu 
army. 


Drowning 
of the 
king of 
Martaban. 


Byeen- 

noung 

invades 

Siam. 


Revolt of 
the royal 
monk at 
Pegu. 


make me see my die; wherefore put me first to 

death, and refuse me not this boon for God’s sake.’ She 
then took her children in her arms, and kissing them 
over and over in giving them her last farewell, she yielded 
up the ghost in the lady’s lap upon whom she leaned, and 
never stirred afterwards. On this the hangman ran to her, 
and hanged her as he had done the rest, together with her 
four little children, two on each side of her, and she in the 
middle. 

At this cruel and pitiful spectacle the whole multitude set 
up a hideous yell ; all the soldiers of the army that belonged 
to Pegu broke out in mutiny ; and Byeen-noung would have 
been murdered had he not surrounded himself with the Bur- 
man soldiers he had brought from Toungoo. Even then 
the tumult was very great and dangerous throughout the 
day, but at last night set in and quieted the fury of the men 
of Pegu. 

'‘That same night the king of Martaban was thrown into 
the river with a great stone tied about his neck, together 
with sixty of his male captives, whose wives and daughters 
had been executed a few hours before on the hill Beidao.” 

The remaining adventures of Byeen-noung may be told 
in a few words. After the desolation of Martaban, he re- 
turned to Pegu, and advanced up the river Irawadi and con- 
quered Prome, and attempted the conquest of Ava.^ Two 
years later he invaded Siam with a large army, but was 
suddenly called back by rebellion in Pegu. 

Here it should be explained that when the king of 
Pegu was put to death by Byeen-noung, his brother turned 
monk and became the most famous preacher in all that 
country. Accordingly, whilst Byeen-noung was gone away 
to Siam, this royal monk ascended the pulpit in the great 
pagoda at Pegu, and harangued a vast audience on the- 
sufferings of the Talains, and the crimes committed by the 
Burmans from Toungoo on the royal house of Pegu. The 
sermon threw the whole congregation into an uproar. The 
people seized their arms and rose as one man against the 
Burmese yoke. They slaughtered every Burman in Pegu, 
and carried the monk to the palace, and placed him in 

1 Some sickening tragedies were perpetrated at Prome, but enough 
has been said about such horrors. 


Chap. XV.] BURMAN HISTORY: AVA AND PEGU. 511 

possession of all the treasures, and hailed him as their a.d. 
king. 1540-1823 

Byeen-noung was furious at the tidings. He ii^ed 
back his army with ail speed to Pegu, and put down, the outbreak 
revolt with his Burmese soldiers, and secured possession of of Talains. 
the city ; whilst the royal monk fled from Pegu to the king- 
dom of Henzada, But the spirit of insurrection could not 
be quenched by force of arms. At Pegu Byeen-noung was 
assassinated, and his foster-brother was deserted by the 
mercenaries, and compelled to fly back to Toungoo. At 
Martaban the people rose up against the Burmese garrison, 
slaughtered them to a man, and declared for the royal monk.^ 

Finally the royal monk was joined by many nobles and 
great men in the kingdom of Henzada, and raised a mighty 
host, and returned to Pegu in triumph, and was again 
crowned king. 

Meanwhile the foster-brother of Byeen-noung enlisted a Recovery 
large army amongst the barbarous hillmen round about of 
Toungoo, and promised to give them the plunder of Pegu 
if they would help him to recover the city. He marched Byeen- 
his army towards the south, as Byeen-noung had done noung. 
before him, and scattered the army of the monk ; and he 
entered Pegu in triumph, whilst the monk fled for his life to 
the mountains between Pegu and Arakan. But his successes 
led to great perplexities. He had promised to give the 
plunder of Pegu to his mercenary army; but the people of 
Pegu had submitted to his yoke, and he was horrified at 
the idea of abandoning them to the tender mercies of the 
barbarians from the hills. The mercenaries demanded the 
fulfilment of his pledge, and when he explained why he would 
not bear the burden of the crime, they broke out into 
mutiny. He fled from the camp and took refuge in a 
pagoda, and protected himself for a while with his Burmese 
soldiers. At last he held a parley with the ringleaders 
from the walls of the pagoda; and after much debating, 
it was agreed that he should distribute amongst the 
mercenaries a large sum from his own treasures as ransom 
for the city of Pegu. 

After a while the fugitive monk was taken prisoner. He 

^ The resuscitation of a town in Burma in the course of a few 
weeks or days is by no means surprising. The houses are built of 
■wood, and can be set tip very quickly. 


512 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

I540-IS33 

Capture 
ai the 
monk. 

Public 

execution, 


Episode of 

Diego 

Suarez, 


Terrible 

revenge. 


had thrown off his monastic vows, and married the daughter 
of a mountaineer; but he had discovered his rank to his 
wife, and her parents betrayed him to the Toungoo king, 
for the sake of the reward offered for his capture. 

The execution of the royal monk was a piteous spec- 
tacle. He was taken out of his dungeon; dressed in rags 
and tatters ; crowned with a diadem of straw garnished with 
mussel-shells, and decorated with a necklace of onions. In 
this guise he was carried through the streets of Pegu, 
mounted on a sorry jade, with his executioner sitting 
behind him. Fifteen horsemen with black ensigns pro- 
claimed his guilt, whilst fifteen others in red garments 
were ringing bells. He was strongly guarded in front and 
behind by a long array of horse and foot and elephants. 
He was led to the scaffold; his sentence was read aloud to 
the multitude ; and his head was severed from his body by 
a single blow. 

During the revolt at Pegu, one of the Portuguese soldiers, 
who had been in the service of Byeen-noung, met with a 
fearful doom. His name was Diego Suarez. When Byeen- 
noung was alive and at the height of his prosperity and 
power, he took a great liking to Diego Suarez, and ap- 
pointed him governor of Pegu. The man thus became 
puffed up with pride and insolence, and did what he 
pleased without regard to right or wrong, keeping a body- 
guard of Turks to protect him in his evil ways. One day 
there was a marriage procession in the streets of Pegu, 
and Diego Suarez ordered his Turks to bring away Ihe 
bride. A great tumult arose, and the bridegroom was slain 
by the Turks, whilst the bride strangled herself with her 
girdle to save her honour ; but the father escaped with his 
life, and swore to be revenged upon the wicked foreigner 
who had brought such woe upon bis household. 

Years passed away, but the wretched father could do 
nothing but weep. Diego ^Suarez rose into stiH higher 
favour with Byeen-noung, and was honoured with the title of 
‘‘brother of the king.^’ At last the people of Pegu broke 
out in revolt, and the father saw that the time had come 
for wreaking his vengeance on the wicked man from Portu- 
gal. He rushed into a pagoda, carried away the idol, 
and harangued the multitude, telling aloud the story of his 
wrongs. The people of Pegu rose up in a wild outbreak 


I Chap. XV.] BURMAN HISTORY : AVA AND PEGU. 

of fury. The officers of justice were forced to arrest Diego a.d. 

Suarez, and, in spite of prayers and bribes, to deliver ^ 75°' ^ ^23 
him up to the mob 3 and he was then stoned to death in ~ 
the market-place of Pegu, whilst his house was demolished 
so that not a tile remained. ' 

The story of Byeen-noung is typical. It tells of a for- Byeen- 
gotten conqueror who flourished in the sixteenth century 3 - 

but it also reveals the general conditions of life in Burma, 
from a remote antiquity down to our own times. Byeen- con- 
noung was but the type of Burmese warriors who have queron*. 

\ arisen at intervals in that remote peninsula j played the part 

of heroes; conquered kingdoms and founded dynasties; ! 

crushed out rebellions ,by wholesale massacres ; and have ' ' 

been followed in their turn by other kings of smaller genius, 
but equally cruel and tyrannical. 

In the middle of the eighteenth century, more than two Rise of 
hundred years after Byeen-noung, there was a warrior Alompr.a ^ 
of the same stamp who founded the dynasty of Burmese 
kings still reigning at Mandalay. During the* earlier 
years of that century the Talain kings of Pegu gained the 
mastery of the kings of Ava, and the people of upper 
Burma groaned under Talain domination. But about 1750 a 
deliverer appeared in the person of a man of low origin, 
known as Alompra the hunter.^ He headed a popular 
insurrection, which at first only numbered a hundred men, 
but' was soon joined by multitudes. Alompra and his 
newly created army threw off the Talain yoke, and swept 

down the Irawadi, subverted the Talain dynasty in Pegu, 

and founded a maritime capital at Bangoon. The English 
i at that time had a factory at Negrais, off the coast ; and 
the merchants were weak enough to court the friendship 
of Alompra, whilst selling powder and ammunition to the 
Talains. A French adventurer informed Alompra of their 
misdeeds, and the result was that nearly every Englishman 
at Negrais was massacred by the Burmese. 

The successors of Alompra followed in his steps. Bhodau Reign of 
Phra, his third son, was the sixth sovereign of the dynasty. Bhodau 

He reigned from 1779 to 1819, and is regarded by the „ 

Burmese as the hero of the line next to his illustrious father, 19- 

1 Alompra is the most familiar name to English readers : properly it 
; should be Alompara, or Alom Phra. 

4 

I 

I 



L L 


5H 


BRITISH INDIA, 


[Part III. 


AD. He conquered Arakan as far as the boundary of Bengal, 
1750-1823 and Martaban and Tenasserim as far as the frontiers of Siam. 

T™ His cruelties were boundless, and were the outcome of the 
sanae savage ferocity as those of Byeen-nouiig. He not 
only put his predecessor to death, but ordered all the 
women and children of his victim to be burnt alive. 
On another occasion, on discovering that a plot had been 
hatched against him in a particular village, he collected 
together the whole population of the village, including 
women, children, and Buddhist monks, and burnt them all 
alive in one vast holocaust. Father Sangermano, a Catholic 
missionary who was in Burma about the same time, has left 
authentic details of the horrible cruelties perpetrated by 
Bhodau Phra. 

Phagyi- The successor of Bhodau Phra was Phagyi-dau, who 
dau, 1824- brought on the Burmese war of 1824-25 ; but the story of 
^ 5 ' his reign belongs to the after history. 

Public life The kings of Burma from Alompra downwards were rude 
of the despots of the old Moghul type. They generally maintained 
kinp of harems j and every high official was anxious to place 

mma. ^ sister or a daughter in the royal household, to watch 
over his interests and report all that was going on. Kings 
and queens dwelt in palaces of brick and stucco painted 
white and red 4 with roofs, walls and pinnacles of carved 
timber covered with gilding and dazzling as picture- 
frames ; with durbars, reception halls, thrones, canopies, 
and insignia of all kinds, radiant with^ bits of looking 
glass and gilding. Sometimes they went on water ex- 
cursions in large vessels shaped like huge fishes, and 
covered with gildingj and they were accompanied by 
long war-boats, each one covered with gilding, and 
rowed or paddled by fifty or sixty men. Sometimes a king 
went on a royal progress through his dominions, like the old 
Moghul sovereigns of Hindustan, carrying his queens, 
ministers and law courts with him. Each king in turn was 
constantly exposed to insurrection or revolution, in which 
he might be murdered, and all his queens and children 
massacred without regard to age or sex ; whilst a new king 
ascended the throne, and removed the court and capital to 
some other locality, in order to blot out the memory of his 
predecessor. Thus during the present century the capital 
has been removed from Ava to Amarapura and back again; 



CHAP. XV.] BURMAN HISTORY : AVA AND PEGU. 




and at this present moment it is fixed in the comparatively a.d. 
new city of Mandalay. The kings of Burma have always 
been utterly ignorant of foreign nations ; regarding Burma 
as the centre of the universe, and all people outside the 
Burman pale as savages and barbarians. 

The despotic power of the sovereign, however, was kept Burmese 
in check by an old Moghul constitution, which seems to adminis- 
have been a relic of the remote past. The aristocracy of 
Burma consists only of officials, who have spread a net- officialism, 
work of officialism over the whole kingdom. There are 
heads of tens and hundreds ; heads of villages, districts, and 
provinces ; and all are appointed, punished, or dismissed 
at the mere will of the sovereign. But the ministers and 
officials at court exercise a power in their collective 
capacity, to which a king is sometimes obliged to bend ; for 
there have been critical moments when a king has been 
deposed by the ministers, and another sovereign enthroned 
in his room. 

Four chief ministers, with the king or crown prince as Hlot-daii, 
president, sit in a great hall of state within the palace/^^^^PJ*^^^ 
inclosure, known as the Hlot-dau. This collective body 
forms a supreme legislative assembly, a supreme council 
of the executive, and a supreme court of justice and appeal. 

There are also four under-ministers, and a host of secretaries 
and minor officials, who conduct the administration at the 
capital in the name of the king, but under the orders of the 
Hlot-dau. 

Besides the Hlot-dau, or public council of state, there is Byadeit, 
a pfivy council, sitting within the palace itself, and known or privy 
as the Byadeit. This council is supposed to advise the 
king privately and personally, and to issue orders in his 
name, whenever it is deemed inexpedient to discuss the 
matter in the Hlot-dau. 

The real working of these councils has always been ob- Faulty 
soured by oriental intrigues. It is however obvious that they working 
lack the authority of a hereditary assembly, such as the 
council of Bharadars at Khatmandu j whilst the bare fact 
that they are exclusively composed of officials, nominated 
by the king, and depending for their very existence on the 
king's favour, deprives them of any authority they might 
otherwise have exercised as popular or representative 
bodies. 


L L 2 




t 


CHAPTER X\T. 


BURMESE AND EHURTPORE WARS : LORD AMHERST. 


'-M- 


Origin 
ot the 
Burmese 


Pride and 
ignorance 
of the 
Burmese 
court. • 


Violence 
and in- 
feoience 
of the 
officials* 


A.D. 1823 TO 1828. 

The difficulties of the British government with Burma 
began about the end of the eighteenth century. Bhodaii 
Phra had conquered Arakan, but the people rebelled against 
him, and some of the rebels fled into eastern Bengal The 
Burmese governor of Arakan demanded the surrender of 
the fugitives. Sir John Shore was weak enough to comply 
rather than hazard a collision ; but his successor Lord 
Wellesley refused to deliver up political refugees who had 
sought an asylum in British territory, and who would 
probably be tortured and executed in Burmese fashion the 
moment they were surrendered to their oppressors. 

Meanwhile every effort was made to come to a friendly 
understanding with the Burmese government. Colonel 
Symes was sent on a mission to Ava ; and after him a 
Captain Canning and a Captain Cox, But the Burmese 
court was impracticable. Bhodau Phra and his ministers 
were puffed up with pride and bombast. They despised the 
natives of India, and had been ignorantly led to believe 
that the English were traders without military capacity, who 
paid the black sepoys to fight their battles. 

At last the Burmese authorities grew violent as well as 
insolent. They repeated their demands for the surrender of 
political refugees, who had escaped into British territory ; 
claimed possession of an island on the English side of the 
frontier at the N£f river; and threatened to invade Bengal 
unless their demands were promptly conceded. 


Chap. XVL] FIRST BURMESE WAR: AMHERST. 5x7 

The wars of Lord Hastings had secured the peace of a.d. 
India, but had been vehemently denounced in England. 1S23- 1824 
Lord Amherst was therefore most reluctant to engage in a HoSlities 
war with Burma; he was ready , to make any concession, forced on 
short of acknowledgment of inferiority, to avert the tlie British 
threatened hostilities. But the Burmese refused to listen govern- 
to reason, and were resolutely bent on a rupture. In 1822 
their general Bundiila invaded the countries between Burma 
and Bengal ; conquered the independent principalities of 
Assam and Munipore, and threatened Cachar. Subse- 
quently Bundiila invaded British territory, and cut off a 
detachment of British sepoys. Lord Amherst was thus 
forced into hostilities, and in 1824 an expedition was sent 
against Rangoon under the command of Sir Archibald 
Campbell. 

Meanwhile the Burmese were inflated by the successes of British ex- 
Bundiila, and looked forward with confidence to the con- pedition to 
quest of Bengal. Bundiila was ordered to bind the Governor- 
General in golden fetters, and send him as a prisoner to ‘ 

Ava. But the British expedition to Rangoon took the Burmese 
by surprise. They purposed invading Bengal, and they 
may have expected to encounter a force on the frontier; 
but they never reckoned on an invading army coming to 
Rangoon by sea. At the same time the English invaders 
were almost as much surprised as the Burmese. They had 
been led to expect a foe worthy of their steel ; but they 
soon discovered that the Burmese army was the most des- 
picable enemy that the British had ever encountered. It 
was composed of raw levies, miserably armed, without either 
discipline or courage. Their chief defence consisted in 
stockades, which were however constructed with considerable 
skill and rapidity. 

In May 1824 the English expedition arrived at Rangoon. Flight 
The Burmese had constructed some strong stockades, but 
they were soon demolished by British artillery. The troops 
were then landed, and found that Rangoon was empty of 
population and provisions. The Burmese governor had 
ordered the whole of the inhabitants* — men, women, and 
children— to retire to the jungle with all their flocks and 
herds and stores of grain. As for the Burmese soldiery, 
they had fled in terror at the first discharge of British guns. 

Shortly after the landing the rains began.; and the British 


5iS 

A.t). 

1S24-1825 

Repulse of 
Bundula. 


Earth- 
works at 
Donabew. 


Death of 

Bundula: 

Burmese 

panic- 

stricken. 


Advance 
to Pronae, 
1825. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

army was forced to remain at Rangoon, and to depend for 
its subsistence on the supplies that arrived from Madras 
and Calcutta. 

In December 1824 Bunddla approached Rangoon from 
the land side with an army of sixty thousand men. Within 
a few hours the Burmese soldiery had surrounded the British 
camp with stockades, and then burrowed themselves in the 
earth behind. But Bundilla was attacked and defeated ; 
his stockades were carried by storm ; and he fled in a panic 
with the remains of his army to Donabew, a place further 
up the river Irawadi, about forty miles from Rangoon, 

Bunddla was resolved to make a stand at Donabew. 
He constructed field-works and stockades for the space 
of a mile along the face of the river. He sought to main- 
tain discipline by the severity of his punishments ; and one 
of his commanders was sawn asunder between two planks 
for disobedience of orders. 

Early in 182-5 the British force advanced up the river 
Irawadi towards Ava, leaving a detachment to capture 
Donabew. The detachment however was repulsed by the 
Burmese, and the main army returned to Donabew, and 
began a regular siege. A few shells were discharged to 
ascertain the range of the British mortars, and next morn- 
ing the heavy artillery began to play upon the works, but 
there was nb response. It turned out that one of the 
shells on the preceding evening had killed Bundilla. The 
brother of Bundilla was offered the command of the army, 
but was too frightened to accept it ; and he then made his 
way with all speed to Ava, where he was beheaded within 
half an hour of his arrival. Meanwhile the Burmese army 
at Donabew had dispersed in all directions. 

The British expedition next proceeded to Prome. All the 
mad women in' Ava, who were supposed to be witches or to 
have familiar spirits, were collected and sent to Prome to 
unman the British soldiers by their magic arts. Another 
Burmese army was sent to attack Prome, but was utterly 
defeated. The court of Ava was frantic at its losses, 
but could not realise its position, and showed itself as 
arrogant as ever. A brother of the king, named Tharawadi, 
bragged that he would drive the English to the sea, and 
left Ava for the purpose, but soon returned in the greatest 
terror. - 


Ghap.XVL] first BURMESE war : AMHERST. 519 

The British expedition left Prome, and advanced towards a,d. 
Ava; and the court of Ava, and indeed the Burmese 
generally, were panic-stricken at the invaders. It was 
noised abroad that the white foreigners were demons, in- towards 
vincible and bloodthirsty ; that European soldiers kept on Ava. 
fighting in spite of ghastly wounds ; and that European 
doctors picked up arms and legs after an action, and replaced 
them on their rightful owners.^ 

Early in 1826 a treaty of peace was concluded at Yandabo. Treaty of 
The whole country from Rangoon to Ava was at the mercy Yandabo, 
of the British army. Phagyi-dau, king of Ava, engaged to ^ ^ * 
pay a crore of rupees, about a million sterling, towards 
the expenses of the wary and the territories of Assam, 

Arakan, and Tenasserim, were ceded to the British govern- 
ment. The king was left in possession of the whole of 
Pegu and Upper Burma, and was even permitted to retain 
the maritime city of Rangoon; whilst the British head- 
quarters were fixed at Mouimein in Tenasserim. 

Later on Mr. John Crawfurd was sent to Ava to conclude Crawfurd's 
a commercial treaty with the king. But the Burmese had ^fission to 
already forgotten the lessons of the war, and entertained 
but little respect for an English envoy after the British 
army had retired from the scene. Accordingly Crawfurd 
could effect nothing of any substantial importance to 
either government. He found the Burmese officials igno- 
rant, unprincipled, and childish, and in no instance endowed 
with the artifice and cleverness of Hindus and other 
Asiatics. Some of them had risen from the lowest ranks 
of life by the favour of the king; one had been a buftbon 
in a company of play-actors, whilst another had got a living 
by selling fish in the bazar. They did not want any treaty 
whatever. They evaded every proposition for a reciprocity 
of trade, and only sought to cajole the envoy into restoring 
the ceded territories and remitting the balance still due of 
the money payment. The country w’as only sparsely cul- 
tivated, and there were few if any indications of prosperity. 
Phagyi-dau was in the hands of his queen, the daughter of 
a jailer, who was older than her husband, and far from 
handsome. She was known as the sorceress, as she was 

1 Fytcbe^s Burma^ Past md Present General Albert Fytcke’s work 
contains many interesting facts in connection with Burmese history. 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A.D. supposed to have rendered the king subservient to her will 
1825-182S ]3y the power of naagical arts and charms. 


Political 
ferment in 
India. 


Outbreak 
at Bhurt- 
pore, 
1825. 


Active 
proceed- 
ings of 
Ochter- 
lony. 


Counter- 
manded by 
I,ord 
Amherst. 


The first Burmese w^ar is forgotten now by the princes 
and chiefs of Indian but in 1824 and 1825 the current of 
events was watched with interest and anxiety by every native 
court. The different chiefs and princes of India had not 
quite settled down under the suzerainty of the British 
government; and many restless spirits amongst the warriors 
and freebooters of a previous generation would gladly have 
hailed the defeat of the British troops in Burma, the over- 
throw of order in India, and the revival of the predatory 
system of the eighteenth century. 

Suddenly, in the crisis of the campaign in Burma, there 
was a fiasco in the ]it state of Bhurtpore on the British 
frontier near Agra, which had been under the protective 
alliance of the British government ever since the days of 
Lord Wellesley. The Raja of Bhurtpore died in 1825, 
leaving a son aged seven, named Bulwant Singh. ‘ The 
British government recognised the succession of Bulwant 
Singh under the guardianship of his uncle ; but a cousin 
of the infant Raja, named Dilrjan Sil, corrupted the army 
of Bhurtpore, put the guardian to death, imprisoned the 
little prince, and took possession of the principality. 

Sir David Ochterlony, the British Resident at Delhi, was 
agent of the Governor-General for Rajpdtana and Malwa. 
He belonged to the once famous school of soldier-statesmen, 
which began with Robert Clive, and boasted of men like 
Sir Arthur Wellesley and Sir John Malcolm. His Indian 
experiences were perhaps larger than those of any living 
English officer. He had fought against Hyder Ali in tbe 
old days of Warren Hastings and Sir Eyre Coote; and ten 
years previous to the fiasco at Bhurtpore he had gained his 
crowning laurels in the Nipal war. He saw that a con- 
flagration was beginning in Bhurtpore that might spread over 
Central India ; and he ordered a force to advance on his 
own authority to maintain the peace of Hindustan, support 
the rights of the infant Raja, and vindicate the offended 
suzerainty of the British government. 

Lord Amherst considered that the military preparations 
were premature. He doubted the right of the British 
government to interfere in the Bhurtpore succession ; and 


1 


521 


Chap. Xyi.]' BHURTPORE WAR; AMHERST. 

he was alarmed at the strength of the great fortress of clay, a.d. 
which had resisted the assaults of Lord Lake, and had long ^§25-1828 
been deemed impregnable by every native court in India. 
Accordingly he countermanded the movement of the troops. 

Sir David Ochterlony was much mortified at this rebuff. In Death of 
the bitterness of his soul he resigned his appointment, and Ochter- 
died within two months, feeling that an illustrious career of 
half a century had been brought to an inglorious close. 

The vacillation of the British government induced the Growing 
usurper to proclaim that he would hold the fortress 
Bhurtpore, and maintain his hold on the Bhurtpore throne, 
in defiance of the Governor-General. The dangerous 
character of the revolution was now imminent, for Rajpiits, 
Mahrattas, Pindharies, and J£ts were flocking to Bhurtpore 
to rally round the venturous usurper. 

Lord Amherst saw his error and hastened to retrieve it; Capture of 
indeed his council were unanimous for war. An army was Bhurtpore, , 
assembled under Lord Combermere and began the siege of ’ 
Bhurtpore. The British artillery failed to make any im- 
pression on the heavy mud walls. At last the fortifications 
were mined with ten thousand pounds of powder. A 
terrific explosion threw vast masses of hardened clay into 
the air ; and the British troops rushed into the breach, and 
captured the fortress which had hitherto been deemed 
impregnable. The usurper was confined as a state prisoner, 
and the infant Raja was restored to the throne under the 
guardianship of the British government. The political 
ferment died away at the fall of Bhurtpore, and all danger 
of any disturbance of the public peace disappeared from 
Hindustan. 

Lord Amherst embarked for England in Febraary, 1828, Lord 
leaving no mark in history beyond what is remembered of Amherst 
Burma and Bhurtpore. He was the first Governor-General ^^^®® 
who established a vice-regal sanatarium at Simla, 


CHAPTER XVII. 


non-intervention: lord william bentinck. 


A.D. 

1828-1835 

Lord 

William 

Bentinck 

Governor- 

General, 

1828-35. 


Domestic 

adminis- 

tration 

successful. 



A.D. 1828 TO 1S35. 

Lord William Bentinck succeeded to the post of 
Governor-General, and held the reins of government for seven 
years, namely, from 1828 to 1835. Twenty-two years had 
passed away since 1806, when he had been recalled from the 
government of Madras amidst the panic which followed the 
mutiny at Vellore. During the interval he had protested 
in vain against the injustice of his recall ; and his nomina- 
tion to the high office was regarded as an atonement for the 
wrong he had suffered.^ 

The government of Lord William Bentinck covers a peace- 
ful era. He remodelled the judicial system ; introduced 
the village revenue settlement into the north-west provinces ; 
reduced the allowances of civil and military officers; and 
employed natives in the public service far more largely than 
had been done by his predecessors. He promoted English 
education amongst the natives, and founded a medical 
college at Calcutta, He laboured hard to introduce steam 
navigation between England and India, vzd the Red Sea. 
He took active measures for suppressing the gangs of 
Thugs, who had strangled and plundered unsuspecting 
travellers in different quarters of India ever since the days 
of Aurangzeb. Above ail he abolished the horrible rite of 
Sati, or burning widows with the remains of their deceased 

^ Lord Amherst left India in February, 182S. Lord William Bentinck 
did not arrive until the following July. During the interval Mr. 
Butterworth Bayley^ the senior member of council, was provisional 
Governor-General. 


Chap. XVII.] 


NON-INTERVENTION : BENTINCK. 


523 


husbands, which had been the curse of India from the a.d. 
earliest dawn of history. Lord William Bentinck thus estab- 1S28-1835 
lished a great reputation for prudence, integrity, and active ~ 
benevolence, which has endured down to our own times. 

The state of affairs in Mai wa and Rajputana was Political 
soon forced on the attention of Lord William Bentinck. 

Lord Hastings had established closer political relations 
with the Mahrattas and Rajpilts, and his measures were Rajpiits. 
i beginning to bear fruit during the administration of Lord 
j Amherst British officers were appointed Residents at 
native courts for the purpose of mediating between con- 
flicting native rulers, and otherwise keeping the peace. 

' They were strictly prohibited from all interference in the 
internal administration ; and each native state was left to 
deal with faction, rebellion, or disputed succession, after its 
own manner. Closer acquaintance, however, showed that 
such extremes of non-intervention were incompatible with 
the duties of the paramount power; and the subsequent 
history of India betrays a necessary conflict between the 
principle and practice, which has continued till the present 
■ ■ day., , ■ ■ ' ' 

At first there was little difficulty as regards the Mahratta Degree of 
states. The policy of non-interference was preached by non-inter- 
the British government ; but the British Residents at 
Gwalior and Indore were occasionally driven to employ states, 
detachments of the Subsidiary Force, or other British troops, 
to suppress mutiny or rebellion, or to root out some dangerous 
outlaw. Daiilat Rao Sindia was weak and impoverished, 
and anxious to meet the wishes of the British .government. 

Mulhar Rao Holkar was a minor, and the provisional 
^ administration was equally as subservient to the British 

^ Resident as that of Sindia. In Nagpore the Resident, Mr. 

Jenkins, was virtually sovereign ; and during the minority 
of the Raja, Mr. Jenkins conducted the administration 
through the agency of native officials in a highly successful 
fashion. Meanwhile the subjects of both Sindia and Holkar 
! regarded the British government as the supreme authority, 

1 to whom alone they could look for redress or security against 
[ the mal -administration of their rulers ; and a Resident often 

1 found it necessary to use his own discretion in the way of 

I remonstrance or expostulation, without infringing the non- 




BRfriSH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

1828-1835 

•Shattered 
condition , 
of Rajput 
states. 


Active in- 
terference 
of Captain 
Tod. 


Wretched 
condition 
of Meywar 
and 

Marwar, 


In !Rajpdtana circumstances were different. Captain 
James Tod, one of the earliest political officers in that 
quarter,^ has left a picture of the country which recalls the 
plots, assassinations, treacheries and superstitions revealed 
in Shakespeare’s tragedy of Macbeth, There was the same 
blind belief in witches and wise women ; the same single 
combats, bloody murders, and flights into foreign territory. 
Every Raj was distracted by feuds ; and the princes and 
chiefs of Rajpiltana had been impoverished by Mahrattas or 
Pindharies just as the old kings of Britain were harassed 
and plundered by the Danes. The Thakurs, or feudatory 
nobles, were as turbulent, lawless, and disaffected as 
the Thanes of Scotland, and often took the field against 
their sovereign, like the Thane of Cawdor, with bands 
of kerns and gallowglasses. Many a kinsman of a 
Maharaja has played the part of Macbeth; whilst Lady 
Macbeths were plentiful in every state in Rajpiltana. The hill 
tribes, including Bhils, Minas, and Mhairs, w^ere as trouble- 
some as the Highland clans ; they made frequent raids on 
peaceful villages, plundered and murdered travellers, and 
found a sure refuge in inaccessible and malarious jungles. 

Captain Tod was endowed with warm sympathies and an 
active imagination. He was distressed at the sight of 
depopulated towns, ruined villages, and pauper courts ; 
and he could not resist the appeals for his personal inter- 
ference which met him on every side. He was charmed 
with the relics of the feudal system which he found in 
Rajpiltana. To him they recalled a picture of Europe 
during the middle ages. One usage especially delighted 
him. Occasionally a princess of Rajpiltana sent him her 
bracelet as a token that she looked to him for protection. 
In other words she claimed his interference as her chosen 
knight, on whom she might rely for succour, but whom she 
was never destined to see. 

The condition of the three leading Rajpilt principalities 
at this period proves the necessity for the interference of 
British authorities. In Meywar (Udaipore), the reigning 
Rana, the acknowledged suzerain of Rajpiltana, was de- 
pendent for his subsistence on the bounty of the ruler of 


^ Afterwards Lieut -Colonel Tod, and author of Annals and Anti- 
quities of Rajasthan, 


Chap. XVII.] NON-INTERVENTION : BENTINCK. 525 

Kotah. In Marwar (Jodhpur), the Mahdraja had for years a.d. 
been feigning insanity, and had abdicated the throne, out of ^^28-1835 
terror of Amir Khan of Tonk; but on the extension of 
British protection to the states of Rajpiltana, he once more 
ascended the throne, and resumed the administration of the 
Raj. Subsequently he quarrelled with his ministers and 
feudatory nobles ; treating them with savage violence, 
putting many to death, and seeking the help of the British 
government to support him in these barbarous proceedings. 

Indeed the endless broils between the rulers of Rajpiitana 
and their refractory Thakurs, have at different intervals 
compelled the British government to interfere for the 
maintenance of the public peace ; and it has often been 
difficult to decide whether to interfere in behalf of a 
tyrannical Raja or in support of oppressed ThakiSrs. 

In Jaipur, which is much nearer British territory, matters Critical 
were even worse than in Marwar. The Raja of Jaipur had condition 
died in 1818, and was succeeded by a posthumous 
son, under the regency of the mother, assisted by the 
minister of the deceased Raja. Then followed a series of 
complications not unfrequent in oriental courts. The 
regent mother had a Jain banker for her paramour, as 
well as other worthless favourites. She squandered the 
revenues of the state on these parasites, and especially 
on . a Guru, who was her religious teacher or adviser. 

She set the minister at defiance, quarrelled with him on 
all occasions, and tried to oust him from his office ; and on 
one occasion there was a bloody conflict within the palace, 
which ended in the slaughter of thirty men. Next she 
prevailed on the Jaipur army to break out in mutiny and 
march to the capital; and there she distributed money 
amongst the rebel soldiery, whilst the minister fled for refuge 
to his jaghir or estate in the country. 

The British government was compelled to interfere by Conflicting 
ordering the Jaipur army to retire from the capital, and councils of 
sending a British officei to effect a settlement of affairs. A Thakurs, 
great council of Thakiirs was summoned to court, and f^ada- 
after much debate and uproar, decided on deposing the 
regent mother, and recalling the absent minister to fill the 
post of regent. Such a measure would have been the best 
possible solution of the existing difficulty, and would 
consequently have been most satisfactory to the British 


526 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

1828-1835 


Political 
adminis- 
tration 
of Lord 
William 
Bentinck, 


Experi- 

mental 

policy,; 


government But such off-hand debates and resolutions, 
however right in their conclusions, and however much in 
accordance with the unwritten traditions of Raj pdts, were 
not in keeping with that passion for order and formality 
which is a deeply rooted instinct in Englishmen. Ac- 
cordingly Sir Charles Metcalfe, the Resident at Delhi, 
proceeded to Jaipur, and convened a second and more 
formal council, and subjected the votes to a careful 
scrutiny. Then it appeared that a small majority had been 
won over to consider the regent mother as the rightful 
ruler of Jaipur. To make matters worse, the regent mother 
insisted upon appointing her paramour to be minister of 
Jaipur, to the scandal of the whole country; and Lord 
Amherst’s government was so pledged to the policy of 
non-intervention, that he declined to interfere, and thus 
left a legacy of difficulties to his successor. 

Such was the state of affairs in Malwa and Rajpdtana 
when Lord William Bentinck assumed the post of Governor- 
General. Like other Anglo-Indian statesmen, before and 
since, he landed in India with a determination to carry out 
a large and liberal scheme of imperial government, which 
v/as based more on the visionary ideal of home philanthro- 
pists, than on a practical acquaintance with the people 
and princes of India. The result was that his conduct of 
political relations with native states was the outcome, not of 
fixed political views, but of a conflict between sentiment 
and reality, during, which his romantic aspirations died out, 
and he was gradually awakened to a sense of the actual 
wants and needs of native feudatories. The political ad- 
ministration of Lord William Bentinck was thus a period of 
probation and enlightenment ; and it might be said of him, 
and perhaps of nearly all his successors, that he was never 
so well fitted for the post of Governor-General of India as 
when he was quitting its shores for ever. 

It should however be borne in mind that at this period 
the policy of the British government towards native states 
was purely experimental. Non-interference was strongly 
advocated by the home authorities, and strictly pursued 
by the new Governor-General ; but at this stage of political 
development native rulers required counsel and discipline 
rather than license. Before the British government became 
the paramount power, native rulers were afraid lest their 


Chap. XVIL] NON-INTERVENTION: BENTINCIC. 


527 


subjects should rebel, and were thus kept to their duties a.d. 
by the law of self-preservation. After the establishment ^35 
of British suzerainty, native rulers found themselves de- ’* ‘ 

prived of their old occupation of predatory war or foreign 
intrigue, and sought consolation in unrestrained self-indul- 
gences. They neglected their legitimate duties, and looked 
to the British government for protection from rebellion. 

On the death of a native ruler, disorders often reached a 
climax, especially if there was a disputed succession, or the 
heir was a minor ; for then queens and ministers intrigued 
against each other for power, and the country was torn by 
faction and civil war. In the end the British government 
was compelled to interfere in almost every case to save the 
state from anarchy and ruin ; whereas, if it had only 
interfered in the first instance, there would have been no 
disorders at all. 

j The progress of affairs in Gwalior, the most important of Gwalior 
the Mahratta states, is a case in point. Daulat Rao Sindia, affairs : 
the same who had been defeated by Wellesley at Assaye, 
died in 1827, leaving no son to succeed him. He had 
been repeatedly advised by the British Resident to adopt a 
son, but he had persistently refused. Latterly he had been 
inclined to give way, but nothing was concluded ; and when 
he was dying he sent for the Resident, and told him to 
settle the future government of the Gwalior principality as 
he might think proper. After his death, his widow, Baiza 
Bai, proposed to adopt a son, and carry on the government 
as queen regent during the minority. But Baiza Baf 
wanted to adopt a boy out of her own family, instead of 
out of Sindians family ; and as this would have been odious 
to the court and camp at Gwalior, and would have probably 
led to serious commotions, the British government refused 
to sanction the measure. Accordingly Baiza Baf adopted 
a son out of Sindians family, known as Jankoji Rao Sindia. ' 

In course of time it appeared that Baiza Baf was bent on Civil war 
becoming queen regent for life, and continuing to govern the stopped by 
state after the young Mahiraja had attained his majority, 

In 1833 Lord William Bentinck proceeded to Gwalior, and ^ 
both the queen regent and the young Maharaja were pre- 
pared to abide by his decision ; but he declined to interfere. 

The result was that a civil war broke out in Gwalior and 
the army took different sides. The young Mahiraj a at the 


528 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III, 



A.I). 

1828-1835 


Out- 
rageous 
proceed- 
ings in 1 
Bundel- 
kund. 


Indore 
affairs : 
civil war 
stopped 
by inter- 
vention, 

1833- 


head of one body of troops besieged the cpeen regent in the 
palace at G'Wfalior. The queen regent escaped from the 
palace, placed herself at the head of another body of troops, 
and marched towards the British Residency. On the way 
the . two armies met, and there would have been a deadly 
collision, had not the British Resident hastened to the spot 
and prevented the conflict by his personal influence. Lord 
William Bentinck was then forced to interfere, and recognise 
the accession of the young Mahdraja to the throne, whilst 
the queen regent was obliged to retire from the scene. Had 
the Governor-General ordered this arrangement during his 
visit at Gwalior all these disorders would have been averted. 

In 1833 there was another complication at Indore. 
Mulhar Rao Holkar died, and left no son to succeed him. 
His widow adopted a son, and proposedj as in the case 
of Sindia, to carry on the administration as queen regent 
during the minority; and the British government recog- 
nised the arrangement. Another claimant next appeared 
in the person of a collateral kinsman of mature years, 
named Hari Rao Holkar, who was supported by the general 
voice of the country. Lord William Bentinck might have 
settled the dispute by a word, but again he declined to 
interfere. A civil war broke out in Indore, and at last 
Lord William Bentinck was forced to put an end to the 
anarchy by persuading the queen regent to retire from the 
contest with her adopted son, and sending a British force to 
the capital to place Hari Rao on the throne of Holkar. 

Matters were even worse in the petty states of Bundel- 
kund, to the eastward of Malwa. A Raja of Sumpthur 
died, leaving twcy queens or R^nis ; the elder was childless, 
but the younger had an infant son. The son was placed 
upon the throne, and the younger R£ni became regent- 
mother. Then followed a fierce contest as to who should 
be appointed manager. The minister of the deceased Raja 
would have been the best man for the post, but other candi- 
dates were put forward by the rival queens, and the British 
government declined to interfere. The ex-minister fled to 
his estate, but was attacked by a body of troops belonging 
to the regent-mother. Finding his affairs desperate, he 
placed his women and children on a funeral pile built over 
a mine of gunpowder; he then destroyed them ail in a 
terrific explosion, and rushed out and perished with his 


I 


Chap. XVIL] 


NON-INTERVENTION: BENTINCK. 


529 


adherents, sword in hand. Lord William Bentinck decided a.i). 
that the regent-mother was responsible for the catastrophe, 1S28-1835 
and still declined to interfere. - 

In Rajpiltana the policy of non-intervention brought forth Distrac- 
equally bitter fruits. Meywar and Marwar were distracted in 
by broils between the rulers and their feudatory nobles. In 
1828 the Rana of Meywar died, and seven queens and a 
concubine perished on his funeral pile. 

In Jaipur, where the regent-mother had appointed her Jaipur 
paramour to be minister, there was another tragedy.^ The affairs ; 
young Maharaja reached his majority, but the regent-mother, 
and her paramour Jhota Ram, still remained in power, and gentinck 
the country was in a state of anarchy. In spite of ap- declines to 
peals from the natives, Lord William Bentinck refused to interfere, 
interpose the authority of the British government for the 
prevention of disorders. In 1832 Lord William Bentinck 
went on a tour to the upper provinces, and had an inter- 
view with Jhota Ram at Agra; but he was persuaded 
by the artful minister that it was the British authorities 
that were to blame, and not the Jaipur government, and 
accordingly he still declined to interfere. 

In 1834 the regent-mother died, after keeping Jaipur in Poisoning 
a state of turmoil for sixteen years. Shortly after her^f i-heMa- 
death the young Mahdraja died under most suspicious 
circumstances, and all the leading people in Jaipur were 
convinced that the prince had been poisoned by Jhota Ram. 

Indeed Jhota Ram found the minds of the Thakiirs so 
inflamed against him, that he was forced to tender his 
resignation. 

At this crisis Major Alves, agent for the Governor- Murderof 
General in Rajpiitana, and his assistant, Mr. Blake, pro- Blake; 
ceeded to Jaipur, and were only just in time to prevent 3 * tionaS* 
bloody contest between Jhota Ram and the Thakiirs. ^ran- 
The ex-minister was ordered to remove to a distance from quillity. 
the capital ; and there he concocted a scheme of revenge. 

In June, 1835, after a morning attendance at the durbar, 
the two English oflicers were attacked in the streets of 
Jaipur by assassins who had been hired by Jhota Ram. 

Major Alves was severely wounded, and Mr. Blake was 
barbarously murdered. A judicial inquiry was held, and 
the offenders were convicted and suitably punished. An 
1 p. 525. 


530 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A.P. infant son of the deceased Maharaja was placed upon the 
throne, and a British officer was appointed to conduct the 
administration ; and the country was rapidly brought to 
a state of peace and prosperity. 

Lord But whilst Lord William Bentinck was so lenient towards 

William Rajpdt states, he felt deeply the serious 

thmatei^ responsibilities incurred by the British government in 
the lung perpetuating misrule in Oude. He could not shut his eyes 
of Oude. to the growing anarchy of the TaMkdars ; the abomin- 
able oppressions practised on the Ryots ; the lawlessness of 
the Oude soldiery ; and the weakness and debaucheries 
of successive rulers, who chose to call themselves kings. 
He felt that so long as the British government continued to 
maintain a helpless and depraved king upon the throne, it 
was morally responsible for the evils of the maladministra- 
tion. In 1831 Lord William Bentinck threatened the king 
of Oude that the British government would take over the 
management of the country unless he reformed the ad- 
ministration. Subsequently the Court of Directors author- 
ised the Governor-General to assume the government of 
Oude 5 but by this time Lord William Bentinck was 
about to leave India, and he contented himself with giving 
the king a parting warning. 

Interven- In two other territories, Coorg and Mysore, Lord William 
tion : Bentinck was compelled to interfere; but in order to ap- 

Coorg and prehend the force of his measures it will be necessary to 
ysore. j^yiew the history of the two countries. 

Isolation Coorg is a little alpine region between Mysore and Mala- 
of Coorg. bar ; a land of hills, forests, ravines, and heavy rains ; 

abounding in wild elephants and different kinds of game, 
and enclosing valleys covered wuth cultivation. On three 
sides it is walled off from its neighbours by stupendous 
mountains; on the fourth side by dense and tangled 
jungles. 

Warlike The people of Coorg are hardy, athletic, and warlike ; 

clinging to their homes of mist and mountain with the de- 
votion of highlanders. One fourth of the population are 
Coorgs properly so-called — a warrior caste, the lords of the 
soil. The remaining three-fourths are low castes, who were 
serfs or slaves under Hindu rule, but have since become 
free labourers. , ' 


^ See ante, p. note. 



Chap, XVII.] 


NON-INTERVENTION: BENTINCK. 


53 ^ 


The Coorg Raj was founded in the sixteenth century by a.i>. 
a holy man, who migrated from Ikkeri during the breaking ^^28-1835 
up of the Hindu empire of Vijayanagar, and established a Relics 
spiritual ascendency in Coorg which grew into a temporal origin of 
sovereignty.^ He collected shares of grain from the villages the Raj. 
round about, and founded a dynasty known as the Vira 
Rajas. 

For nearly two centuries nothing is known of the Vira Aggres- 
Rajas. In the eighteenth century Hyder Ali became sions of 
sovereign of Mysore, conquered Malabar, and demanded 
tribute from the reigning Vira Raja of Coorg. Payment ° ^ - 

was refused; Mysore troops marched into the country; 
mountains, ravines, and forests presented insurmountable 
difficulties; and the Coorgs offered a brave and bloody 
resistance. Hyder Ali achieved a partial success by cap- 
turing two or three fortresses ; by deporting some of the 
inhabitants, and giving their lands to Muhammadans; and 
also by imprisoning and murdering several members of the 
reigning family. 

After the death of Hyder Ali his son Tippu tried to Aggres- 
destroy the independence of Coorg, and bring it under the of 
Muhammadan yoke; but in every case the invaders were 
slaughtered or driven back ; and whenever a Raja was slain, Kaja^ins 
the Coorgs set up the eldest surviving prince as their Raja, the' , 
The new Vira Raja was then carried away captive into English. 
Mysore ; but after four years he escaped back to Coorg and 
renewed the old struggle. During the wars against Tippu 
he was the staunch ally of the English, but plundered the 
Mysore villages with much cruelty and barbarity. After the 
downfall of Seringapatam in 1799, was relieved from 
tribute, but sent an elephant every year to the British 
authorities in acknowledgment of fealty. 

For many years the British government abstained from Non-inter- 
all interference in Coorg. The country was remote, inac- mention, 
cessible, and uninviting. The Raja was loud in professions 
of loyalty and gratitude; anxious to stand well whth the 
British authorities, and hospitable to the few officials who 
visited his country, entertaining them with field sports, 
animal fights, and other amusements of a like character. 

A picture of Ikkeri about this period is furnished by Della Valle. 

See p, n 2. The foundation of cities and kingdoms by holy men 
is a common incident in Hindu tradition. 


MM 2 


532 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part 111 


a.d. In 1807 the Vira Raja lost his favourite wife. She left 
1828-1835 

no son, but several daughters; and the Vira Raja was 
BritislT anxious that a daughter should succeed him on the throne 

interfer- of Coorg, to the exclusion of his two brothers. Accord- 

euce in the ingly he begged the British authorities to sanction the 
succeasion. arrangement. The English at Madras had no objection- 
they cared nothing about the Coorg succession ; they sup- 
posed that the Raja might do as he liked, and that he only 
asked their permission out of loyal subserviency to the 
British government. Accordingly the Madras government 
acquiesced as a matter of course. Years afterwards it was 
discovered that the succession of a daughter to the exclu- 
sion of a brother was contrary to the laws and usages of 
Coorg; and that the Vira Raja had requested the sanction 
of the British government in order that he might violate 
the long-established customs of his own country. 

Madness Meanwhile the Raja had fits of insanity. He was suspi- 
of the cious, morose, and bloodthirsty. He was in constant dread 
• of assassination, and ordered frequent executions during his 
executions outbreaks. He beheaded his elder brother to secure 

* the succession of his daughter ; and he would have beheaded 
his younger brother Lingaraja in like manner, but the latter 
abjured the throne, and devoted himself to a life of sanc- 
tity, and was generally regarded as stupid and imbecile. 
Reign of In 1809 the Vira Raja died, and was succeeded by his 
Ivingaraja, daughter, whilst her husband became minister. Subse- 
i 8 h -2 o . quently his younger brother, Lingaraja, appeared upon the 
scene, and showed himself in his true colours. The dull- 
witted devotee turned out to be an extremely crafty and cruel 
individual. He forced the husband to retire from the post 
of minister, and took the government of Coorg into his 
hands ; and he then placed his niece in prison, and gave 
out that she had abdicated the throne. There was no one 
to interfere, and Lingaraja became ruler of Coorg. 

But Lingaraja was in morbid fear of the British authorities. 
He was guilty of the most cold-blooded cruelties, but took 

^ Sir LeMn Bowring, the late Chief Commissioner of Mysore, states 
that the Coorg Raja put hundreds of his subjects to death in his mad 
fits of passion. He expi'esses an opinion, in which most students in 
Asiatic history will concur, that a brave people, like the Coorgs, would 
never have submitted to the tyranny and barbarity of the Vira Rajas, 
but for a belief in their divine right or origin. Bowring’s Eastern 
Experiences, 


Chap,- XVIL] ' NON-INTERVENTION : BENTINCK. 533 

every precaution to prevent their getting wind. He allowed a.b, 
none of his subjects to leave Coorg; he surrounded every 1S28-1835 
British officer who visited his territories with guards and 
spies ; and constructed stockades and defences in the 
passes leading into his country in order to shut out any 
force that might be sent to coerce or dethrone him. He 
died in 1820, and was succeeded by a son named Chikka 
Vira Raja. 

For the space of fourteen years the reign of Chikka Vira Reign of 
Raja was a series of frightful barbarities. He murdered all who ^^^kka ^ 
had offended him, including all his relatives, old and young, 
male and female. None were saved excepting his own wives cruel ' 
and children, and a married sister who fled from his violence butcheries, 
into British territory. Many were shot with his own hands 
in the courtyard of the palace. Others were dragged out 
of the palace at night and beheaded in the jungle. His 
depravity was worse than his butchery; but that was 
confined to the recesses of his zenana. 

At last the atrocities of the Coorg Raja were noised Warnings: 
abroad- and the Raja was told that the British government declares 
would no longer permit him to perpetrate such merciless 
massacres. In reply he asserted that he was an indepen- 
dent Raja, and demanded the surrender of his sister and 
her husband ; and when this was refused he declared war 
against the British government. 

In 1834 the career of Chikka Vira Raja was brought to Flight and 
a close. A British force was marched into Coorg. The surrender 
country was difficult of access, and the Coorgs fought with 
all the valour of their race ; but the Raja was as cowardly 
as he was cruel, and fled to the jungle and committed more 
murders. The dead body of his minister was found hang- 
ing from a tree ; but whether he was hanged by the Raja, 
or hanged himself to escape punishment, is unknown to 
this day. The Raja surrendered to the British authorities, 
and laid all the murders at the door of his dead minister. 

Lord William Bentinck, with his characteristic predilec- Preference 
tion for Hindu rulers, was anxious that the leading men of the 
of Coorg should choose a Raja for themselves. 
people of Coorg, without a dissentient voice, declared their rule.^^ 
preference for the government of the East India Company ; 
but they stipulated that the Raja should be sent away from 
Coorg, and never allowed to return, as otherwise they would 


534 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A.D. 

1828' 1835 


Mysore 
affairs : 
resuscita- 
tion of the 
i extinct 


Purnea,the 
[{I' Brahman 

I; minister, 

1799-1811. 


'I 



feel bound to obey Mm.^ Accordingly Chikka Vira Raja 
was removed to Benares, and afterwards allowed to visit 
England ; and Lord William Bentinck was reluctantly 
obliged to annex the territory of Coorg to the British 
dominions, “ in consideration of the unanimous wish of the 
people.” 

Mysore was a more important country than Coorg. After 
the downfall of Tippu in 1799, a child of the extinct Hindu 
dynasty was placed on the throne of Mysore ; whilst a 
Brahman, named Purnea, conducted the administration 
under the supervision of an English Resident.^ The boy 
was named Krishnaraj. He was not » heir to the Raj, but 
only a child of the family ; and he owed his elevation 
entirely to the favour or policy of the British government. 
Accordingly, in order to give him a show of right, he 
was formally adopted by the widows of the last two 
Rajas of the dynasty. 

Purnea was a Brahman of experience and capacity. For 
years he had been the minister of Tippu, and he soon won 
the confidence of the English Resident at Mysore. He was 
courteous, dignified, industrious, and careful to keep every- 
thing unpleasant out of sight. Successive English Residents, 
—Barry Close, Mark Wilks, and John Malcolm, — were 
more orientalised than political officers of the modern 
school, more isolated from Europeans, and more dependent 

^ The people of Coorg insisted on another condition, namely, that 
no cows should be killed in Coorg. Indeed, all Plindus, whose feelings 
have not been blunted by association with Muhammadans or Europeans, 
regard the slaughter of a cow with the same horror that they would the 
murder of a mother. Some authorities have cavilled at this stipulation 
as a concession to Hindu prejudices; and Sir John Malcolm refused 
to concede it to Daulat Rao S India after the victories of Assaye and 
Argauni. But the two cases were altogether different. Sindia was not 
in a position to demand such a concession ; and setting aside all other 
considerations, it would have been most impolitic to have admitted it. 
Moreover, the people of Hindustan had been subjected for ages to 
Mubamntadan dominion. On the other hand the acquisition of Coorg 
by the English was of the nature of a compact. The concession was 
restricted to a little secluded territory sixty miles long and forty broad, 
which had never been conquered by the Muhammadans. Above ail, 
the .stipulation is no breach of morality or decency, although it may be 
inconvenient to Europeans. If the Hindus of Coorg had claimed the 
right to burn living widows, or to display obscene symbols on idol cars, 
the case would have been different. 

2 See pp, 407, 414, 



NON-INTERVENTION ; BENTINCK. 


535 


^ Chap. XVII.] 

on natives. They were well versed in native character, and a.d 
more considerate as regards native ways. They did not 1S2S-1835 
expect too much from Brahman administrators 3 judging ™ 
them by oriental rather than by European standards 3 and 
content to let things alone so long as there were no out- 
breaks, no brigands, and a good surplus in the public 
treasury. Accordingly things went on smoothly between 
the Resident and the Brahman 3 and as Purnea accumu- 
lated large sums in the public treasury, he was lauded to the 
Jr skies as a minister wwlliy of Akbar. 

1 But Purnea was a Mahratta Brahman of the old Peishwa Pumea 

; type, who considered that Brahmans should govern to 

; kingdoms whilst Rajas enjoyed themselves. He was peishwa 
willing that Krishnaraj should be a symbol of sovereignty, 
and show himself on state occasions to receive the homage 
: of his subjects 3 but he was bent on making the Raja of 

; Mysore a puppet like th^ first Mahdraja of Satara, whilst he 

perpetuated his own power as minister and sole ruler, 
i In 18 1 1 Krishnaraj attained his sixteenth year, and pro- Kiishnaraj 

posed to undertake the government of Mysore. The British 
I authorities had no objection 3 but Purnea was exasperated p^^aea. 

I at the threatened loss of power, and so far forgot him- 

self as to use strong language. Resistance however was 
out of the question. The Raja was placed at the head of 
affairs, and Purnea resigned himself to his fate, retired from 
his post, and died shortly afterwards. 

The government of Mysore ought never to have been Ruinous 
I entrusted to a boy, without, some controlling authority^ proflij^acy 

I Krishnaraj was a polished young prince of courtly manners, ^ 

but he had less knowledge of the world than an English 
charity boy. He was imbued with a strong taste for oriental 
<1 pleasures and vices, and there was no one to say him nay. 

From his infancy he had been surrounded by obsequious 
flatterers, who were his willing slaves. The result might 
have been foreseen. Within three years the English Resi- 
.j dent reported that the accumulations of Purnea, estimated 
at seven millions sterling, had already been squandered on 
priests and parasites. Later on he reported that the 
finances were in utter disorder. The pay of the army was 
in arrears, and the Raja was raising money by the sale of 
offices and monopolies. Worst of all the public revenues 
were alienated 3 the lands were let to the highest bidders, 

f 


536 


BRITISH INDIA, 


A,D. 

1828-1835 

Fruitless 

warnings. 


Rebellion 

and 

deposition 


Vacilla- 
tions of 
Lord 
William 
Bentinck. 


[Part IIL 

and the lessees were left to extort what they could from 
the cultivators, whilst the Raja continued his wasteful 
expenditure on vicious indulgences and riotous living. 

Had the Raja been seriously warned in time that he 

would be deposed from his sovereignty unless he mended his 

ways, he would probably have turned over a new leaf. But 
non-intervention proved his ruin. The English Resident 
advised him to reform his administration, but he used soft 
and conciliatory tones which were lost upon the Raia. 
Matters grew worse and rebukes became louder, until at 
last the Raja was case-hardened. The once famous Sir 
Thomas Munro, the governor of Madras, solemnly pointed 
out the coming danger to the Raja ; but he might as well 
have preached to the winds. Nothing was done, and the 
warnings became a farce. The Raja promised everythin®’ 
whilst the Resident was present ; but when the Resident's 
back was turned, he thrust his tongue into his cheek for the 
amusement of his courtiers. 

In 1830 the people of Mysore broke out in rebellion 
and the British government was compelled to send a force 
to suppress it. It would be tedious to dwell on the military 
operations, or the political controversies that followed. In 
the end the administration of Mysore was transferred to Eng- 
lish officers under the supervision of the English Resident • 
whilst the Raja was removed from the government, and 
pensioned off, like the Tanjore Raja, on an annual stipend 
of thirty-five thousand pounds, and a fifth share of the net 
revenues of Mysore. 

But Lord William Bentinck was still anxious to perpetuate 
Hindu rule in Mysore. He proposed to restore the govern- 
ment to the Raja under a new set of restrictions j but the 
home authorities negatived _ the proposal; and indeed it 
would probably have ended in the same kind of explosion 
as that which extinguished the Mahratta Peishwa. He also 
contemplated a restoration of the old status of an English 
Resident and a Brahman minister ; but Purnea’s administra- 
tion would not bear investigation. It had been cruel and 
oppressive ; and the native officials under him had exacted 
revenue by methods which were revolting to civilised ideas ^ 
Accordingly Lord William Bentinck left matters to drift on - 


^ See ante, p. 414. 


Ghap. XVII.] NON-INTERVENTION: BENTINCK. 


537 


and a few years afterwards the English Resident was turned a.d. 
into a Commissioner, and Mysore became a British province ^^28-1835 
in everything except the name. Meanwhile Mysore rose ' 
to a high pitch of prosperity ; the people were contented 
and happy ; and the yearly revenues of the province rose 
from four hundred thousand pounds to more than a million 
sterling. 

In one other direction the -administration of Lord William Renewal 
Bentinck is an epoch in the history of India. It saw the of the 
renewal of the charter of the late East India Company in 
1833. Henceforth the Coiiipany withdrew from all com- 
mercial transactions ; and the right of Europeans to reside 1833. ’ 
in India, and acquire possession of lands, was established 
bylaw. 

Lord William Bentinck retired from the post of Governor- Political 
General, and embarked for England in March 1835, after adminis- 
having held the reins of government for nearly eight years. 
Whatever may have been his shortcomings in his deal- 
iiig with native states, there can be no question as to tinck. 
the purity of his motives, his sincere anxiety for the wel- 
fare of the princes and people of India, and the general 
success; of his administration of the British Indian 
empire. His financial and judicial reforms are forgotten 
now, although their results have largely contributed to the 
well-being of the masses; but in other respects, the mate- 
rial prosperity of the empire dates from the administration 
of Lord William Bentinck. The acquisition of Cachar and 
Aman, between Bengal and Burma, during the first Burmese 
war, was followed by the cultivation of tea, which has 
already assumed proportions which would have appeared 
incredible in a past generation, and ought to increase the 
domestic comfort of every cottage throughout the British 
dominion. But the most memorable act in his administra- 
tion was the abolition of suttee. This horrible rite, which 
had been practised in India from a remote antiquity, and 
had been known to Europe ever since the days of Alexander, 
was prohibited by law throughout British territories in the 
teeth of dismal forebodings and prejudiced posterity; and 
not only has the abolition been carried out with comparative 
ease, but it has recommended itself to the moral sense of 
the whole Hindu community of India, In the present day, 
whilst the education of females is still looked upon with 


S3S 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III, 


a.d. distrust, and the attempts to put an end to female infanticide 
^35 are distasteful in many quarters, every Hindu of ordinary 
education and intelligence rejoices in his heart that the 
burning of living widows with their deceased husbands is an 
abomination that has passed away. 

Sir Charles ' In 1835 Lord William Bentinck was succeeded by Sir 
Metcalfe, Charles Metcalfe as Governor-General of India. Sir Charles, 
Governor- afterwards Lord Metcalfe, was one of the ablest and most 
experienced civil servants of the late Company; but his 
‘ administration was only provisional, and, beyond repealing 
the regulations which fettered the liberty of the press, it 
occupies but a small space in history. It was brought to a 
close in March 1836 by the arrival of Lord Auckland. 


Peace and 
war 

decades. 



The present chapter brings a decade of peace to a close. 
It began at the end of the Burmese war in 1826, and ended 
in 1836, when dark clouds were beginning to gather on the 
north-west. The war decade begins with the outbreak of 
hostilities beyond the Indus in 1839, and ends with the 
conquest of the Sikhs and annexation of the Punjab in 
1849. 

The administration of Lord Auckland opens up a new 
era in the history of India. In the beginning of the century 
the Marquis of Wellesley had deemed it a peremptory duty to 
guard India against the approaches of France and the first 
Napoleon. In the second quarter of the same century 
Lord Auckland’s government took alarm at the extension of 
Russian power and influence in Central Asia ; and this 
alarm found expression in the first Afghan war. Before, 
however, dealing with the preliminary operations in 
Kandahar and Kabul, it may be as well to devote a pre- 
liminary chapter to the current of events in Central Asia 
and the previous history of the Afghans, 


CHAPTER XVIII. 


CENTRAL ASIA : AFGHAN HISTORY. 

A.D. 1747 TO 1838. 

During the eighteenth century and first quarter of the . a.d.^ 
nineteenth, Central Asia was a neutral and little-known 1747*1838 
region; the homes ofUsbegs and Afghans; isolated from 
the outer world by desert and mountain ; but environed more Asia/ 
and more closely, as time went on, by the four great Asiatic 
empires of Persia, Russia, China, and British India. 

Roughly speaking, the country northward of the river Usbeg 
Oxus is occupied by Usbegs ; whilst that to the south is 
occupied by Afghans. The Usbegs to the northward of 
the Oxus may be divided into the dwellers in towns, or Oxus. 
Usbegs proper, and the nomads of the desert, better known 
as Turkomans. In modern times the Usbeg dominion has 
been parcelled out into the three kingdoms of Khiva, 

Bokhara and Khokand, which may be described as three 
semi-civilised oases in the barbarous desert of Turkomans. 

Ever since the reign of Peter the Great in the beginning Russian 
of the eighteenth century, Russia has been extending her 
empire southwards over the Kirghiz steppes which sepa- 
rate her from the Usbegs. These steppes are occupied by ** 
the three great tribes of nomads, known as the little 
horde, the middle horde, and the great horde. Gradually, 
by a policy of protection followed by that of incorporation, 
these rude hordes of nomads were brought under Russian 
subjection ; and when Lord Auckland landed in India the 
tide of Russian infiuence appeared to be approaching the 
three Usbeg kingdoms of Khiva, Bokhara, and Khokand. 


54 ° 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. «| 

! 

a.d. Meanwhile the British government had not been unmind- i 

» 747 -i 838 ful of the progress of afiairs in Afghanistan to the south- ^ 

Afo-han of the Oxus. This region is distributed into four 

dominion provinces, each having a city of the same name, correspond- 
south of ing to the four points of the compass. Kdbul is on the 
the Oxus. north, Kandahar on the south, Peshawar on the east, and 
Herdt on the west Sometimes, but very rarely, these 
provinces have been formed into a single empire having its 
capital at K^bul. At all other times they have been parcelled 
out under different rulers, — sons, brothers, or other kinsmen 
of the suzerain at Kabul, but often independent of his 
authority. In the centre is the ancient city of Ghazni, the 
half-way house between Kandahar and Kdbul, and the 
frontier fortress to Kdbul proper on the side of Kandahar, 
Mountains Afghanistan is a region of rugged mountains and elevated 
pd val- valleys. The Hindu Kush, which forms the western end of 
Himalayas, throws off towards the south-west a series of 
taif mountain ranges, which bound Kabul on the north, and then 
run in a westerly direction towards Her£t, under the names 
of Koh-i-Baba and .Siah Koh. Indeed the whole region 
may be described as a star of valleys, radiating round the 
stupendous peaks of Koh-i-Baba in the centre of the 
Afghan country, which are clad with pines and capped 
with snow. The valleys and glens are watered by number- 
less mountain streams, and are profusely rich in vegetable 
productions, especially fruits and cereals.^ The lower slopes 
throw out spurs which are bleak and bare, and have an outer 
margin of barren or desert territory. ^ The population of 

^ Afghanistan produces wheat, barley, maize, millet and i*ice ; also 
cotton, tobacco, and castor-oil. It is famous for the culture of fruits, 
including apples, pears, almonds, apricots, quinces, plums, cherries, i 
pomegranates, limes, citrons, grapes, figs and mulberries. All of these 
fruits, both fresh and dried, are exported to Hindustan in immense 
quantities, and are the main staple of the country. Horses and wool 
are also exported to Bombay. 

^ The heights of Koh-i-Baba bear traces of a remote antiquity. 

They include the rock fortress of Zohak, the demon king of Arabia, 
who is celebrated in the Shah Namah. They also include the valley 
of Bamean on the north of Kabul, with huge colossal statues and temple 
caves; the relics of the old Buddhist faith which was driven out of 
Kabul by the advance of Islam under the Khalifs of Damascus and 
Bagdad. 

The Siah Koh includes the mountain fortress of Ghor, which gave 
its name to a dynasty of Afghan conquerors of Hindustan, which was 




] 


Chap. XVIIL] CENTRAL ASIA ; AFGHAN HISTORY. 541 

Afghanistan is about five millions, but only about half can a d.^ 
be reckoned as Afghans. 

In 1836 the Afghans were separated from British 
territories by the empire of Runjeet Singh in the Punjab; andSinde. 
and also by the dominions of the Amfrs of Sinde on the 
lower Indus. But Afghanistan had always been the high- 
way for armies invading India ; for Assyrian, Persian, and 
Greek in ancient times, and for Turk, Afghan, and Moghul 
in a later age. In the earlier years of the present century, 
as already related, missions were sent by the British 
government to form defensive alliances with the Amir 
of Kdbul and the Shah of Persia against the supposed 
designs of the first Napoleon. 

The Afghans ate Muhammadans of the Sunnf faith ; they The 
reverence the first four Khalifs, and have no particular Afghan 
veneration for the prophet Ali. They are split up into 
tribes, clans, and families, each under its own head, com- 
mander, or Sirdar ; and they are often at war or feud, and 
often engaged in conspiracies, rebellions, and assassinations. 

They are tall, burly, active men, with olive complexions, 
dark Jewish features, black eyes, and long black hair hang- 
ing down in curls. Their countenances are calm, and they 
affect a frankness and bon-hommie ; they will sometimes 
indulge in a rude jocularity ; but their expression is savage, 
and evil passions are often raging in their hearts like 
hidden fires. They are bloodthirsty, deceitful, and de- 
praved; ready to sell their country, their honour, and their 
very souls for lucre. They care for nothing but fighting 
and loot ; delighting in the din of arms, the turmoil of 
battle, and the plunder of the killed and wounded ; without 
any relish for home life or domestic ties ; without a sting of 
remorse or a sense of shame. There are no people on 
earth that have a finer physique or a viler morale. They are 
the relics of a nation who have played out their parts in 
history. In bygone ages they conquered Hindustan on the 
one side and Persia on the other; but the conquering ‘ 
instinct has died away amidst the incessant discord of 
family feuds and domestic broils. 

In olden time there were fierce contentions between 

founded in the twelfth century of the Christian era. The same name 
reappears in Gour, the ancient capital of Bengal, which is now a heap 
of ruins. Stt ante, pp. 771080* 


542 


BRITISH INDIA. 


II’Afix III 


i 


'■A.'D. 

I747-I83S 

Abdalis 

and 

Gliilzais, 


Duranis 
and Baruk- 
zais. 


Death of 

Nadir 

Shah, 

J747: 

Afghans 

return to 

Kandahar. 



Abdalis and Ghilzais. The Abdalis were descended from 
the sons of a wife, and the Ghilzais from the sons of a con- 
cubine. Accordingly the Abdalis declared that they alone 
were the true Afghans, and that the Ghilzais were an illegi- 
timate offspring. It was a later version of the old feud 
between Sarah and Hagar, between the children of Isaac 
and the children of Ishmael. Ultimately the Abdalis 
got the uppermost, and the Ghilzais took refuge in the 
mountains. 

The Abdalis are pure Afghans ; legitimate and orthodox. 
In ancient times there was a distinguished offshoot, known 
as the tribe of Barukzais. In modern times the Abdalis 
have been known as Dilranis ; and a distinction has grown 
up between the Ddranis and the Barukzais. The origin of 
this distinction is unknown, but the rivalry between the two 
is the key to Afghan history. The dynasty of Ahmad Shah 
Abdali was known as the Ddrani Shahs ; ^ their hereditary 
ministers were heads of the Barukzai tribe ; and Afghan 
history has culminated in modern times in the transfer of 
the sovereignty from the Shah to the minister, from the 
Ddrani to the Barukzai.^ 

The modern history of the Afghans begins with the 
assassination of Nadir Shah in 1747. This Gatastroplie 
convulsed Asia like the sudden death of Alexander the 
Great at Babylon twent}^-two centuries ago. The overgrown 
Persian empire was broken up, and there were bloody wars 
for the fragments. The Afghan Sirdars and their several 
contingents left the Persian army, and went to Kandahar to 
choose a Shah for themselves, who should be a king in his 
own right, and owe no allegiance to the Persian or the 
Moghul. 

The Afghans could not agree aboitt a Shah. The Sirdars 
quarrelled and wrangled according to their wont. Some 

^ Ferrier says that the name of Diiranl was given to the Abdalis 
by Ahmad Shah Abdali on his accession to the throne in 1747 ; but the 
name may have had a still earlier origin. Both Duranis and Barukzais 
were originally included under the name of Abdalis. 

® There are more intricacies of clans and tribes, which would only 
bewilder general' readers. Thus the hereditary ministers, described 
hereafter as Barukzais, were, properly speaking, Moharaedzais, the 
most distinguished branch of the Bamkzais. The Mohamedzais com- 
prised about four or five thousand families, whilst the Barukzais num- 
bered fifty thousand families. 


Chap. XVIIL] CENTRAL ASIA; AFGHAN HISTORY. 


543 


called out for Ahmad Khan, the chief of the Ddranfs ; a.d. 
others called out for Jemal Khan, the chief of the Barukzais ; ^747-1^38 
but in their hearts every Sirdar wanted to be the Shah. At q£ 

last a holy Dervish called out amidst the uproar, “ God has Ahmad 
made Ahmad Khan the greatest man amongst you ! ” And Shah: 
he twisted barley stalks into a wreath and placed it on the coronation 
head of Ahmad Khan. Then Jemal Khan hailed Kandahar 

Khan as Shah ;^ and the people carried Ahmad Khan to 
the great mosque at Kandahar ; and the chief Miilla poured 
a measure of wheat upon his head, and proclaimed that he 
was the chosen of God and the Afghans. So Ahmad Khan 
Ddrani became Shah of Kandahar, and Jemal Khan 
Barukzai was the greatest man in the kingdom next the 
Shah. . 

All this while Kdbul was held by certain Persian families, Surrender 
who were known as Kuzzilbashes, or Red-caps ; ” for when Kabul 
Nadir Shah was alive he placed the Persian ‘‘ Red-caps in 
the fortress of Bala Hissar,^ to hold the city of Kdbul i^ashes. 
against the Afghans. The Kuzzilbashes are Shiahs, whilst 
the Afghans are Sunnis ; nevertheless Ahmad Shah made 
a league with the Red caps,’' and they opened their 
gates to him, and he became Shah of Kabul as well as of 
Kandahar. Henceforth Ahmad Khan spent the- spring and 
summer at the city of Kdbul, and the autumn and winter 
at the city of Kandahar. 

Ahmad Shah treated his Sirdars as friends and equals, but Glorious 
he showed the greatest kindness to Jemal Khan. He kept 
the Afghans constantly at war, so that no one cared to con- 
spire against him. He conquered all Afghanistan to the D^irani, 
banks of the Oxus; all Herdt and Khorassan ; all Kashmir i747'73. 
and the Punjab as far as the Himalayas j and all Sinde and 
Beluchistan to the shores of the Indian Ocean. He in- 
vaded Hindustan, captured Delhi, and re-established the 
sovereignty of the Great Moghul.^ He gave his Sirdars 
governments and commands in the countries he conquered; 
and they lived in great wealth and honpur, and 'were faithful 

^ Shah signifies ** king,”' and Mirza signifies ‘‘prince,” or son of 
the Shah. 

“ The Bala Hissar, or“ palace of kings,” has been the scene of 
many a revolution and massacre. At this moment (November, 1879,) 
it is being destroyed by the British army, 

3 See pp. 338, 347. 



BRITISH INDIA, 


[Part HI. 


a.d.^ to him all his days. He died ia 1773, being the year after 
1 747” Warren Hastings was made Governor of Bengal, 

FliStof Ahmad Shah left eight sons, but he set aside his first-born, 
the tost- and named his second son Timur Mirza to be his successor 
born. on the throne. The first-born was proclaimed Shah at 
Kandahar, but Timdr marched an army against him ; and 
all the chief men on the side of the first-born deserted his 
cause and went over to Timdr, but Timur beheaded them 
on the spot lest they should prove to be spies. Tl^en the 
first-born fled into exile, and Timiir Shah sat on the throne 
of his father, Ahmad Shah. 

Timur Timur Shah gave commands and honours to his Sirdars, 
Shah, and heaped rewards on the head of Payendah Khan, the son 
1773-93- of Jemal Khan, who succeeded his father as hereditary chief 
of the Barukzais. But the Sirdars thwarted the new Shah, 
and wanted to be his masters ; and he abandoned himself to 
his pleasures and put his trust in the Kuzzilbashes. 

Disaffec- At this time the people of Balkh to the northward of 
tionin Kdbul were insolent and unruly.^ They affronted every 

Balkh. governor that Timur Shah put over them, and refused to 

pay taxes; and at last no Sirdar would accept the govern- 
ment. So the matter became a jest amongst the Afghans ; 
and monkeys were taught to howl with grief, and throw dust 
upon their heads, whenever one of them was offered the 
government of Balkh. 

Revolt at Meanwhile there were troubles in the Punjab and Sinde ; 
Peshawar.: and Timiir Shah went to Peshawar with his army of Kuzzil- 
1?^^ them down. One afternoon the Shah was 
habitants" t^ihing his siesta in the fortress at Peshawar, and the Kuzzii- 
bashes were slumbering outside the walls, when a company 
of armed conspirators got in by treachery, and sought to 
murder him. Timfir Shah heard the tumult, and ran into a 
tower and barred the gateway. He then hastened to the top 
of the tower, and shouted to the Kuzzilbashes below, and 
unfolded his long Kashmir turban, and waved it from the 
battlements. The Ked-caps awoke just in time. The 
conspirators were breaking into the tower when they were 
assailed and cut to pieces. ' The leader of the conspiracy 


1 Balkh is a fertile but little known territory to the northward of 
Kabul, between the so-called Himalayas (Koh-i-Baba) and the Oxus. It 
was the Baktria of Herodotus. The beautiful Roxana, whom Alexander 
•was a daughter of the king of Baktria. 


Chap. XVIIL] CENTRAL ASIA ; AFGHAN HISTORY. 5^5 

escaped to the mountains, but was cajoled into surrender a„.d. 
by solemn oaths of pardon and promises of reward, and 1747-1 S3S 
was then put to death without scruple. Timiir Shah was so — ~ 

furious at the outbreak that he wreaked his vengeance upon 
the inhabitants of Peshawar, and put a third of the people 
to the sword. 

After this massacre Timiir Shah was stricken with re- Remorse 
morse and terror, and grew melancholy mad. He died and 
in 1793, leaving twenty- three sons to fight against each other fi^adness. 
for the throne of Afghanistan. 

The princes were preparing for war when Payendah Khan, Impdson- 
the new chief of the Barukzais, averted the bloodshed. He and 
had resolved that the fifth son of Timiir Shah, named 
Zemdn, should succeed to the throne; but he called all the 
sons of Timiir Shah, and all the Sirdars, together in one 
building in order that they might choose a Shah. After long 
debate Zemdn quietly left the assembly followed by Payendah 
Khan ; and all those who remained behind found that the 
doors and windows were locked and barred, and that the 
place was surrounded by soldiers. For the space of five 
days no one could get out, and no one could break in. 

Every day a small morsel of bread was given to each 
prisoner, which sufficed to keep him alive ; and when they 
were all reduced to skin and bone, they yielded to their 
fate, and swore allegiance to Zemaii Shah. 

After this Zem:in Shah resolved to cripple the power of Oppres- 
the Sirdars. He would not seek to conciliate them as his sNe reign 
father and grandfather had done ; but he deprived them 
their commands and emoluments. He grew jealous of 1793/1800 
Payendah Khan to whom he owed his throne, and removed 
him from his posts, and reduced him to poverty. The flames 
of discontent began to spread abroad amongst the Sirdars, 
but were quenched by treachery and massacre. M were 
tempted to court by oaths and promises, and were then put 
to death. In this manner Zem^n Shah established a reign of 
terror at K^buL 

At this time the brothers of Zemdn Shah were dispersed Hots and 
over the provinces, and breaking out in plots and insurrec- insurrec- 
tions, The Sikhs were rebelling in the Punjab. Zemdn 
Shah set out from Kdbul to repress the revolt; but he was 
called back by the news that Ms eldest brother had been 
proclaimed Shah at Kandahar, and that another brother, 


546 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


a.d. named Matimiid Mirza, had rebelled at Herdt. After a 
1747-1838 while his eldest brother was taken prisoner and deprived 

■ of eyesight; and Mahmiid Mirza was bribed to quietness 

by being appointed governor of Her£t. 

Pacifica- Zeman Shah next marched to Lahore, and quieted the 
tion of the rebels in like manner*. He cajoled the head rebel, 

' Runjeet Singh, into a show of obedience, and appointed 
Riinjeet Viceroy of the Punjab ; but from that day the Punjab 

Singh. was lost to the Afghans, and passed into the hands of the 

Sikhs. Runjeet Singh proved himself to be a warrior of 
mark, who laid the foundations of a Sikh empire. His 
later relations with the British government have already 
been told in dealing with the administration of Lord Minto. 

Shah When Zemin Shah had settled Lahore, he placed his 

Shuja at 'brother Shah Shuja in the government of Peshawar, which 
es a’w-ar. ofthe Punjab, and then returned to Kabul. 

Zeman Whilst Zemin Shah was at Lahore, he' threatened to in- 
Shah and yajo Hindustan, and invited Lord Wellesley to join him in 
Wellesley the conquest of the Mahrattas. Had Lord Wellesley been 
1800. ’ acquainted with the surroundings of Zemin Shah, he would 

have scoffed at the idea of an Afghan invasion. 

Plottings No sooner had Zemin Shah returned to Kibul than tidings 
at Kanda- reached him that the Barukzais were plotting against him 
acre o 7 t£^^ Kandahar, to avenge the disgrace of Payendah Khan, 
Barukzais. the chief of their tribe. Accordingly Zemin Shah hurried 
away to Kandahar, and thought to crush the Barukzais 
by confiscating their wealth, and executing all who were 
disaffected. The Barukzais grew desperate, and plotted to 
set up Shah Shuja of Peshawar in the room of Zemin 
Shah ; but the plot was betrayed by one of the conspirators. 
Accordingly Payendah Khan, and every Sirdar who had 
leagued with him, were summoned to the fortress at Kan- « 
dahar under the pretence of being consulted by the Shah 
on public affairs. One by one they were conducted into the 
presence of Zemin Shah and butchered on the spot, and 
their bodies were exposed in the public square. In this 
way Zemin Shah established his authority at Kandahar, 
and then returned to Kabul. 

Payendah Khan, chief of the Barukzais, left nineteen 
dethroned* different mothers, and the eldest was named 

asylum at ' Futih Khan. When the unfortunate father was murdered 
Ludhiana, at Kandahar, Futih Khan fled to Herit, and began to 


S47 


Chap. XVIII.] CENTRAL ASIA : AFGHAN HISTORY. 

plot with Mahmiid Mirza, the governor of Herdt, to de- a,d. 
throne Zemdn Shah, and set up Mahmild in his room. 1747-1S38 
When their plans were all ready, Futih Khan conducted 
Mahmud to Kandahar, and raised an army of Barukzais, 
and marched towards K^bul. Zeman Shah came out against 
them, but was defeated utterly, and taken prisoner and 
deprived of sight. Mahniiid thus became Shah of 
Afghanistan, whilst his blinded brother Zemdn fled through 
many countries, and suflered many pangs and privations, 
and at last found an asylum at Lddhiana in British 
territory. Thus the once famous Afghan ruler, who 
threatened to conquer Hindustan, and excited the alarm of 
Lord Wellesley, was supported to the end of his days on 
a pension granted him by the East India Company. 

Mahmfld was Shah only in name; the real sovereign MahmM 
was Futih Khan, the Vizier, who had succeeded his father Sliah, 
as chief of the Barukzais. Mahmild the Durani Shah was 
a puppet like the Mahratta Sahu; whilst Futih Khan, the 
Barukzai Vizier, was a Peishwa like Balaji Kao. 

In 1801-2 there were risings of the Ghilzais, the children Risings of 
of the concubine, the Ishmaels of the Afghans ; but Futih the^ 

Khan attacked them in the mountains and routed them 
with great slaughter ; and he then built up a pyramid with 
their heads and returned in triumph to KdbuL 

After a while there was a bloody strife at Kabul between the Simm's and 
Sunnis and the Shiahs ; in other words, between the Afghans Shiahs: 
and the Red-caps. The Red-cap^ thought to spite the Sunnis 
by tormenting an Afghan boy; and the parents of the lad went bashes?^ ' 
to the palace for justice, and were told to go to the mosque.^ 

The parents ran into the great mosque at Ktibul whilst a 
Saiyid was preaching, and rent their clothes and filled the air 
with their cries. The Saiyid stopped the sermon to hear their 
story, and then issued a fatwa ^ for the slaughter of all the 
Shiahs in Kdbul, The Sunni congregation armed themselves 
and rushed to the quarter of the Kuzzilbashes, slaughtered 
every Red-cap they met in the streets, and then broke into the 

^ The Durani Shahs had always trimmed between the Afghans and 
the Kuzzilbashes, or Red-caps, and stood aloof from every conflict 
between the two. Accordingly both the Durani Shah and the 
Barukzai Vizier got rid of the petition of the parents by referring the 
complainants to a religious tribunal. 

^ A fatwa was a religious command bearing some resemblance to a 
papal bull. 


N N 2 


,';48 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Past III. 


A.D. 

1747-1838 


Shah 

Shuja 

1803.9. 


Flight of 
Shah 
Shuja to 
Ludhiana, 
1809. 


Mahmud 

Shah 

restored, 

1809-16. 



houses, carried off the plunder, and set the buildings on fire. 
The storm raged throughout four days. At last the Barukzai 
Vizier interposed with a troop of horsemen, and put a stop 
to the riot, but not before four hundred Kuzzilbashes 
had been slain. 

The Sunnis had been scattered by matchlock and sabre, 
but their wrath was not appeased, and they swore to be 
revenged on the friends of the Shiahs.. In 1803, when 
the Barukzai Vizier was putting down revolts amongst the 
mountain tribes at a distance from Kdbul, Shah Shuja was 
persuaded to come from Peshawar, and was hailed by the 
Sunni multitude at Kd,bul with shouts and acclamations. 
Mahmiid Shah fled in alarm to the Bala Hissar, but soon 
found himself a close prisoner in one of the dungeons. 
Shortly afterwards the Barukzai Vizier returned to Kabul 
and became minister to Shah Shuja.^ 

In 1809 there were other plots and other explosions. 
Shah Shuja had grown impatient of the dictation of his 
Barukzai Vizier and removed him from office ; and then went 
to Peshawar to receive Mr. Elphinstone, and make an alliance 
with the English against France and Napoleon. Meanwhile 
the deposed Vizier leagued with the Kuzzilbashes, and 
delivered his old master, Mahmild Shah, from his prison, 
and placed him on the throne at Kabul Shah Shuja com- 
pleted his negotiations with Mr. Elphinstone, and then 
turned back to go to K 4 bul, but was routed by the Barukzais 
and Kuzzilbashes ; and he fled through the Punjab to British 
territory, and became a pensioner at Lfldhiana like his 
brother Zemdn Shah. 

Mahmud Shah was thus restored to the throne of Afghan- 
istan, but he was still feeble and effeminate, and a mere 
tool in the hands of his Barukzai Vizier, Futih Khan. He 
abandoned himself to his pleasures, and left the govern- 
ment to his Vizier. But Afghanistan prospered under the 
rule of the Barukzai. Futih Khan was a conqueror as well 
as an administrator. He reduced Sinde and Beluchistan 
to obedience, but he could do nothing in the Punjab, for 
he was constantly baffled and defeated by the Sikh ruler, 
Runjeet Singh. 

1 The Barukzai Vizier’s acceptance of office under Shah Shuja, whilst 
his old master Mahnnid was pining in the dungeons of the Bala Hissar, 
is one of those typical data which serve to bring out the real character 
of the Afghans. 




Chap. XVIIL] CENTRAL ASIA: AFGHAN HISTORY. S49 

About this time Herat became a bone of contention a.d. 
between the Afghans and the Persians.’- It has already 1747-1 S38 
been seen that when Zemdn was Shah, his brother Mahmud 
became governor of Her^t, When Mahmiid became Shah, 
another brother, named Firuz, became governor of Her£t. pei-sia and 
Firuz coined money in the name of Mahmiid Shah, and his Afghanis- 
son married a daughter of Mahmdd Shah ; but Firuz ruled 
Herdt as an independent sovereign, and refused to send 
any tribute to K£buL 

In 1816 Firuz was between two fires. On one side Herat 
Kdbul demanded tribute ; on the other side Persia de- seized by 
manded possession, iVt last Persia sent an army to take 
possession of Herat, and Firuz was forced to send for pl^nde^Ilg 
help to Kdbul. The Bamkzai Vizier rejoiced over the re- of the 
quest. He marched an army , to Herdt before the Persians zenana, 
reached the place ; and he entered the fortress and declared 
that Firuz was a rebel, and took him prisoner and sent 
him to Kdbul. At the same time the Viziefs younger 
brother, Dost Muhammad Khan, broke into the zenana 
and robbed the ladies of their jewels, and carried away a 
girdle set with precious stones that was worn by the daughter 
of Mahmtid Shah. Futih Khan was angry at this out- 
rage, and ordered his brother to restore the girdle; but 
Dost Muhammad Khan refused to give it back, and fled 
awayto Kashmir.^ 

All this while Kamran Mirza, the son of Mahmdd Shah, Blinding 
had been very jealous of the Vizier; and when he heard that oj Futih 
his sister at Herit had been robbed of her girdle, he com- 
plained to his father very bitterly. So Mahmiid Shah was 
persuaded to avenge the insult by destroying the Vizier’s 
eyesight, and Kamran hastened to Herdt to carry out 
the sentence. Futih Khan was surprised and bound, 

^ The Shah of Persia claimed Herat on the ground that it had been 
conquered by Nadir Shah. The claim however was a mere sham. 

Persia might just as well have claimed Kabul aud Kandahar, since 
both provinces had been conquered by Nadir Shah. The plain fact was 
that Ahmad Shah Diirani had conquered Herat, but his successors 
could not hold it, as it was too remote from Kabul ; and Herdt became 
an independent sovereignty in the hands of any Afghan prince who 
obtained the government. 

2 This is the first appearance of Dost Muhammad Khan, the founder 
of the Barukzai dynasty, upon the page of history. At a later period 
he was a leading character in the Afghan war of 1839-42. 


550 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part III 


A 


I 


a.d. and his eyes were pierced with red-hot needles in the presence 
^ 747 ^ 3 ^ of Kainran.^ 

D^Tiu- When Dost Muhammad Khan heard what had been donej 
hammad * he raised an army in Kashmir and inarched against Kabul 
Khan takes to avenge the atrocity committed on his eldest brother. 
Kabul: Malimiid Shah was seized with terror at the approach of 

avenging army, and fled away to Ghazni, the lialf-way 
Khan. fortress between Kabul and Kandahar. At Ghazni he was 
joined by his son, Kamran, and the blind Barukzai Vizier 
from Herat. But his kingdom had passed out of his 
hands, and his troops deserted him in large numbers, and 
went over to Dost Muhammad Khan. In his wrath he 
sent for the blind Vizier, and ordered his Sirdars to put 
him to death before his eyes. Kamran struck the first 
blow. All the Sirdars then began to torment the blind 
Vizier with their daggers ; and after enduring excruciating 
agony, Futih Khan expired without a groan. 

Durfini' The plots and broils which followed are tedious and be- 
puppets wildering. Mahmud Shah and his son, Kamran, fled to 
anclBaruk- ^Liid became independent rulers of that remote 

18^8-26^^’ territory. The surviving sons of Payendah Shah, known 
as the Barukzai brothers, assumed different commands in 
Kabul, Kandahar, Kashmir, and Beluchistan. But Afghan- 
istan was without a sovereign. Not one of the Barukzai 
brothers ventured at this period to usurp the Dfiranf sove- 
reignty. They were willing to set up Shah Shuja as a puppet 
and to rule Afghanistan in his name ; but Shah Shuja refused 
to accept their terms, and insisted upon being absolute and 
uncoiitrolled sovereign of the Afghans. Under such cir- 
cumstances the Barukzai brothers abandoned Shah Shuja, 
and he was forced to return to Lddhiana. They then tried 
to set up another prince of the family ; but soon found that 
their new Ddrani puppet was plotting against them with 
Shah Shuja on one side at Liidhiana, and with Mahmud 


^The following table of Diirani Shahs and Barukzai Viziers may be 
found a convenient aid to the memory :• — 


Ahmad Shah Ddrani . . 1747 

Timiir Shah ,, . . I 773 

Zeman Shah „ , . 1793 

Mahmud Shah „ . . 1800 

Shall Shuja „ . . 1803 

Mahmud Shah {resSared} . 1S09 


Jemal Khan Barukzai . . 1747 

Fayendah Khan ,, . . 1773 

Futih Khan ,, . . 1800 

„ . 1803 

Dost Muhammad Khan 
Barukzai, Amir of Kabul 1826 




eHAP.XVIIL] CENTRAL ASIA: AFGHAN HISTORY. 551 

Shah on the other side at Herdt The result was that the a.o. 
puppet was dethroned, and the Barukzai brothers quarrelled 1747-1838 
amongst themselves, whilst Runjeet Singh occupied Peshawar — “ 
and Persia threatened Herat. 

At last, in 1826, Dost Muhammad Khan became master Dost 
of Kdbul. Subsequently he was formally elected king by 
an assembly of Sirdars, and proclaimed Amir by the chief 
Mdlla, with all the ceremonies that had been observed at the lUbul, 
coronation of Ahmad Shah. But he was environed by dangers. 1826-36. 
On the north there were revolts in Balkh; on the south one 
of his brothers was holding out against him at Kandahar ; on 
the east he was harassed by Runjeet Singh at Peshawar, 
with Shah Shuja and the British government in the back- 
ground ; on the west there was Mahmdd Shah and Kamran 
at Herdt, with Persia plotting behind and Russia looming 
in the distance. Amidst such perplexities Dost Muhammad 
Kha,n was willing and anxious to conclude an alliance with 
the British government, provided only he could be assured 
that the English were not plotting to restore Shah Shuja, and 
would help him to recover Peshawar from Runjeet Singh, 

In the midst of these turmoils, Great Britain and Russia Coaten- 
were at variance in Central Asia. The bone of contention tions 
was Herdt. From a remote antiquity Herdt has been the 
key to India ; the first turnpike on the great highway from ^ 

Persia to Hindustan.^ In 1836 Russia was making a cat’s 
paw of Persia and urging the Shah to seize Plerdt. Great 
Britain was anxious to keep Persia out of Herat, lest the 
place should become a gateway through which Russia might 
advance towards India. But the British government did 
not tell Persia plainly that war would be declared if she 
attempted to occupy Herdt. Had this been done, Persia 
would never have besieged Herat, and an English army 
would never have invaded Afghanistan. 

The result of all this underplotting and hesitation was Herat 
that in 1837 the Shah of Persia marched an army against ^^er Yar 
Herdt. By this time the government of Herdt had changed 
hands. Mahmfid Shah had been murdered in 1829, and j 320.^5; ’ 

^ The fortified city of Plerat is a quadrangle about four miles ori each 
side. It was surrounded by a rampart of earth about ninety feet high, 
which appeared to environ the city like a long hill. The rampart was 
supported on the inside by buttresses of masonry; and was surmounted 
by a wall thirty feet high, flanked with round towers and loop-holed for 
■ musketry. ■ 



Persia 

besieges 

Herat, 

i837“3S. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part HI. 

his son Kamran was sovereign of Herdt ; but Kamran was 
a slave to opium-eating and other enervating pleasures, and 
his Vizier, Yar Muhammad Khan, was the real ruler. Yar 
Muhammad Khan was a cruel and extortionate despot ; he 
has been described as the most accomplished villain in 
Central Asia ; but at this period he hated Persia with all his 
heart and soul. On one occasion he had been entrapped into 
a meeting with a Persian prince on the frontier, under pre- 
tence of settling all differences between Herit and Persia ; 
and two of his teeth had been forcibly extracted to induce 
him to comply with the demands of the Shah.^ Kamran 
would have submitted to the Shah of Persia at the first 
summons ; but Yar Muhammad Khan swore that he would 
never surrender Her£t until his teeth were restored to his 
gums; and that as long as he had a sabre to draw or a 
cartridge to fire, he would never bow his head to the Kajar 
Shah. 

The siege of Herdt was one of the most memorable 
events of the time. It lasted from November, 1837, to 
September, 1838. The Afghans fought manfully, harassing 
the Persian army with repeated sorties. Even the women 
and children mounted the walls, and threw down bricks and 
stones on the Persian soldiers. But the canals which sup- 
plied the city with water were cut off by the enemy ; the 
inhabitants were starving ; and Kamran was treacherously 
plotting the surrender of the city to the Persians. Indeed, 
Herit would have been lost to the Afghans, but for the 
heroic exertions of a young lieutenant, named Eldred 
Pottinger, who was present in the city during the siege. 
Pottinger animated the Afghan soldiery by his gallant 
exploits, and cheered the drooping spirits of Yar Muham- 
mad Khan by his energy and counsel. At last the siege 
was brought to a close by diplomacy. The British govern- 
ment threatened Persia with war, and the Shah raised the 
siege of Herdt, and returned to his own dominions. 

^ The Persian prince was Abbas Mirza, eldest son of Futih AH Shah, 
the second sovereign of the Kajar dynasty. Abbas Mirza died a few 
months afterwards, and Yar Muhammad Khan escaped to Herat. 
Futih All Shah died in iS34, and was succeeded on the throne of Persia 
by his son, Muhammad Shah, who besieged Herdt in 1837. Futih Ali 
Shah, sovereign of Persia, must not be confounded with Futih Khan, 
the Barukzai minister at Kabul, who was murdered in the year 1817. 


Chap. XVIII.] CENTRAL ASIA : AFGHAN HISTORY. 


553 


All this while Dost Muhammad Khan was most anxious 
to recover Peshawar from Runjeet Singh. He implored Lord 1747-X83S 
Auckland to call on Runjeet Singh to restore Peshawar. But — **“ 
the British government had no desire to pick a quarrel with 
Runjeet Singh, and declined to interfere. The result was 
that Dost Muhammad Khan made advances to Russia, and 
received a Russian mission at Kabul; and the British 
government in return resolved to dethrone Dost Muhammad 
Khan, and restore Shah Shuja to the throne of Kabul. 


CHAPTER XIX. 


AFGHAN war: LORDS AUCKLAND AND ELLENBOROUH. 


A.D. 

1839-1842 

Britisli 
army 
advances 
to Quetta. 


Capture of 
Kandahar*, 
Ghazni, 
and Kabul, 

1S39. 


Russian 
expedition 
to Khiva : 
its failure. 


A.D. 1S39 TO 1842. 

On the ist of October, 1838, Lord Auckland published 
a declaration of war at Simla ; and shortly afterwards the 
British forces were on the move for Kabul. They could 
not march through the Punjab, because Rnnjeet Singh 
refused permission. Accordingly they marched through 
Sinde to Quetta ; and there the Bombay column joined the 
Bengal column. At Quetta Sir John Keane took the com- 
mand of the united armies, and then set out for Kdbul. 

Kandahar was captured in April, 1839. A British force 
was left at Kandahar under the command of General Nott; 
whilst Major (now Sir Henry) Rawlinson, was placed in 
political charge of the province in the name of Shah Shuja. 
In July, Ghazni was taken by storm, ^ and Dost Muhammad 
Khan fled over the Oxus into Bokhara. In August the 
British army entered Kdbul, and Shah Shuja was restored 
to the throne of Afghanistan. Henceforth he was supposed 
to govern the country under the advice and help of the 
English minister and envoy, Sir William iVIacnaghten. 

In November, 1839, the Russian government sent a 
counter expedition from Orenberg towards Khiva, with the 
view of establishing Russian influence over the three Usbeg 
Khanates to the northward of the Oxus. The time of 
year, however, was most unfortunate. Winter snows and 

1 At the storcaing of Ghazni the late Sir Henry Durand distinguished 
himself as a young subaltern in the Engineers by blowing up the 
Kashmir gate. 


Chap. XIX.] AFGHAN WAR: AUCKLAND. 




waterless wastes forbade the Russian force to reach Khiva ; . 

and after heroically fighting against the severest privations 1839* 1842 
and disasters, it was compelled to return to Orenberg. 

Meanwhile the Afghans seemed perfectly satisfied with British 
British occupation. Large subsidies were paid by the 
English envoy to Afghan chiefs, as well as to the moun- jLo 
tain tribes who guarded the passes ; whilst the presence * • 

of the English troops was a godsend to all the shop-keepers 
and provision-dealers in the bazars. The British army 
remained at Kibul during 1840. Towards the end of the 
year, Dost Muhammad Khan surrendered to the English 
envoy, and was sent to Calcutta, where he was detained as 
a prisoner, but treated as a guest. The old Barukzai 
warrior was indeed often entertained at Government House, 
where he is said to have played at chess with Miss Eden, 
the sister of the Governor-General. 

Meanwhile there were complications at Herat. After the Herat af- 
re treat of the Shah of Persia in 1838, the revenues of Herit fairs, 1S38- 
were exhausted, the troops were without pay, the inhabitants 
were starving, and the Vizier, Yar Muhammad Khan, was 
trying to raise money and get rid of the surplus population, 
by selling the people as slaves to the Usbegs. The British 
government averted these evils by advancing large sums of 
money for the payment of the troops, the repair of the for- 
tifications, and the relief of Kamran and his Vizier ; no 
doubt with the view of establishing a permanent influence 
at Herat. 

Kamran and his Vizier were in no way grateful for Withdraw- 
these subsidies. They suspected that the British govern- al of Major 
ment had sinister designs on Her^t, and accordingly opened 
up a treacherous correspondence with the Shah of Persia. Lore/ ° 
Major D'Arcy Todd, who had been appointed English Auckland, 
envoy at Herdt, withheld the money payments on his own 
authority, unless the Vizier agreed to receive a contingent 
of British troops into Herat. The result was that the 
Vizier grew furious at the stoppage of the subsidies, and 
called on Major Todd either to pay up the money or 
to leave Herat Major Todd was so disgusted with the 
perfidy and greediness of the Herdt rulers, that he threw 
up his post and returned, to British territory. Lord Auckland 
was naturally exasperated at the abandonment of Herdt. 

Matters had been squared with Persia, and the continued 


555 


BRITISH INDIA. 


A.D. 

1839-1842 


Growing 

dis- 

contents. 


Economy 
and dis- 
affection, 
1841. 


Absence 
of alarm. 


[Part III. 

presence of Major Todd would have sufficed to maintain 
British influence at Herdt. Major Todd was dismissed from 
political employ, but found a soldier’s death four years' 
afterwards on the field of Ferozeshahar. 

The British occupation of Afghanistan continued through 
the year 1841, for it was not deemed safe to leave Shah 
Shuja unprotected at Kdbul. Meanwhile, the double govern- 
ment satisfied no one, Shah Shuja was smarting under the 
dictation of Sir William Macnaghten. The English envoy 
and minister was in his turn impatient of Afghan ways 
and prejudices. The Afghan officials were disgusted with 
the order and regularity of English administration, which 
was introduced under the new regime. The Mfillas refused 
to offer up public prayers for Shah Shuja, declaring that he 
was not an independent sovereign. Even the rise of 
prices, which filled the pockets of the bazar dealers, 
lessened the value of money and excited the discontent of 
the masses. 

So long however as subsidies and money allowances were 
lavished amongst turbulent Sirdars and refractory mountain 
tribes, there was no lack of loyalty towards Shah Shuja and' 
his English allies. But the flow of gold could not last for 
ever. The revenues of Afghanistan had been overrated. 
The British authorities had p'ut their trust in the estimates 
of Shah Shuja when at Ludhiana; forgetting the Machia- 
vellian maxim that it is dangerous to rely upon the repre- 
sentations and hopes of exiles. The expenses of the 
British occupation were so enormous that economy was 
imperative. Accordingly Sir William Macnaghten began to 
cut down the subsidies and money allowances. From that 
moment the loyalty, which had sprung up in a single night 
like the prophet’s gourd, began to sicken and die away. 
The Afghans grew weary of the English, and their puppet 
ruler, Shah Shuja. Conspiracies were formed ; petty out- 
breaks became frequent ; whilst the Ghilzais, and other 
mountain tribes at the passes, being no longer bribed into 
acquiescence, became most troublesome and disorderly. 

At this period there were no alarms for the safety of the 
British army in Kdbul. On the contrary, English officers 
had been induced to bring up their wives and families from 
the depressing heats of Bengal to the cool climate of Kdbul ; 
and no precautions were taken against a possible rising of 



Chap. XIX.] AFGHAN WAR : AUCKLAND. 557 

the whole people. The British cantonment was three miles a.d. 
from the city, with only a mud wall round it that could be 1839' 1842 
easily ridden over. Sir William Macnaghten and his family 
lived in a house close by the cantonments; he had been 
appointed Governor of Bombay, and was about to be suc- 
ceeded by Sir Alexander Burnes as envoy and minister at 
KdbuL Burnes himself was as much at home at Kdbul as 
at Calcutta ; he occupied a house near the centre of the 
city, surrounded by bazars, and above all by a turbulent 
population of Afghans and Kuzzilbashes, who were ever and 
anon endeavouring to settle the knotty disputes between 
Sunnis and Shiahs by force of arms. 

Meantime there had been some changes in the command General 
of the British army of occupation. General Elphinstone, Blphin- 
an aged and infirm officer, unfit for the post, had taken the 
place of Sir John Keane. Next to General Elphinstone 
were Sir Robert Sale and Brigadier Shelton. 

The British army of occupation was exposed to danger Bala 
from another cause. It had been originally quartered in the Hissar. 
fortress known as the Bala Hissar, which commanded the 
whole city and suburbs of Kabul. So long as the British 
kept possession of the Bala Hissar, they could hold out 
against any insurrection. But Shah Shuja quartered his 
harem in the Bala Hissar, and objected to the presence of 
the English soldiers ; and Sir William Macnaghten was 
weak enough to remove the troops from the fortress, and 
quarter them in an unprotected cantonment about three 
miles from the city. 

The catastrophe that followed maybe told in a few words. General 
In October, 1S41, Sir Robert Sale left Kdbul with a brigade Sale at 
to re-open communications between Kdbul and Jellalabad, Jalalabad, 
which had been closed by the disaffected mountaineers. 

Sale effected his task after a long struggle and considerable 
loss. His subsequent defence of Jellalabad against the 
repeated assaults of a large Afghan army is one of the 
heroic events in the war. 

On the 2nd of November, 1841, an insurrection broke insurrec- 
out in the streets of Kdbul. Sir Alexander Burnes thought tion at 
of escaping to the English cantonment in the disguise of an : 
Afghan ; but he changed his mind, and resolved to kold g^Jj^^g ^ 
out to the last in his English uniform. He barricaded his Novem- 
house, and sent to Macnaghten for a battalion of infantry ber, 1841. 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A.D. 

1839 1 842 


National 

uprising. 


Proposed 
retreat to 
Jellalabad. 


Negotia- 
tions with 
rebel 
leaders. 


and two field-pieces. Such a force at the beginning of the 
outbreak would have saved the life of Burnes. Its appear- . 
ance in the streets of Kdbul would have led the Kuzzil- 
bashes to rally round Burnes, and raise the war-cry 
against the Sunnis. But Macnaghten was doubtful, and 
General Elphinstone was afraid that Shah Shuja might 
object, and the two together agreed to wait for further 
information. Meanwhile the mob of Kabul, the most 
dangerous in Central Asia, was surging round the house of 
the Englishman. Burnes held out with thirty-two others 
from eight o’clock in the morning until two in the afternoon, 
when the mob burned down the gate, and rushed in, and all 
was over. Burnes and twenty-three others were killed ; the 
remaining nine escaped by a miracle. 

At three o’clock that same afternoon, Brigadier Shelton 
made a lame attempt to enter the city with a couple of 
battalions of infantry ; but by this time the suburban popu- 
lation had joined the rioters. It was impossible to cut a 
way through the narrow streets and crowded bazars, and 
Shelton was compelled to return to the cantonment. Mean- 
while the uproar was increasing in the city^ Thousands of 
Afghans flocked to Kabul in hopes of plunder ; and it soon 
appeared that the whole Afghan nation had risen against 
the rule of the foreigner. 

At this crisis the British commanders appear to have been 
paralysed. General Elphinstone and Sir William Macnaghten 
were planning a retreat to Jellalabad, the half-way house 
between K^bul and Peshawar. Provisions were running 
short; the people of Kdbul kept back all supplies from 
the British cantonment, and the army of occupation was 
becoming demoralised. 

At last, Macnaghten began to negotiate with the leaders 
of the insurrection, and especiaily with Akbar Khan, the 
eldest son of Dost Muhammad Khan. This man had fled 
from Kdbul about the same time that his father had made 
his way to Bokhara ; but on hearing of the revolt, he had 
hastened back to Kabul, and was bent on seizing the 
government of the country. Shah Shuja was shut up 
in the Bala Hissar but could do nothing ; he was already 
ignored, and his end w^as drawing nigh, 

Akbar Khan and other Afghan Sirdars solemnly engaged 
to supply the British army with carriage and provisions. In 



Chap. XIX.] AFGHAN WAR : ELLENBOROUGH. SS9 

return they received from Macuaghten promises of large a.i>. 
sums of money, and hostages for the payment. But instead 
of keeping to their engagement, the Afghans demanded more — 
money and more hostages. Winter had set in, and snow 
was falling ; and it was even proposed that the British army murder, 
should remain at Kjibul till the spring. At length, after many 
delays and evasions, there was a final meeting between 
Macnaghten and the Afghan chiefs on the 23rd of December, 

1841. But the English envoy had given mortal offence to 
the Afghans, and when he appeared at the meeting he was 
suddenly attacked and murdered by Akbar K-han. 

Subsequently the Afghan chiefs tried to explain away the Destnic- 
murder. Akbar Khan vowed that he had acted on the mad 
impulse of the moment, and not with any deliberate in- 
tention of committing murder. Negotiations were renewed, the ^ 
and in January, 1842, the British forces began their Khaiber. 
retreat from Kdbul, followed by Akbar Khan and a large 
army of Afghans. Then followed a horrible series of 
treacheries and massacres. Akbar Khan demanded more 
hostages, including English ladies and children. The 
Ghilzai mountaineers covered the heights on either side of 
the Khaiber Pass, and poured a murderous fire on the retreat- 
ing force. Akbar Khan declared that he could not restrain 
the Ghiizais, but at the same time he permitted his own 
forces to share in the massacre and plunder. Thousands of 
British troops and camp-followers were carried off by suc- 
cessive volleys, or died of hunger and privations, or fell 
down in the snow from wounds or fatigue and were 
butchered by the Afghans. Thus perished a force which 
left Kdbul with four thousand fighting men, and twelve ' 
thousand followers. Out of ail this number, only a solitary 
individual, an English surgeon named Brydon, managed to 
escape to Jellalabad. He was brought in by Sale’s garrison 
half dead from hunger and wounds ; but he lived to tell 
the tale for more than thirty years afterwards. 

Such was the state of affairs in February, 1842, when Lord 
Lord Ellenborough landed at Calcutta and succeeded Lord Bllen- 
Auckland as Govemor-General. Men’s hearts were bursting 
with shame and indignation as they heard of the murder of confiiSng 
the British envoy, and the destruction of sixteen thousand feelings, 
men. Englishmen in India were burning to retrieve the 


BRITISH INDIA. 




5^0 

A.D. 

1839-1842 


Pollock’s 
advance to 
Peshawar, 
1842. 


Advance 
to Jellala- 
bad. 


Distrac- 
tions in 
Kabul: 
murder of 
Shah 
Shuja, 



BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

disgrace which had befallen British arms, and to avenge the 
slaughter which cast a gloom over the whole country. But 
Lord Auckland had been too much oppressed by the disaster 
to respond to the call ; whilst Lord Ellenborough, who suc- 
ceeded him, was too much alarmed at the danger to which the 
British garrisons were exposed at Jellalabad and Kandahar, 
to plan such a scheme of vengeance as should vindicate 
the honour of England, and restore the prestige of British 
arms. 

, A force was assembled under General Pollock to march 
through the Punjab, and relieve Sale’s garrison at Jellalabad. 
Runjeet Singh died in June, 1839, and the Sikh rulers who 
came after him did not resist the passage of British troops. 
In due course Pollock marched his army through the 
Punjab and reached Peshawar, but halted there for some 
weeks to reassure the sepoys, who were reluctant to enter 
the Khaiber Pass. 

In April, 1842, Pollock crowned the heights of the Khaiber 
with British infantry, and engaged hotly with the moun- 
taineers ; and within a short space of time the white dresses 
of the Ghilzais were to be seen flying off in all directions. 
He then pursued his victorious march through the Khaiber to 
Jellalabad, and reached the place at a critical moment. Sale 
had been closely beleaguered by a large army of Afghans 
under the command of Akbar Khan ; and he had just 
inflicted a heavy defeat on the enemy, and compelled Akbar 
Khan to raise the siege and return to K^buL 

Meanwhile the city of Kdbul was distracted by the 
struggle between the factions of Barukzais and Diiranis. 
A Barukzai chief, named Zemdn Khan, had taken posses- 
sion of the city ;-^ whilst the Ddrani sovereign, Shah Shuja, 
shut himself up in the Bala Hissar. Indeed Shah Shuja 
was in sore peril and perplexity. He sent letters to Jellala- 
bad, swearing eternal devotion to the British government ; 
and he sent messages to the Barukzai leaders, swearing to 
drive the British out of Afghanistan. At last the Barukzais 
called upon him to lead the Afghan army against the British 
garrison at Jellalabad, and bound themselves by solemn 
oaths to protect him from all harm. The old Dflrani left 
the fortress of the Bala Hissar decked out in all his robes 

^Zeman Khan was a nephew of Dost Muhammad Khan. He had 
keen elected king by the Barukzais in the absence of Akbar Khan. 


Ghap. XJX.] iVFGHAN WAR : ELLENBOROUGH. 561 

and jewels ; and was then shot dead by an ambush of a.d, 
matchlock men, and rifled of all his precious things. 1^42 

The Barukzais, however, failed for the moment to get the 
mastery. The Bala Hissar was still in the hands of the 
Ddranls, and a son of Shah Shuja was proclaimed sove- Durams. 
reign within the walls of the fortress. The civil war con- 
tinued to rage between the two parties. There was fighting 
in the streets from house to house, whilst the guns of the 
Bala Hissar were playing upon the city. 

At this juncture Akbar Khan returned from his defeat Abkar 
at Jellalabad. Both Barukzais and Ddranfs were dreading 

the return of the English ; and Akbar Khan commanded the 
respect of all parties of Afghans by declaring that he was 
negotiating with General Sale. But Akbar Khan had his 
own game to play. He joined the Barukzais and captured 
the Bala Hissar. Then he went over to the Ddranis, paid 
his homage to the son of Shah Shuja, and began to rule 
as minister. The boy sovereign however was in mortal 
fear of being murdered by his self-constituted minister ; 
and he at last escaped to the British camp, and placed 
himself under the protection of General Pollock. 

Akbar Khan thus became ruler of K£bul, and the fate 
of the prisoners and hostages was in his hands. He had 
not treated them unkindly, but he was determined to use ation^o^^* 
them for his own purposes. He wrote to General Pollock the pri- 
offering to deliver them up, provided the English departed soners. 
from Jellalabad and Kandahar without advancing to Kdbul. 

Pollock rejected the proposals. Akbar Khan then sent the 
captives to a hill fortress far away to the northwards ; and 
marched out of Kdbui with a large army to prevent Pollock 
from advancing on the Afghan capital 

Meanwhile Lord Ellenborough was hesitating whether to Question 
withdraw the garrisons from Jellalabad and Kandahar, or retreat 
permit them to march to Kdbul Secret instructions were 
sent to the two generals to withdraw; but the secret got 
wind and raised a storm of indignation, as it was imagined 
that the captives were to be abandoned to the tender mercies 
of the Afghans. Accordingly Lord Ellenborough modified 
his instructions, and ordered the two generals to use their 
own discretion as regards an advance to Kdbul 

General Nott was a hot-tempered officer, and when he 
received the orders to Withdraw, he was furious with 

o 0 


562 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


Pollock 
and Sale 


A.D. rage. Both Nott and Rawlinson knew that a retreat from 
Kandahar would raise the whole country, against them, 
Nott and disaster like the retreat from Kabul. Rawlinson 

Rawlin- had already tried to stir up the neighbouring Ddram' chiefs to 
son at rally round Shah Shuja, but found that they were as bitterly 
Kandahar, opposed to the British occupation as the Barukzais. Accord- 
1S42. ingly there was no alternative but to wait for reinforcements ; 

and for months the force at Kandahar was exposed to 
desperate assaults, which were met by still more desperate 
repulses ; whilst Nott and Rawlinson continued to hope for a 
change of orders. 

Pollock General Pollock was the mildest of men, but even he was 
and Sale moved with shame and anger at the order to withdraw. 

He wrote to Nott begging him not to leave Kandahar until 
advance to i^ea^d more; and reported to head-quarters that he could 
Kabul. not leave Jellalabad for want of transport. Subsequently, 
he received the modified instructions ; and in August 1842, 
he heard that Nott had set his face towards K 4 buL Ac- 
cordingly he left Jellalabad accompanied, by Sale, and 
entered the Tezeen valley. 

Defeat of At Tezeen the British soldiers beheld a sight which could 
never be forgotten. The valley was the scene of one of 
Tezeen: the bloodiest massacres during the ill-starred retreat from 
occupation Kabul. The remains of their murdered comrades were 
of Kabul, still lying* on the ground, and the sight exasperated the 
avenging army. At that moment the army of Akbar Khan 
appeared upon the scene ; and the heights around bristled 
with matchlock men from Kdbul. Pollock’s force advanced 
in the face of a murderous fire, and gave no quarter. The 
enemy was utterly routed ; indeed the victory at Tezeen 
was the crowning event of the war. Akbar Khan fled to 
the northern mountains, never to return until the English 
left Afghanistan; and in September 1842 the British flag 
was floating over the Bala Hissar. 

Nott Nott soon arrived at Kd<bul bringing with him the sandal 

reaches wood gates of Somnath, which Mahmiid of Ghazni had brought 

the gates ^ the eleventh century, and had since 

of'Som- then adorned his tomb at Ghazni. This was a whim of 
nath. Lord EllenborouglTs, who had ordered the gates to be 
brought away as trophies of the war.^ 

^ Sir Henry Rawlinson was of o|)imon that the gates were not 
genuine, but of the originals, which must have perished long 


Defeat of 
Akbar 
Khan at 
Tezeen : 


Nott 
reaches 
Kabul with 
the gates 
of 'Som- 
nath, 



Chap. XIX.] AFGHAN WAR: ELLENBOROUGH. 


5^3 


All this while the probable fate of the prisoners and a.d^ 
hostages caused the utmost anxiety. Suddenly all fears ^^ 4 ^ 
were allayed. The captives managed to bribe their keepers, 
and were brought into the British camp at K£bul amidst o) the ^ 
general acclamation. captives. 

The glory of the avenging army was marred by acts of Barbarous 
barbarity. The great bazar at Kdbul was blown up by 
gunpowder. It was one of the finest stone buildings in 
Central Asia, but it was the place where Macnagh ten’s 
remains had been exposed, and it was destroyed as a fitting 
punishment for the crime. Amidst the confusion, the two 
armies broke into the city and perpetrated deeds in revenge 
for the slaughter of their comrades in the Khaiber, over 
which history would fain draw a veil. * 

The proceedings of Lord Ellenborough at the close of Bombast 
the Afghan war were much condemned by his contempo- 
raries. He issued a bombastic proclamation respecting the borough 
gates of Somn^th which exposed him to much ridicule. 

The gates had been carried away from an idol temple by a 
follower of the prophet } consequently their recovery could 
not delight the Muhammadan princes of India. Again the 
gates had adorned the tomb of Mahmud of Ghazni^ con- 
sequently they were impure in the eyes of Hindus. Lord 
Ellenborough also received the avenging army on its return 
from Kdbul, with a show of painted elephants, and other 
displays of oriental pomp, which jarred against English tastes. 

But these eccentricities are forgotten by the present genera- 
tion, and can hardly be treated as history. 

One episode in the history of the Afghan war conveys a Fate of 
useful lesson. In the heyday of success, when Afghanistan Stoddarfc 
was first occupied by a British array, it was proposed 
establish British influence in the Usbeg Khanates to the 
northward of the Oxus. Colonel Stoddart was sent to 1842. 
Bokhara to form friendly relations with the Amir; and 
Captain Conolly, who had been sent on a like mission to 
the ruler of Khokand, joined Colonel Stoddart at Bokhara. 

The Amir of Bokhara regarded both officers with suspicion, 
and kept them under close surveillance ; but he hesitated 
to proceed to extremities; for aught he knew, the British 
army at Kdbul might be moved across Balkh and the Oxus 

ago. The author has seen the gates at Agra, and has no douht of the 
correctness of Sir Henry Rawlinson’s conclusions. 


00 2 


5^4 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part in. 



into Bokhara. But successive disasters in Kdbul sealed the 
doom of the two officers. When the news of the insurrec- 
tion at Kdbul and murder of Sir Alexander Burnes reached 
Bokhara, both officers were imprisoned in loathsome dun- 
geons ; but when it was known that the British army had 
perished in the Khaiber pass, they were taken out of their 
dungeons and publicly beheaded in the market-place of 
Bokhara. 


CHAPTER XX. 


SINDE AND GWALIOR: LORD ELLENBOROUGH. 

A.D. 1843 TO 1844. 

The first act of Lord Ellenborough after the Kdbul war 
was the conquest of Sinde. This territory occupied the ^^ 43 "^o 44 
lower valley of the Indus. In the middle of the eighteenth conquest 
century it formed a province of the Afghan empire of of Sinde, 
Ahmad Shah Abdali. Subsequently the Amirs or rulers of iS 43 * 
Sinde established a certain kind of independencfe, or only 
paid tribute to Kdbul when compelled by force of arms. 

During the early part of the British occupation of Afghan- Cause and 
istan, the Sinde Amirs had rendered good service to the conduct of. 
British government ; but after the disastrous retreat from ™ 

Kdbul, some of the Amirs swerved from their treaty obliga- 
tions. The result was a war which was triumphantly carried 
to a close by Sir Charles Napier. In February 1843 Napier 
won the battle of Meanee ; and in the following March he 
won the battle of Hyderabad in the neighbourhood of 
the Sinde capital of that name. The war was brought to 
an end by the annexation of Sinde to the British empire. 

It would be useless in the present day to attempt to The Sinde 
review the Sinde question. Sir Charles Napier, who com- contro- 
manded the army, considered that the Amirs were guilty of 
disaffection and deception; whilst Major Outram, who was 
political agent in Sinde, considered that their guilt was not Outram. 
sufficiently proved. One Amir, who professed the utmost 
loyalty to the British government, and who convinced Sir 
Charles Napier of the guilt of the others, was subsequently 



Weak and 
distracted 
govern- 
ment, 


566 

A.D. 

1843-1844 


Mahratta 
states : 
change of 
policy. 


Gwalior 
ajffairs ; 
Jankoji 
Rao Sin- 
dia, i833< 
43 - 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part HI. 

convicted of perjury and forgery, which was punished 
at the time, but since then has been more or less 
condoned. The difficulty of proof amongst a people, 
who cannot be bound by oaths, and who have always 
been accustomed to the forgery of seals and fabrica- 
tion of documents, has often enabled the guilty to escape, 
and may sometimes have led to the punishment of the 
innocent. The question, however, of whether the Sinde 
Arai'rs were guilty or otherwise of treacherous designs against 
the British government has long since died out of political 
controversy. 

During the administration of Lord Ellenborough there 
was a change of policy in dealing with the Mahratta states 
of Sindia and Holkar. Lord Ellenborough remodelled the 
government of Gwalior, and contemplated the annexation 
of Indore, Such strong proceedings were direct violations 
of the non-intervention policy of Lord William Bentinck ; 
but in order to decide how far they were expedient, it will 
be necessary to bring the following facts under review. 

The condition of Gwalior under Daulat R.ao Sindia has 
already been indicated.^ It will be remembered that at his 
death in 1827, his widow Bafza Bai became queen regent 
and adopted a boy to succeed her deceased husband as 
Maharaja. In 1833 the boy attained his majority, but 
disputes arose which ended in civil war. At last Lord 
William Bentinck was forced to interfere against his will, and 
the war was at an end. Baiza Bai retired from Gwalior, and 
Mahdraja Jankoji Rao ascended the throne of Sindia. 

Justice was satisfied by the elevation of the young 
Maharaja, but the queen regent was revenged. Bafza Baf 
had proved herself to be an able administrator j and as long 
as she was sole ruler, the government of Gwalior worked 
smoothly. On the other hand, Jankoji Rao Sindia was a 
do-nothing Maharaja. He was content with the pride and 
pomp of power ; he was assured of the protection of the 
British government; and he cared nothing for his country 
or people. Accordingly the government was weak and 
distracted. The administration was carried on by a council 
of ministers, but there was a rankling rivalry for the post of 
premier between an uncle of the Maharaja, named Mama 
^ See pages 527, 528. 


Chap. XX.] GWALIOR : ELLENBORGUGH, 


567 


Sahib, and the hereditary keeper of the crown jewels, named a.d. 
Dada Khasji. In the end the uncle of the Maharaja got ^^43-1^44 
the better of the jewel-keeper, and Mama Sahib became 
chief minister. 

Meanwhile the army of Gwalior had grown turbulent Over- 
and disaffected. It numbered 30,000 infantry, 10,000 
cavalry, and 200 guns. It was not required for defence, as 
Gwalior was protected against foreign invasion by the 
subsidiary alliance with the British government; but it 
absorbed two thirds of the revenues of Gwalior, and resisted 
all attempts at disbandment or reduction. 

The British government had no concern with the army of Sikh 
Gwalior so long as it kept mthin Sindia's territories. But storm 
the Punjab had become a political volcano. Ever since the 
death of Runjeet Singh in 1839, the Sikh army of the 
Khdlsa, numbering 70,000 soldiers and 300 guns, had been * . 
a menace to Hindustan. Lord Ellenboroiigh foresaw that 
sooner or later the Sikh army would cross the Sutlej into 
British territory. A spark would have kindled a flame in 
the army of Gwalior ; and if its movements were combined 
with those of the Sikh army, they would have raised such a 
storm in Hindustan as had not been witnessed since the 
days of Nadir Shah.^ 

Jankoji Rao Sindia died in February, 1843, leaving no Adoption 
children real or adopted. His widow, named Tara Bai, of Jyaji 
was a girl of twelve years of age. This girl adopted a boy, 
who was a distant relative of her husband’s family. The 1343!^^ 
boy was only eight years of age, but he was enthroned as 
Mahdraja under the name of Jyaji Rao Sindia.^ The adop- 
tion was approved by the durbar and the army, and was 
recognised by the British government. 

The next question was the appointment of a regent. Appoint- 
The Gwalior durbar wished the administration to be carried ®^ont of a 
on as before by a council of ministers ; but Lord Ellen- 
borough urged the appointment of one individual as regent 

^ It was this consideration which induced Lord EUenborough to 
pause before sending the avenging army under General Pollock into 
Kabul, Meanwhile any attempt at explanation would have precipitated 
a Sikh invasion. Consequently Lord EUenborough, whilst proving him- 
self a statesman of forecast, was for some time one of the best abused 
Govemors-General that ever landed in India. 

® In the present year (1880) Jyaji Rao Sindia is still Mahdraja of 
Gwalior. 


568 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


1 




A. D. 

1843-1844 



Fall of 
Mama 
Saliib. 


Wrath of 
Lord 
Ellen- 
borough : 
recall of 
the Resi- 
dent, 


Disturb- 
ances at 
Gwalior ; 
advance 
of the 
British 
army. 


Victories 

Maharaj- 
pore and 
Funniar. 


The girl queen was anxious that the Dada should be regent ; 
but Lord Ellenborough was in favour of Mama Sahib. Ac- 
cordingly the Gwalior durbar was told that the Governor- 
General preferred Mama Sahib, and Mama Sahib was 
appointed regent of Gwalior. 

Then followed a feminine intrigue. Tara Bai, in spite 
of her youth, set to work with the other palace ladies to 
thwart and harass Mama Sahib. The vexed and baffled 
regent sought to strengthen him self "against this female con- 
federacy, by betrothing the boy Mahdraja to his own 
niece ; but* this step proved his ruin. Tara Bai feared that 
the marriage would ultimately destroy her own influence 
over the Mahdraja ; and in spite of the remonstrances of 
the British Resident, this young girl dismissed Mama Sahib 
on her own authority, and assumed the name of regent, 
leaving all real power in the hands of the Dada. 

Lord Ellenborough was excessively angry at this move- 
ment, and well he might be. He had interfered in behalf 
of a minister, whom he would not support ; and he had 
been defied by a Mahratta girl of twelve. The restoration 
of Mama Sahib was out of the question ; the Governor- 
General could not reinstate a regent minister who had 
been outwitted by a girl. He could however insist on 
the removal of Dada Khasji ; and accordingly he ordered 
the British Resident to withdraw from Gwalior, and not 
to return until the Dada had been dismissed from office. 
The Gwalior durbar was greatly alarmed, and entreated 
the Resident to return, but he was immovable. 

Meanwhile the Dada had gained over the army of 
Gwalior by his largesses, and disturbances broke out in which 
fifty or sixty persons were killed. Accordingly Lord Ellen- 
borough determined to take active me asures for restoring 
tranquillity to Gwalior, and disbanding the army. In Decem- 
ber, 1843, arrived at Agra, but there were no signs of 
submission at Gwalior. He ordered the British army to 
advance to Gwalior under Sir Hugh Gough. The Dada 
now made his submission, but Lord Ellenborough was bent 
on the disbandment of the dangerous army. 

The chiefs and soldiers of Sindia Saw that the indepem 
dence of the state, and the existence of the army, were 
threatened by the British government. Accordingly they 
made common cause against the Governor-General, and were 


I 



Chap, XX.] GWALIOR : ELLENBOROUGH. 569 

defeated in the battles of Maharajpore and Punniar, both of a.d.^ 
which were fought on the 29th of December, 1843. 1843-1844 

In January, 1 844, a treaty was concluded at Gwalior which ^ , 

placed the Ihture relations of the British government with 
that state on an improved footing. The administration affairs, 
was entrusted to a council of six nobles, which was called 1844. 
the council of regency, and was required to act implicitly 
on the advice of the Resident whenever he might think fit to 
offer it. The new government was required to cede enough * 
territory to maintain a contingent trained and disciplined 
by British officers, henceforth known as the Gwalior Contin- 
gent. At the same time the overgrown army of Gwalior 
was reduced to 6,000 cavalry, 3,000 infantry, and 32 guns. 

In February, 1844, there was a crisis in Holkar’s state of lapsed 
Indore, Hari Rao Holkar died in 1843, ^.nd was succeeded 
by an adopted son, who died in 1844, leaving no son, real |^a.r’s state 
or adopted. There was not only no heir, but no person of Indore, 
having the right to adopt an heir. The Indore state was of 1844. 
modern origin ; it owed its existence to predatory conquest ; 
and it was maintained for the sole benefit of the followers of 
the court. Lord Ellenborough ordered steps to be taken to 
ascertain the national feeling on the subject 

Meanwhile the government of Indore was left under the iiTegnlai* 
regency of the mother of Hari Rao Holkar, who died in installation 
1843 ; lady proposed to nominate a fitting successor Tukaji 

to the boy who died in 1844, Before, however, Lord Ellen- Holkar. 
borough could decide the question, the British Resident at 
Indore declared, on his own authority, that the British 
government would perpetuate the state of Flolkar ; and he 
enthroned the nominee of the queen mother, with all the 
formality of a hereditary chieftain, under the name of Tukaji 
Rao Holkar.^ Lord Ellenborough was exceedingly wroth 
at this unauthorised proceeding, and severely censured the 
Resident, but, under the circumstances, he declined to inter- 
fere with the succession of Tukaji Rao Holkar. 

In June, 1844, Lord Ellenborough was recalled from the Recall 
post of Governor-General. This arbitrary measure took 
India by surprise. There had, however, been angry con- 
troversies between Lord Ellenborough' and the Court of 
Directors, and the former had not been always discreet; 

^ In the present year (1880) Tukaji Rao Holkar is still Maharaja of 
; , Indore. 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III, 



Lord 

Hardinge, 

Governor- 

General, 

1844. 


but the ability, industry, and energy of the noble earl had 
deeply impressed the public mind, and there were many 
who regretted his recall. 

Lord Ellenborough was succeeded by Sir Henry Hardinge 
in the post of Governor-General. During the remainder of 
1844, and nearly the whole of 1845, ^^e new Governor- 
General ’was chiefly occupied in watching the progress of 
events in the Punjab until the breaking out of the first Sikh 
war. Before, however, treating of those important transac- 
tions, it will be necessary to glance at the current of affairs 
in other quarters. 


CHAPTER XXL 


WAR decade: BURMA AND NIPAL. 

A,D. 1839 TO 1849. 

During the administration of Lords Auckland and Ellen- a.d. 
borough, there were strange troubles in Burma, Nipal, and 
the Punjab. The native courts at Ava, Khatmandu, and peiment 
Lahore, were in a state of ferment, more or less excited by outside the 
the Kdbul war ; and the political workings are all the more frontier, 
important from the pictures which they present of oriental 
life outside the area of British suzerainty. 

This ferment was not visible within the British pale. The No dis- 
Mahratta governments of Sindia and Hoikar were too weak afrection 
and distracted to indulge in hopes or fears as regards the within the 
possible downfall of the British empire. The Rajput states 
were a prey to the maladministration' of their rulers and 
the disaffection of their respective feudatories. In Marwar 
especially, the growing anarchy and disorder compelled the 
British government to send a force to keep the peace be- 
tween the Mahdraja and his Thakdrs during the very year 
that the columns from Bengal and Bombay were advancing 
on KdbuL Neither Rajpdt nor Mahratta troubled about 
disasters in Central Asia, or imagined the possibility of a 
renewal of the old wars in Hindustan. 

But public feeling was different in the three courts out- Threatea- 
side the frontier. Rumours were rife that the Governor- Hg war- 
General had sent the flower of the British army into 
remote regions of Central Asia to fight against the Amir, and nortli- 
the Shah, and the Czar; and the air was clouded with west, 
predictions that British power would be shattered in the 


572 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part IIL 



A.D. coming storm, and that Brahma and Muhammad, Gotama 
1839-1849 Buddha and Guru Govind would be avenged on the 
followers of the Nazarene. 

Hostile In Burma and Nipal there was marked hostility towards 
demonstra- the British government. Indeed in 1840 it seemed likely 
tions. , whilst one corps darmk was occupying Kdbul, and a 

second was keeping the peace in Rajpiltana, a third would 
be threading the valley of the Irawadi, whilst a fourth would 
be climbing the slopes and shelves of the Himalayas. At 
Lahore there was less hostile display, but the war spirit was 
burning beneath the surface like the hidden fires of a 
volcano, and was destined at no distant period to burst into 
flames. 

Political Burma was ^essentially a weak government, and its army 
I. relations was beneath contempt ; but the heavy cost of the Burmese 
i"wdthAva, ^ar of 1824-1826, and the terrible loss of life from fever 
^ and malaria, had rendered the British government most 

anxious to keep on friendly terms with the Gourt of Ava. 
In 1830 Colonel Burney was sent as a permanent Resident 
to Ava, in accordance with the treaty of Yandabo ; but he 
was treated by the barbarous court more as a spy to be 
watched and guarded, than as an envoy anxious only for 
the maintenance oif friendly relations. 

Revolii- In 1B37 there was a revolution in the palace at Ava. The 
ition at king, Phagyi-dau, had become hypochondriacal and insane, 
^Ava, 1837. dethroned by his brother Tharawadi, and placed in 

confinement. Then followed the inevitable massacre. The 
I sorceress queen, the heir-apparent, and the ministers of the 

deposed sovereign, were all put to death, together with their 
dependants. Tharawadi became king of Burma, and sought 
to blot out the memory of his predecessor by removing his 
capital from Ava to Amarapiira. 

I^etire- Colonel Burney was alarmed at this revolution. He knew 
3 nent of that Tharawadi was a bitter enemy of the English, and had 
him express contempt for the British government. 
Accordingly he deemed it prudent to retire from the scene, 
and thus escape an insult which might provoke a rupture. 

Lord Auckland w'^as angry at the withdrawal of Colonel 
BritSi Burney, and sent another Resident to take his place. But 
Re sidency, Tharawadi was intolerable ; he was not only cruel and de- 
1 84 .0. praved, but arrogant and insolent to the last degree. N o 


Chap. XXI.] 


WAR DECADE : BURMA. 


573 


Englisli officer would remain long in the depressing climate a.d. 
of Upper Burma, to be treated with scorn and contumely 1^39- ^^49 
by an ignorant barbarian. One Resident after another re- 
tired to Rangoon on the plea of ill-health. At last in 1840 
Tharawadi drove the Residency out of the capital, in viola- 
tion of the treaty of Yandabo. Lord Auckland’s govern- 
ment ignored the outrage rather than resent it, and 
abstained from all further attempts to maintain a Resident 
at Amarapdra, 

, Tharawadi was puffed up beyond measure at the sue- Empty 
cess of his efforts to throw off the English alliance. In 1841 threats 
he marched a large army to Rangoon, threatening to drive 
the English out of Arakan and Tenasserim. But his warlike 
ardour cooled down as he approached Rangoon, for he re- ' 
membered how the Burmese fled from before the English in 
I 1824. Accordingly he put aside all thoughts of war, and 

I amused his subjects by casting a great bell for the golden 

I pagoda at Rangoon. After a few months he returned to his 

j remote capital in the upper valley of the Irawadi with all 

the barbaric pomp of gilded barges, whilst nothing more 
^ was heard of war, 

I In 1 845 the reign of Tharawadi was brought to a close. Assassina- 
i He had degenerated into a tyrant of the worst type ; drink- tiou of 

I ing himself into such paroxysms of fiiry, that it was dangerous 

to approach him. In these mad fits he would shoot 
I minister or stab a queen ; and courtiers and ladies plotted 
j together for their own protection. Suddenly Tharawadi 
passed away from the palace, and was never seen again* 

Whether strangled, smothered, or poisoned, is a palace 
mystery, like the suicide with scissors in the palace at Stam* 
boul. It is sufficient to know that in 1845 Tharawadi ceased 
1 to reign, and his eldest son ascended the throne of Burma. 

, Pagdn Meng, the new sovereign, was of a different stamp Pagan 
to his father. Tharawadi, with all his faults, had a majestic Meng, a 
presence, and spoke and looked like a king. Pag£n Meng, 
on the contrary, was a man of low tastes and vulgar plea- 
sures. He moved his capital from Araarapflra to Ava, and 
there he devoted himself to cock-fighting, ram-fighting, 
gambling, and other mean pursuits. Meanwhile, like Mac- 
beth, he was in constant terror. He would not trust his 
own Burmese courtiers, but preferred a Muhammadan for 
his minister. He condemned all suspected persons to the 



Insurrec- 
tion at 
Ava. 


Petty 
oppres- 
sions at 
Rangoon, 


Political 

relations 

with 

Nipal. 


Benares, a 
centre of 
political 
refugees. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part HI. 

most horrible deaths ; and stifled all complaints by throwing 
the blame upon the minister. Two of his own brothers 
were butchered in this horrid fashion, together with their 
wives, children, servants, and dependants of every kind. 

At last the people of Ava rose in revolt against such 
detestable cruelty. The minister was given up to the 
populace to secure the safety of the king. For three days 
this unfortunate Muhammadan was tortured by the mob, 
and was then beheaded at the place of execution with 
numbers of his creatures. 

All this while there was no British Resident at Ava to 
act as a check upon the king or his people. Rangoon was 
near the sea, and was consequently free from such atrocities ; 
but petty acts of tyranny were practised by the local 
governor towards European and American strangers, who 
were fined, imprisoned, or put in the stocks on the most 
frivolous charges. No civilised man will endure such 
barbaric insolence without appealing to his government for 
redress ; and no government can ignore such appeals with- 
out loss of prestige and national honour. It was not, 
however, until the Punjab had been brought under British 
administration, that Lord Dalhousie saw the necessity for 
remonstrating with the king of Burma. The sequel will be 
told hereafter in dealing with Lord Dalhousie's adminis- 
tration. 

The progress of affairs in Nipal during the war decade 
was more serious than in Burma. There was some bond of 
common interest between the Ghorka and British govern- 
ments; whilst the court of Khatmaridu was more respect- 
able and intelligent than the court of Ava, and had a much 
better army at its command. 

Here it should be explained that from a remote period in 
history the sacred city of Benares has been the resort, not 
only of pilgrims and devotees, but of Hindu political refugees 
of every class and kind. Dethroned sovereigns, childless- 
queens, disgraced ministers, and forlorn princes and 
princesses, have taken up their abode at Benares, and 
generally to intrigue and plot, as well as to sacrifice and 
pray. .■ 

Ever since the rise of the Ghorka dynasty in Nipal, 
revolutions have been frequent in the court of Khatmandu. 


Chap. XXL] 


WAR DECADE : NIPAL. 


575 


Sometimes an able minister of the stamp of Bhfm Sein a.d. 
Thapa and Jung Bahadur has kept the peace for a number ^^39-1^49 
of years ; but such intervals of tranquillity are always 
sooner or later brought to a close by revolutions. Such re- revdntions 
volutions were common enough in every Hindu court in in Nipal. 
India before the British government became the paramount 
power; and one and all have been accompanied by a 
massacre, together with a stampede to Benares of all the 
survivors of a fallen dynasty or ministry. Consequently 
I throughout the present century Benares has been a hot-bed of 
f intrigues and plots for restoring some royal exile to Nipal. 

I From 1804 to 1837 Bhfm Sein Thapa was the sole ruler Bhfm Sein 

of Nipal ; not only as prime minister, but for a long period 'I'hapa, 
j as the paramour of the regent-mother ; and for thirty-three 
years he filled up all superior posts and commands at the 
annual Panjani with members of the Thapa clan; and 
rigidly excluded all others, whether Bharadars or Brahmans, 
from office or power. 

The Nipal war of 1814-16 did not weaken the authority Infant 
of Bhfm Sein Thapa. The young Maharaja attained his Maharajas, 
majority in 1816, but died shortly afterwards, and was sue- 
ceeded in his turn by an infant son. In 1832 the old regent- 
mother died, but Bhfm Sein Thapa was still supreme. The 
infant attained his majority, and was placed upon the 
throne ; but he proved a weak and vacillating prince, and for 
a long time was a mere puppet in the hands of Bhfm Sein 
Thapa. 

But Bhfm Sein Thapa was thwarted by an unexpected An ambi- 
enemy. He had selected the daughter of a Hindu farmer tions 
in British territory to be the bride of the young Mahdraja.^ queen. 

< . The girl gi*ew into an ambitious and scheming woman, and 

^ was constantly stirring up her husband to throw off the 

yoke of the minister. Bhfm Sein Thapa thought to neu- 
I tralise or divide her influence by introducing a second bride 
into the palace. The step, however, proved fatal to his 
power. The elder queen became more bitter than ever; 
j she soon behaved like a female fiend bent on the destruc- 
tion of Bhfm Sein Thapa and his family. 

The restless activity of this extraordinary woman is a 

^ The duty of the minister to choose a bride for the boy Maharaja is 
as old as the Maha Bharata. It will be remembered that Bhfshma x^ro- 
j vided wives for his half-brother and nephews, 

i 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


Entangle- 
ment 
of the 
British 
Resident. 


A D. remarkable feature in Nipal history. She formed a close in- 
1839-1849 timacy with Runjung Pandey, the son of the prime minister 
Feminine been disgraced and ruined in 1803. She persuaded 

intrigues, the Mahdraja to restore the estates of the Pandey family, 
which had been confiscated on that occasion. She won over 
the Guru, or spiritual teacher of the Maharaja, known as the 
Misr Guru and this religious intriguer soon proved a most 
formidable opponent to the British government as well as 
to the Thapa ministry. 

Entangle- Mr. Hodgson, the British Resident at Khatmandu, was 
in danger of being entangled in this web of intrigue. Ever 
British since the war of 1814-16, Bhim Sein Thapa had been as 
Resident, friendly towards the English, as a Ghorka nobleman of those 
times could allow himself to be. At the conclusion of the 
war the enemies of the prime minister wanted the British 
government to deliver the young Maharaja out of his hands ; 
but the predecessor of Mr. Hodgson had declared em- 
phatically that the British government would not interfere 
in the affairs of Nfpal. This very refusal to interfere led 
the whole court to regard that British Resident as the friend 
of Bhim Sein Thapa ; and Mr. Hodgson was thus hated 
by all the enemies of the prime minister; by the elder 
queen, the Pandeys, and the Misr Guru. 

Fall of In 1837 there was an explosion. The youngest son of 
the elder queen died suddenly. It vras widely rumoured that 
Thapa, infant had taken poison intended for the mother ; and 

1837^' Bhim Sein Thapa was charged with having instigated the 
court physicians to administer poison to the elder queen. 
Amidst the commotion, Runjung Pandey, the head of the 
Pandey clan, was appointed prime minister by the Maharaja. 
Bhim Sein Thapa was arrested, put in irons, and thrown 
into prison, together with a nephew named Matabar Singh. 
The family of Bhim Sein Thapa was placed under a guard, 
and all the family property was confiscated. The physician , 
who attended the child, w^as put to the torture until he 
implicated Bhim Sein Thapa, and then he was put to death. 
Ministerial This revolution, however, only went half way, and was 
complica- then met by a reaction. There was a moderate party at 
Khatmandu, represented by a Brahman named Rughonath 
Pundit,^ and a Bharadar named Fiitteh Jung Chountria. 

1 If a Brahman is addressed as a learned man he is called Pundit ; 
if otherwise he is called 'Misr, or Hitter, z>i Mithra, or the sun. 


CHilP. XXL] 


WAR DECADE; NIPAL. 


577 


This moderate party was willing that Bhfm Sein should be a.d. 
brought under some control, but was opposed to the destruc- ^ ^39'iS49 
tion of the Thapas and elevation of the Pandeys. Again the 
younger queen was a staunch friend of Bhfm Sein Thapa : 
she had been given in marriage to the Mahdraja in order 
that she might act as a counterpoise to the elder queen ; 
and she perpetually urged the Maharaja to restore Bhfm 
Sein Thapa to the post of prime minister. 

The working of these jarring influences ended in a poli- Poiitkai 
tical compromise. The Pandeys were removed from the compro- 
ministry. Rughonath Pundit, the leader of the moderate 
party, was made premier, and moderate councils prevailed. 

The Thapas were not restored to power, but Bhfm Sein and 
his nephew, Matabar Singh, were released, pardoned, and 
received by the Maharaja in public durbar. They were 
then each presented with a dress of honour and a capari- 
soned horse, and returned to their respective homes amidst 
the cheers and acclamations of soldiers and citizens. The 
family estates were still under confiscation, but a garden 
house was restored to Bhfm Sein Thapa, and a yearly 
pension was assigned for his support. Thus for a brief 
space matters seemed to quiet down at Khatmandu. 

These moderate measures would not satisfy either of the Quarrel 
two queens. In 1838 there were violent dissensions in l^^tween 
the palace. The elder queen insisted on the restoration of 
the Pandeys to the ministry, whilst the younger queen the elder 
insisted on the restoration of the Thapas. Suddenly the queen, 
elder queen left the palace in a fury, and proceeded to the 
temple of Pusput Nath, accompanied by Runjung Pandey, 
declaring that she would never return to the palace until 
the Maharaja appointed her favourite to be prime minister. 

The temple of Pusput Nath is about three miles from Great 
Khatmandu. It is well worthy of description, for it is the temple of 
most celebrated fane in all Nipal. It is approached by a 
road through the suburbs of the city, beautifully paved with 
brick and granite. Hard by the temple precinct are the 
houses of priests, three or four stories high, built of bricks, 
wdiich are hidden by woodwork curiously carved ; with 
wooden balconies supported by carved rafters, and railed in 
by wood carvings. Intricate tracery hangs down from the 
balconies in broad wooden fringes ; whilst other tracery 
surrounds the grotesque windows. The temple precinct is 


578 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.v>. inclosed by a wall. Massive folding doors open into a 
i 83Q“IS49 handsome courtyard, filled with images, shrines, a kneeling 
figure of Siva, a huge bell, and other sacred objects in 
picturesque confusion. The temple building stands in the 
centre of the court facing the folding doors. It is a quaint 
structure roofed with lead, with silver doors, carved windows, 
and large eaves covered with gilding. It is ascended by a 
double flight of steps, guarded by four sculptured lions, and 
a large copper figure of a bull kneeling, superbly covered 
with gilding. 

In this sacred place the elder queen took up her abode ; 
and during her stay there the Maharaja attended on her 
queen • the court. This flight to Pusput Nath was the 


Triumph 
of the 
elder 


Pandey 

ministry. 


Tragedies 
at Khat- 
mandu, 


interveu' 
tion. 



first of a series of vagaries by which the elder queen tor- 
mented the whole court, and forced the Maharaja to do her 
bidding. In the present case she was appeased by the 
retirement of Rughonath Pundit, and the appointment of 
Runjung Pandey to the post of premier. 

In 1839 the elder queen succeeded in wreaking her ven- 
geance on the Thapa family. The charge of poisoning 
was revived. The execution of the physician who attended 
inter4m^' son would' not satisfy her thirst for vengeance. 

The other court physicians were thrown into prison, and 
only escaped torture by committing suicide. The brother 
of Bhim Sein, named Runbfr Singh, turned fakir. Bhim 
Sein saw that he was doomed, and appealed to the Resident 
for protection ; but the Resident could do nothing, for he 
had been strictly forbidden to interfere in the affairs of 
Nipal. 

At last Bhfm Sein Thapa was brought before the durbar, 
and the so-called confessions of the dead physicians were 
Bhim Sem produced against him, charging him with wholesale poison- 
ings at intervals, during a long series of years. He manfully 
defended himself, denounced the confessions as forgeries, 
and demanded to be confronted with his accusers. Not a 
single chieftain, however, dared to say a word in his behalf. 
The Maharaja gave way to a burst of indignation, real or 
feigned, and ordered him to be chained and imprisoned as 
a traitor. 

The fate of Bhim Sein Thapa has many parallels in oriental 
history. He was threatened with torture, with dishonour in 
his zenana, with torment and shame unknown to Europe, 


Condem' 
nation of 


Doom of 
the 

Thapas. 


Chap. XXI.] 


WAR DECADE : NIP AL. 


579 


until he killed himself in despair. His remains were dis- a.d. 
membered and thrown to the dogs and vultures. His ^ ^ 39- *^49 
family was reduced to penury, and banished to the snows 
of the Himalayas y and a decree was issued declaring that 
the Thapas were outcasts, and that no one of the Thapa 
clan should be employed in the public service for the space 
of seven generations. 

All this while the elder queen and the Pan dey ministry Intrigues 
had been intriguing against the British government, Ma~ , 

tabar Singh had been sent to the court of Runjeet Singh at 
Lahore, and thus escaped the doom which had befallen pandey 
his uncle. A second emissary was sent to Burma to ministry 
report on the growing rupture between the Burmese court against the 
and the British government. A third had gone to Lhassa to 
persuade the Chinese authorities that some recent conquests 
of the Sikhs in Ladakh had been made at the instigation of 
the British government. A fourth had been sent to Plerit 
to report on the prospects of a war between the English and 
Persia. Meanwhile prophecies were disseminated through 
British provinces predicting the speedy downfall of the 
British supremacy, and preparations were being made for 
war throughout Nipal. It w^as thus evident that the 
Ghorka court was only waiting for some disaster to the 
British arms to declare war against the British government. 

In 1840 Lord Auckland addressed a letter of remon- Measures 
strance to the Mahdraja, and moved a corps of observation <^f 
to the frontier. This measure had a wholesome effect upon ^au^^rof * 
the Mahdraja. He dismissed the Pandey ministry in a niinSry! 
panic, and appointed Futteh Jung Chountria to be premier. 

This latter chieftain belonged to the moderate party, and 
was well disposed towards the British government In 
1841 the Mahdraja dismissed the Misr Guru, and the latter 
was forced to go on pilgrimage to Benares. 

The elder queen was driven frantic by this reversal of her Yiolence 
designs. She was not content with leaving the palace and 
going to Pusput Nath ; she separated herself altogether 
from the Mahdraj a, assumed the dress of a female ascetic, ^ 
and threatened to go on pilgrimage to Benares. She tried 
to terrify the Mahdraja into abdicating the throne in favour 
.of her eldest son, the heir-apparent On one occasion she 
induced the soldiery at Khatmandu to break out in mutiny. 

She encouraged the heir- apparent to commit the most 

■ ■ V . " ' IB 1? 2 ' .. 


SSo 

' a.P. 
IS39-I849 


A vacil- 
latii _ 
iraja, 


Death of 
the elder 
queen, 
1841: 
general re 
concilia- 
tion. 


Wrath of 
the Maha- 
raja at 
English 
news- 
papers, 
1842. 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Fart III. 


Mad 
freaks 
of the 
heir- 
apparent 


extravagant and cruel acts in order to alarrn tlie MaMraja. 

All &is while she was constantly urging the_Mah£raja to 

P^dert di™ the BriBh Resident a.d 
declare war against the British government. ^ 

The wik and vacillating Mahdraja was moved to and 
fro like a pendulum by alternate hopes and fears._ At one 
time he expatiated in durbar on the rumoured disasters of 
tiiTEnglish in Burma and China. At ano&er time he was 
fssuS the Resident of his friendship towards the British 
Jvemment, and offering to send his forces in support of 

Elder^|Srwarindisposed,and theMahJa^^ 
was anxfous for a reconciliation. She became softened by. 
her sickness, and threw off her ascetic dress, and talked of 
restoring the Thapas to their caste and estates. _ Towards 
"fte end of the year she died suddenly, not without sus- 
nicions of poison! After her death there was no more talk 
of hostility with the British government and the corps 
of observation was soon withdravm from the frontier. All 
difficulties in the relations between the two states were thus 
removed ; and all signs of secret agents from other nauve 

states passed away from Khatmandu. ^ i 

In 1^42 a curious incident occurred which reveals some- 
thing of the working of English journalism on orienta 
minds A report appeared in a Calcutta newspaper that the 
dder queen had beL poisoned. The Mahdraja was . mid 
with rage, and called on the British Resident to surrender 

Sediton He was determined, he said, to flay the. j ournalist 

alive, and rub him to death with salt and lemon-juice , and 
he threatened to declare war if the Governor-General 

refused to accede to his demand. After a suitable explana- 
tion of British law and usage, the Mahdra^ cooled dowm, 
and subsequently sent an apology to the Resident for the 

period^ the mad freaks Tf the heir-appment 
caused great excitement in Nipal. He engaged elephants 
to fight in the streets of Khatmandu, and caused the 
death of several persons. He wounded Bharadars ^d 
■ their sons with a sword or knife. He was only a boy 
of twelve, but he would often heat his wives who were , 
girls of nine or ten. Sometimes he threw ^ 

nver; and he kept one poor girl so long in a tank that 


Chap. XXL] WAR DECADE: NIPAL. 5S1 

she died in consequence. A female attendant interfered a,d. 
and he set her clothes on fire. He was brutally jealous ^^39-1849 
of his step-mother, the younger queen and her two sons, 
and they ultimately fled from his cruelty into the plains.^ 

In these acts of insane violence he had been originally 
encouraged by his deceased mother in the hope of terrifying 
his father into abdication ; and after her death they became 
more frequent than ever. 

When the news of the destruction of the British army Dangerous 
in the Khaiber Pass reached Khatmandu, the heir-apparent freaks, 
indulged in still more dangerous freaks. He threatened 
to murder the British Resident, or drive him out of the 
country. He displayed a special spite against Jung Bahadur, 
the same chief who afterwards became celebrated in Europe. 

He commanded Jung Bahadur and other chiefs at court 
to jump down wells at the hazard of their lives ; and no 
one seems to have ventured to disobey him.^ Many of the 
common soldiers were maimed for life by being compelled 
at his orders to jump down wells, or off the roofs of houses. 

Strange to say the Maharaja made no attempt to restrain 
his son in these eccentric cruelties, because the astrologers 
had declared that the young prince was an incarnation of 
deity, and foretold that at no distant period he would 
extirpate the English foreigners. The consequence was 
that on more than one occasion the prince assaulted his own 
father, and once inflicted severe wounds. 

Meanwhile the disasters in Kdbul induced the Mahdraja Kabul 
to recall the Pandeys to court, and the Misr Guru from disaster: 
Benares. One of the Pandeys, named Kubraj, amused the 
heir-apparent by getting up mock fights between Ghorkas 
and English, The English were represented by natives of go veni- 
low caste painted white, and dressed in British tiniforms i mmiu 
and they were of course defeated, and dragged about the 
streets in most igiiominious fashion. 

At this juncture, however, the Pandeys made a false step, 

A number of libels, reviving the old scandal that the elder 

1 Major, afterwards Sir Henry Lawrence, succeeded Hodgson as 
Resident at Khatmandu. He refers to these strange scenes, and gives 
the leading actors the names of Mr, Nipal, Mrs. Nipal, and Master 
Hipal. See Memoirs of Lawrence, by Edwardes and Merivale. 

^ ^ In after years Jung Bahadur boasted that he had practised the art 
of jumping down wells as the best means of saving his life on these 
occasions, O^Xf^i2X^^^ fourney to Khatmandu, - 


S82 

A.D. 

1839-1849 

Great State 
trial at 
•Khat- 
mandu. 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


National 
movement 
against 
the heir- 
apparent. 


Maharaja 
faces the 
revolution 
ary body. 


queen had died from poison, were traced to Kubraj Pand.ey, 
and he and other Pandeys were arrested and put in irons, 

A State trial was held by the Bharada Sobah, or _^eouncil of 
chieftains, at which the Maharaja sat as Piesident. The 
trial lasted several days, during which there was a general 
stoppage of business. At last Kubraj Pandey was convic- 
ted : his right hand was cut off, his property was confiscated, 
and he was sent into banishment _ , 

Towards the close of 1842 the cruelties and insults of the 
heir-apparent towards all classes, and the cowardly apathy 
of the Mahdraja, brought Nipal to the brink of a revolution. 
The chiefs and people complained that they did not know 
who was the Maharaja, the son or the father. The ferment 
spread through the whole valley; public meetings were held 
on the parade ground at Khatmandu ; and at one large 
meeting, said to number eight thousand people, a com- 
mittee was appointed for drawing up a petition of advice 
and remonstrance to the Maharaja. Finally the soldiery 
made common cause with the chiefs and people. They 
demanded that the Misr Guru should be sent back to Be- 
nares, and that the surviving queen should be recalled from 
her voluntary exile in the plains, and appointed regent of 

Nipal. . , 

On the 2nd of December, 1842, there was a meeting of 
the chiefs and officers, at which the Mahdraja unexpectedly 
■ made his appearance. His presence prevented any allusion 
to the regency of the queen. He sought by arguments, en- 
treaties, and threats, to induce the assembly to let things 
remain as they were. In reply, he was told that the people 
could not obey two masters ; that he must either keep his 
son under control, or abdicate the throne in his son’s favour. 
Many instances were quoted in which the soldiers had been 
punished by the heir-apparent for obeying the commands 
of the Mahdraja. The Mahdraja promised to abdicate by 
and by, and begged that during the interval his son might 
be addressed by his title ; but the assembly raised a groan, 
of dissent. The Maharaja ordered the officers of the army 
to leave the meeting, but they refused. Next he ordered 
the Bharadars to leave, but they also refused. He then 
retired, and the assembly broke up, convinced that the 
Mahdraja and his son were infatuated beyond redemption. 

There was evidendy something behind the scenes. It 


Chap. XXI.] 


WAR DECADE : NIP AL. 


5B3 


was said that the Maharaja had solemnly promised the a.d. 
deceased queen that he would abdicate the throne in favour 1839-1849 
of her son, and that he was equally afraid of breaking his 
oath and retiring from the sovereignty. The Choimtria scenes, 
ministry vacillated between father and son. They were 
anxious to know who was to be Maharaja, but they were 
jealous of the movement for the regency of the surviving 
queen. 

On the 5th of December the draft petition was sub- Petition of 
mitted by the committee to a vast assembly of all the and 
Bharadars, municipal authorities, merchants, and officers 
and soldiers of every grade. It was unanimously approved 
and ordered for presentation on the 7th, as the intermediate 
day was unlucky. The Maharaja was present with the heir- 
apparent, and tried to browbeat the assembly, but all his 
wrath was expended in vain. 

On the night of the intermediate day there was an outbreak Attempted 
in the city of Khatmandu. The bugles were sounded, and arrest of 
three hundred soldiers tried to arrest the Bharadars under 
the orders of the Maharaja. The attempt failed, andieJ^ei-s* 
kindled the popular indignation to the highest pitch. Next Maharaja 
day the Maharaja yielded to the petition, and a deputation submits, 
was despatched to bring in the young queen. 

Next day the queen was conducted into Khatmandu, and Queen 
invested with the authority of regent. The Bharadars and appointed 
officers presented their honorary gifts and congratulations. 

But the ferment soon died out, and her authority ebbed 
away. The Chountrias vacillated between the Malidraja, 
the heir- apparent, and the regent queen ; and the counsels 
and commands of the queen were unheeded by the durbar. 

In 1843 the Chountria ministers were again in trouble, plots of 
They implored the queen to stand forth as the head of the the queen, 
country, to insist on the December pact, or to retire to the 
plains ; and they promised to accompany her with all the 
leaders of her party. But she said that they had let the 
occasion slip, and the country was not ripe for another 
revolution. In reality she was plotting to set aside the 
heir-apparent on the plea of insanity, and to set up the 
elder of her two sons in his room ; and she suspected that 
the Chountrias were secret supporters of the heir-apparent. 

About this time all parties at Khatmandu were inviting Matabar 
.Matabar Singh to return to NipaL This man was as able Singh. 


584 BRITISH IKDIA. [Part 111. 

A.P. and brave as his famous uncle Bln'm Sein Thapa. He 
1839-1849 spent some time feeling his way, but at last entered Khat- 
" mandu, and had an interview with the Maharaja. 

Destrac- A few days afterwards there was a council of Bharadars 
tion of the at the palace. The written confessions of the Pandeys 
Pandeys: were produced, admitting that the charges of poisoning 
theThapas pjrought against the Thapas were all false. Five 

revenged, beheaded. Kubraj Pandey was dragged 

to the place of execution with a hook through his breast. 
Others were flogged and their noses cut off. Runjung Pandey, 
the head of the family, was on his death -bed, and was 
mercifully permitted to die in peace. In this way Matabar 
Singh wreaked his vengeance on the murderers of Bhim 
Sein Thapa. 

Matabar Before the end of 1843, the decree against the Thapas 
Singh was annulled, and Matabar Singh was appointed premier in 
premier: the room of Futteh Jung Chountria ; but he soon found 
enmity of^ impossible to please the conflicting parties. He 

the queen, tried to support the heir-apparent in the hope of procuring 
the restoration of the confiscated estates of his family; but 
by so doing he excited the bitter resentment of the queen ; 
and from this time she was apparently bent upon work- 
ing his destruction. 

Threat- In 1844, Nipal seemed to be again on the eve of a 
ened revolution. The violent acts of the heir-apparent, the 
massacre vacillations of the Maharaja, the rash and overbearing con- 
brMaior Matabar Singh, and the absurd and contradictory 

Lawrence, orders which daily issued from the palace, were exhausting 
the patience of the Bharadars. These chiefs were anxious 
that there should be but one ruler in Nipal, but they were 
unwilling that Matabar Singh should be that ruler. Matabar 
Singh would probably have cut his way to supreme power 
by a wholesale massacre of Bharadars, as his uncle, Bhim 
Sein had done at the beginning of the century ; but he was 
restrained by the wholesome counsels of Major, afterwards 
Sir Henry Lawrence, who about this time succeeded Mr. 
Hodgson as British Resident at Khatmandu. ,* 

More All this while Matabar Singh was plotting to drive the 

plots. Mahdraja to abdicate the throne in favour of the heir- 
apparent ; whilst the Maharaja and the queen were secretly 
plotting to destroy Matabar Singh. The Mahtoja, how- 
ever, continued to heap honours minister 


,/ Chap. XXI.] WAR DECADE : NIPAL. SSs 

/■ 

/ he had resolved to destroy. In the beginning of 1845, a. d 
Matabar Singh was appointed premier for life. Later on the 
Maharaja bestowed other marks of favour on the premier. •— 

At last, on the night of the i8th of May, 1845, Matabar 
Singh was murdered in the palace. 

The story was horrible. Late at night the minister had Honible 
been summoned to the palace, under the pretence that the murder of 
queen had seriously hurt herself. He hurried off unarmed 
to obey the summons, accompanied by two kinsmen. The ’ 
kinsmen were stopped at the foot of the palace stairs, and 
Matabar Singh was conducted alone to a room next the 
queen’s where the Maharaja was standing. As he advanced 
towards the Mahdraja a rapid fire was opened upon him 
from behind the trellised screen. He begged for mercy for 
his wife and children, and then expired. His mangled 
remains were lowered into the street, and carried off for 
cremation to the temple of Pusput Nath ; and the paved 
road to the sanctuary was trickled with his blood. Many 
chiefs were suspected of being implicated in the murder. 

Jung Bahadur boasted that he had fired the fatal shot ; but 
the prime mover in the plot is said to have been Guggun 
Singh, the paramour of the relentless queen. 

The murder of Matabar Singh was followed by a minis- Sil<h 
terial crisis which lasted many months. Meanwhile all invasion of 
India was watching the Sikh war on the north-west. 
war was brought to a close early in 1846, and the year was 
approaching its fourth quarter, when Khatmandu was 
aroused by a story of a massacre which sent a thrill of 
horror through Hindustan. 

Ever since the murder of Matabar Singh, there had been New min- 
bitter quarrels in the palace. A ministry had been formed isjry at 
by Futteh Jung Chountria ; and the queen had procured the 
appointment of her favourite Guggun Singh, as a member 
of the ministry.^ At this period the queen exercised a com- 
manding influence in the government of Nipal, and plotted 
to secure the succession of her elder son to the throne in 
the room of the heir-apparent 

The heir-apparent was filled with wrath at the aspect of 
affairs. He swore to be revenged on the murderers of 

^ The ministry comprised Futteh Jung Chountria as premier, three 
other members as his colleagues and deputies, and Jung Bahadur as 
military member. - 


5S6 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D, Matabar Singh, and he publicly threatened Guggun Singh. 
1S39-1849 jpe abused his father for not abdicating the throne in his 
Thr^ of declared that he would seize the government; 

tlie heir- whilst the Mahdraja vacillated as udual, or played one party 
apparent, against another to suit his own purposes. 

Assassina- Ou the night of the 14th of September, 1846, Guggun 
tion and Singh was murdered in his own house. The queen heard of 
massacre, catastrophe, and hastened to the place on foot, and 
filled the air with her lamentations. She despatched a 
messenger to tell the Mahdraja of the murder ; and she sum- 
moned all the civil and military officers to the spot. The 
council assembled in such hot haste that many appeared 
without arms. The queen demanded the immediate execu- 
tion of one of the Pandeys, whom she charged with the 
murder ; but the Mahdraja refused to have the man put to 
death unless it was proved that he was guilty. Altercations 
arose; shots were fired; and the premier and others fell 
dead. A party of soldiers, armed with double-barrelled 
rifles, poured in a murderous fire, and more than thirty chiefs 
were slaughtered.^ Jung Bahadur was appointed premier 
on the spot, and undertook the sole management of affairs. 
JimgBa-' The queen next called on Jung Bahadur to destroy the 
hadur all heir-apparent and his brother ; but the new premier declared 
powerful. heir-apparent, and carried out more executions. 

Subsequently, the Mahdraja proceeded on pilgrimage to 
Benares, accompanied by the queen, leaving the heir-appa- 
rent to carry on the government until his return to 
Khatmandu. 

Installa- In 1847 the Maharaja left Benares to return to his capital, 
tion of the but fie loitered so long on the way, and displayed so many 
aberrations of mind, that the Bharadars installed the heir- 
* apparent on the throne, and declared that the Maharaja had 
abdicated the sovereignty. 

Conclu- Meanwhile, Jung Bahadur was appointed prime minister 
sion. for and tranquillity returned to the court of Nipal In 
1850 Jung Bahadur paid a visit to England, and after his 
return in 1851 an abortive plot was formed to destroy him. 
Since then the Ghorkas have engaged in wars on the side 
of Thibet, but nothing of permanent interest has transpired 
in Nipal. Jung Bahadur died early in 1877. 

^ It is impossible to say how many persons fell in this horrible 
butchery. Reports vary from thirty to a hundred and twenty. 


CHAPTER XXIT. 


SIKH HISTORY: RUNJEET SINGH, ETC. 

Ante 1845. 

The history of the Punjab is one of the most important a.d. 
episodes in Indian history. The Sikh government was a ^^^^^1845 
theocratic commonwealth, like that of the Hebrews under the 
Judges ; but they were a sect rather than a nationality, 
animated with a stern military enthusiasm like CromwelFs monwealth 
Ironsides. Nanuk Guru founded the Sikh community in the iu the Pun- 
fifteenth century, but great reforms were carried out in thei^^* 
seventeenth century by Guru Govind. The essence of the 
Sikh faith was that there was only one God \ that the Guru 
for the time ,being was his prophet; that all Sikhs were 
equal in the eyes of God and the Guru ; and that all were 
bound together in a holy brotherhood known as the Khalsa, 

Guru Govind abolished all social distinctions amongst the 
Khdlsa. He sprinkled holy water upon five faithM dis- 
ciples, namely, a Brahman, a Kshatriya, and three 
Sildras. He hailed them as Singhs or lion warriors ; he 
declared that they were the Khdlsa,i or brotherhood of 
faith ill God and the Guru;^ and he promised that 
whenever five Sikhs were gathered together, he would be 
in the midst of them. This idea of five Sikhs forming 
a Kh^lsa, will be found to have a strange meaning in the 
later history. 

^ According to Cunniugham, the Klialsa signifies “the saved or 
liberated^ 

2 God, as taught by Guru Govind, was a spirit invisible to ordinary 
eyes, and only to be seen by the eye of faith in the general body of 
the Khalsa. 


SS8 

*a.b. 

Ante 1845 

The Gurus 
and yearly 
assemblies. 


The 

IChalsa ; 
the twelve 
Misls or 
frater- 
nities. 


Sirdars, or 
leaders of 
Misls. 


Types of 
Sirdars, 
Puritan 
and Pind- 
haii. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

Henceforth a representative of Nanuk Guru and Guru 
Govind was the spiritual teacher of the Sikhs. He was em- 
phatically known as the Guru, and the watchword of the 
Sikhs was ‘^Hail, Guru ! ” ^ He combined the functions of a 
prince wdth those of a prophet. The city of Umritsir, the 
“pool of immortality,’ ' became the religious centre of the 
Sikhs : and eveiy year there was a grand gathering at the 
sacred city, like the Hebrew gatherings at Shiloh. 

The Sikhs originally had no nationality. They were a 
close religious community formed out of Hindus, Muham- 
madans, and others. They were all soldiers of the Khdlsa. 
They were divided into twelve fraternities, known as Misls, 
or “equals.” The Misls were not tribes in the Hebrew 
sense of the word. They were not descended from the 
twelve sons of a common ancestor ; there was no division 
of the land amongst the twelve Misls as there was amongst 
the twelve tribes. The Misls were fraternities, increasing 
and diminishing according to circumstances. Indeed, the 
number “twelve” was more traditional than real; some 
gave birth to other Misls, whilst some died out altogether. 

The leader of a Mis! was known as the Sirdar ; he was 
the arbiter in time of peace, and the leader in time of war. 
The Sirdar might be fervent in his devotion to God and 
the Guru, and at the same time he might be nothing more 
than a freebooter. Irrespective of the Misls, any Sikh 
warrior who gained distinction by killing a tiger, or shooting 
an arrow through a tree, would soon be joined by a band 
of lawless followers, and call himself a Sirdar. There was 
no question of pay. Every man provided himself with a 
horse and matchlock, and perhaps other weapons, and then 
fought and plundered under the banner of his chosen Sirdar, 
in the name of God and the Guru. 

The Sirdars were warriors and judges, like Joshua or 
Jephthah, and they differed just as widely. There were 
Sirdars of the Puritan type, who took the field at the head 
of their sons and vassals ; tall wiry men, with eagle eye, 
soldier-like bearing, unshorn locks, and flowing beards ; 
armed to the teeth with matchlock, pistol, blunderbuss, 
sword, and spear ; and attended with all the showy accom- 
paniments of stately camels, prancing steeds, and tinkling 

^ The cry Guru I ” implies “ Hail to the state or church of 

the Guru I” ^ ■ ■ 


Chap. XXII.] SIKH HISTORY : RUNJEET SINGH, ETC, 


5S9 


bells. There were also Sirdars of the Pindhari type, whose a.d. 
followers were low caste men, turned into Sikhs by twisting 
up the hair, combing out the beard, assuming a tall turban 
and yellow girdle, and mounting a strong bony horse with a 
sword at their side, and a spear in their hand. 

Besides these regular and irregular Sikhs, there were a set Akalis, or 
of fierce fanatics known as Akalis, They were a stern and 
sombre brotherhood of military devotees, — soldiers of God, zealots. 
— instituted by Guru Govind, and distinguished by steel 
bracelets and blue dresses and turbans. The Akilis were 
not lazy drones like Fakirs, for when not engaged in arms, 
they would find other work to do for the good of the 
community at large. ^ 

Towards the close of the eighteenth century, the Sikh Decay of 
Misls were dying out. The fraternities had been broken up Misls. 
by assaults from Afghan and Moghul, by internal feuds, 
and by the freebooting habits of irregular Sirdars. The 
old religious fervour was still burning in the breasts of the 
Khdlsa, but there was no one to direct it or control it. 

About 1800 the young warrior Runjeet Singh came to the Rise of 
front Born in 1780, he was appointed viceroy of Lahore Runjeet 
by the Afghan sovereign at Khbul before he was twenty. His 
career was now before him. He stirred up the enthusiasm of ^ 
the Khhlsa to throw off the yoke of the Afghans. He engaged 
in conquests on all sides, and brought new countries and 
peoples under the dominion of the Khdlsa. He never 
suffered the Khdlsa to be at rest ; and he thus prevented 
the Sirdars from revolting against his authority, or fighting 
one another. His ambition was boundless except on the 
side of the Sutlej. Had he flourished a generation earlier 
he might have conquered Hindustan ; but whilst he was 
still a young man, the British empire in India was an 
established fact; and the victories of Lord Lake had in- 
spired him with a wholesome respect for the British power. 

He refused to protect Jaswant Rao Holkar in 1805; and 

^ The late Captain Cunningham states in his History of the Sikhs, 
that he once found an Akdli repairing, or rather making, a road among 
precipitous ravines. On the other hand a Sikh fakir has been lying on 
a large stone outside Allahabad for the last thirty or forty years, ab- 
sorbed in religious contemplations, and supported by voluntary subscrip- 
tions. He is said to have lain there during the mutiny, regardless of shot 
or shell. The author saw him in 1878, when he appeared to be a robust 
devotee of seventy, or perhaps older. 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III 



A.D. 

Ante 1 84s 


Politic 
dealings 
■with tiie 
Sikh 
Khalsa, 


Character- 
istics of 
Runjeet 
Singh. 


Sikh 

morals. 


Death of 

Runjeet 

Singh, 

1839. 


Sikh and 

Rajput 

factions. 


he yielded to the demands of the British government in 
1809 as regards the Ciz-Sutlej states. Henceforth he 
proved as faithful to his alliance with the British govern- 
ment, as Herod, king of the Jews, was faithful to his 
alliance with Rome. 

Meanwhile Runjeet Singh knew how to deal with the 
Khalsa. The Sikh army was drilled by successive French 
adventurers, named Allard, Ventura, Avitable and Court; 
but Runjeet Singh would not needlessly excite the jealousy 
of the Sirdars by treating the Europeans as trusted advisers. 
Again, Runjeet Singh was known as the Maharaja of the 
Punjab, but he only styled himself the commander of the 
army of the Khilsa, and he ascribed all the glory of his 
victories to God and the Guru Govind. 

Runjeet Singh was short in stature, and disfigured with 
small-pox which had deprived him of his left eye. He 
could neither read nor write. Yet this stunted and illiterate 
being was gifted with a genius, tact, and audacity, which 
enabled him to keep both the Punjab and army of the 
Khalsa under perfect control. He shrank from inflicting 
capital punishments, but he was remorseless in cutting ofif 
noses, ears, and hands ; and for years after his death there 
were many poor wretches at Lahore, who complained of the 
mutilations they had suffered under the iron rule of Runjeet 
Singh. 

The religion of Guru Govind may have purified the forms 
of public worship, and reformed the morals of the lower 
classes, but many abominations lingered in the land down 
to the end of the Sikh government. Widows were burnt 
alive with their deceased husbands. Murders were frequent in 
the provinces. The court of Lahore was a sink of iniquity ; 
rampant with all the vices that brought down fire and brim- 
stone on the cities of the plain. 

Runjeet Singh died in 1839, and five favourite queens and 
seven female slaves were burnt alive with his remains. 
Then began a series of revolutions which shook the Sikh 
dominion to its foundations, and left it prostrate at the feet 
of the British power. 

At this period the court of Lahore was split into two 
factions, the Sikhs and the Rajpilts. The Sikhs had been 
jealous at the rapid rise of two Rajpilt brothers in the 
favour of Runjeet Singh. The brothers were originally 



Chap. XXII.] SIKH HISTORY: RUNJEET SINGH, ETC. 591 

common soldiers, but had been raised to the rank of Rajas, a.d. 
and were known as the Jam u Rajas. Gholab Singh, the elder, 1845 
was appointed viceroy of Jamu, between Lahore and Kashmir. 

Dhidn Singh, the younger, was prime minister at Lahore. 

In 1839, Kharak Singh, eldest son of Runjeet Singh, Kharak 
succeeded to the throne of Lahore. He was an imbecile, Singh, 
but he had a son of great promise, named Nao Nihal 
Singh. Both father and son were bent on the destruction 
of the Jamu Rajas. They began by the removal of Dhidn 
Singh, the younger of the two Rajas, from his post as head 
of the administration at Lahore; and they appointed a 
wretched parasite in his room, who was regarded with con- 
tempt by the whole court. But the Rajpiit blood of Dhiin 
Singh boiled at the indignity, and he cut his successor to 
pieces in the presence of his royal master. Kharak Singh 
took fright at the murder, and shut himself up in his 
palace where he perished within a year of his accession. 

In 1840, Nao Nihal Singh became Mahdraja, but was Nao Nihal 
killed at his father’s funeral by the fall of an archway.^ Singh, 
This sudden and tragic event led to the general belief that 
both father and son were murdered by the exasperated 
ex-minister. 

Dhi^n Singh was an intriguer of the common Asiatic type, a queen 
He thought to set up a son of Runjeet Singh as a puppet regent. 
Maharaja, and to rule in his name under the title of minister. 

But he was checkmated for a while by the old dowager 
queen, the widow of Kharak Singh. This lady declared 
that the widowed queen of the young Nao Nihal Singh 
was about to become a mother ; and on the strength 01 
this assertion, she assumed the post of queen regent in 
behalf of the unborn infant. The story was a farce, for the 
alleged mother was a girl of eight ; but the Sikh court at 
Lahore held Dhidn Singh in such hatred that all the chief 
Sirdars affected to believe the story, and recognised the 
regency of the dowager queen. 

In 1841, the Sirdars were disgusted with the queen regent 

^ Strange to say, there is a plot in an ancient Hindu drama for the 
destruction of Chandragupta, the Sandrokottos of the Greeks, hy the 
very same artifice of a falling archway. The drama is known as 
“Mudra Rakshasa,” or the “Signet of the Minister.^’ An English 
translation will be found in Wilson’s Theatre of the Hindus, For the i 
story of Chandragupta, see page 50, 


592 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 



A.D. 

1846, 

Exile and 

murder, 

1841, 

Sker 

Singh and 
his Rajput 
minister, 

1841-43. 

Dangerous 
power of 
the Sikh 
army. 


Her private life was detestable; and she was compelled to 
resign the regency and retire into the country. Subse- 
quently, she was beaten to death at the instigation of Dhian 
Singh, by four of her own slave girls, who dashed out 
her brains with a heavy stone whilst engaged in dressing 
her hair. 

Meanwhile Dhidn Singh was triumphant He placed Sher 
Singh, a reputed son of Runjeet Singh, on the throne at 
Lahore, and ruled the kingdom as minister. But a new 
power had risen in the body politic, which within a few short 
years was destined to work the ruin of the dynasty. 

Ever since the death of Runjeet Singh in 1839, the army of 
the Kh£lsa had grown more and more turbulent and unruly. 
They rose against their French generals, and compelled them 
to fly for their lives.^ They clamoured for increase of pay, 
and committed the most frightful excesses and outrages. 
Sher Singh and his minister were compelled to yield to the 
demands of the troops ; and henceforth the army of the 
Khalsa was absolute master of the state. The soldiers con- 
tinued to obey their own officers, but the officers themselves 
were subject to the dictation of punchayets, or committees 
of five, which were elected from the ranks. Guru Govind 
had promised that whenever five Sikhs were assembled in his 
name, he would be in the midst of them. Accordingly, 
punchayets were formed in every regiment, and were 
supposed to be under the guidance of the unseen Guru ; 
and their united action controlled the whole army. Sher 
Singh and his minister saw that no power, save that of 
the English, could deliver the Sikh government from the 
dictation of the Khalsa. In 1841, they opened the Punjab 
to troops passing between British territory and Kdbul, and 
they begged the British government to interfere and 
suppress the growing disorders of the Khdlsa. 

In 1843 there was an explosion at Lahore. Malidraja 
Sher Singh had been plotting the murder of the minister, 
and the minister had been plotting the murd er of the 
Maharaja. Both plots were successful, and recoiled on the 
heads of the authors. One morning Sher Singh was shot 
dead on parade, and his son was assassinated, whilst Dhian 
Singh was murdered about the same hour. 

1 At this period there were only two French generals in the Sikh 
army, Avitable and Court. 


Chap XXII.J SIKH HISTORY: RUNJEET SINGH, ETC. 


593 


Amidst these commotions, a son of DhMn Singh, named a.d. 
Hira Singh, appealed to the army of the Khilsa, and 1 ^ 45 - 

mised large money rewards. With the aid of these Prae- 
torian bands, he placed an infant son of Runjeet Singh upon siugh and 
the throne, under the name of Mahdraja Dhulfp Singh. The the regent- 
mother of the boy was then appointed queen regent, and Hfra mother. 
Singh succeeded his murdered father in the post of minister. 

It was at this crisis that Lord Ellenborough foresaw that the 
army of the Khdlsa would one day threaten Hindustan ; 
and he marched a British force towards Gwalior with the 
view of disbanding Sindia’s unruly army as described in 
a previous chapter. 

During 1844 affairs at Lahore reached a crisis. The new Crisis of 
minister tried in vain to break up the army of the Khilsa ; 1844. 
the punchayets were all-powerful, and would not allow a 
company to be disbanded, or even removed from Lahore, 
without their consent. The result was that Hira Singh 
was murdered, and the government of Lahore was left in 
the hands of a boy Mahdraja, a regent-mother, and a 
disaffected army. 

The regent-mother was as depraved as the widow of Rivalry of 
Kharak Singh, who was deposed in 1841. She appointed tlie brother 
two ministers : one was her own brother, and the other 
was a paramour, named Lai Singh. The army of the 
Khd,lsa grew more and more clamorous for largesses and 
increase of pay ; and were only prevented from plundering 
Lahore by being moved away under the sanction of the 
punchayets to exact money contributions from the viceroys of 
outlying provinces, such as Kashmir and Miiltan. At the 
same time the two ministers, the brother and the paramour, 
were intriguing against each other. The brother gave mortal 
offence to the array of the Khdlsa, and was tried and con- 
demned by the punchayets as a traitor to the common- 
wealth, and was finally shot dead by a party of soldiers 
outside Lahore. 

The regent-mother and her paramour were now in sore Sikh army 
peril. The paramour Lai Singh became sole minister, but Invades 
another Sirdar, named Tej Singh, was appointed to the 
nominal command of the army of theKhdlsa. But Tej Singh 
was the slave as well as the commander-in-chief of the 
army of the Khdlsa ; and was compelled to act according 


594 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. to the dictation of the punchayets. In a word, the new 
government was at the mercy of the army, and saw no 
way of saving themselves, except by launching the Sikh 
battalions on British territories, and no way of averting the 
sack of Lahore, except by sending the Sikh soldiery to sack 
Delhi and Benares 


CHAPTER XXIIL 


TWO SIKIH WARS : LORDS HARDINGE AND DALHOUSXE. 

A.D. 1845 TO 1849. 

In November 1845, the Sikh army of the Kh^isa crossed a.d. 
the Sutlej, to the number of 60,000 soldiers, 40,000 armed 1845-1846 
followers, and 150 large guns. The Sikh army had been _ "“7“, 
strangely underrated by the British government. It was 
as superior to all other native armies, excepting perhaps the 
Ghorkas, as Cromwell’s Ironsides were to the rabble follow- generals, 
ing of the other parliamentary leaders. Its marked strength 
however was neutralised by the duplicity of its leaders — 'Lai 
Singh, the paramour, and Tej Singh, the nominal com- 
mander-in-chief. Both men were traitors of the deepest 
dye ; both at heart were willing to see the Sikh battalions 
mom^ed down by British artillery in order that they might 
secure their own personal safety, and the continuance of 
their own government at Lahore. All this crafty and un- 
scrupulous villany was conspicuous throughout the subse- 
quent war. 

The British government, under Sir Henry Hardinge, the Position of 
new Governor-General, was scarcely prepared for the storm Littler at 
that was gathering on the line of the Sutlej. Sir John 
Littler held the fortress of Ferozepore with 10,000 troops 
and 31 guns ; but if the Sikh generals had only been true to 
the Khilsa, they might have environed Ferozepore, over- 
whelmed Littlei’s force, and pushed on to the heart of 
Hindustan. As it was, Littler marched out of Ferozepore 
and offered the enemy battle ; but the Sikh generals declined 
it, and divided their forces. Lai Singh moved with one 
corps (Parmee Ferozeshahar, about ten miles off, and 

' Q Q 2 :■ 


596 

A.D. 

1845-1846 

Battle of 
Moodkeej 
December, 
1845. 


Assault of 
Feroze- 
shahar. ; 


Flight of 
Lai Singh 
and Tej 
Singh. 


Battle of 
Aliwal, 
January, 
XS46. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

began to build formidable entrenchments, leaving Tej Singh 
to watch Littler at Ferozepore. 

Meanwhile Sir Hugh Gough, Command er-in-Chief, and 
Sir Henry Hardinge, the new Governor-General, were hurry- 
ing towards the frontier with a large force to relieve Littler. 
On the 1 8th of December they met the army of Lai Singh 
at Moodkee, and gained a doubtful victory. The British 
sepoys reeled before the Khilsa battalions, and even a 
European regiment was staggered for a few moments by the 
rapidity and precision of the Sikh fire. But Lai Singh fled 
at the beginning of the action, and thus brought about the 
defeat of the Sikh army. 

Two days after the battle of Moodkee, the British army 
advanced against the Sikh entrenchment at Ferozeshahar, 
and was joined there by the force under Littler. The 
assault was made on the 21st of December, but the Sikhs 
defended their position with the obstinacy and desperation of 
fanatics. Such resistance was terrific and unexpected. 
Gough charged up to the muzzle of the Sikh guns, and 
carried the batteries by cold steel; but it was in the face 
of an overwhelming fire. British cannon were dismounted 
and the ammunition blown into the air. Squadrons were 
checked in mid career ; battalion after battalion was hurled 
back with shattered ranks ; and it was not until after sunset 
that portions of the enemy’s positions were finally carried 
by the British army.^ 

After a night of horrors the battle was renewed, but 
meanwhile there had been mutiny and desertion in the 
enemy’s camp. The treasury of Lai Singh had been 
plundered by his own soldiers. The British troops met 
with feeble opposition; and it was soon discovered that, 
owing to the cowardice or treachery of Lai Singh, the Sikh 
army was in full flight to the Sutlej. Tej Singh marched 
up at this crisis, and found the entrenchments at Feroze- 
shahar in the hands of the British* Accordingly after a brief 
cannonade, he fled precipitately to the Sutlej, leaving his 
forces without orders, to fight or follow at their pleasure. 

In January, 1846, both sides were reinforced ; the Sikhs 
recrossed the Sutlej into British territory, and hostilities 
were renewed. On the 26th of the month, Sir Harry 
Smith defeated a Sikh force at Aliwal 


Chap. XXIII.] FIRST SIKH WAR: HARBINGE. S97 

At this time Gholab Singh of Jamu had arrived at Lahore, a.d. 

and offered to make terms with the Governor-General. Sir 1S46 

Henry Hardinge replied that he was ready to acknowledge 
a Sikh sovereignty at Lahore, but not until the army of the negotia- 
Khalsa had been disbanded. The Sikh generals were tions. 
utterly unable to fulfil such a condition; they were literally 
at the mercy of the Khilsa army. It is said, however, that 
they offered to abandon the Khalsa army to its fate, and to 
leave the road open to the march of the British army to 
Lahore, provided the Governor-General acknowledged the 
sovereignty of Mahdraja Dhulip Singh, and accepted the 
government of the regency. 

Meanwhile the main body of the Khalsa army had Sikh en- 
thrown up a formidable series of entrenchments at Sobradn. 

Early in February, 1846, the British army advanced to the Sobraon. 
attack under Gough and Hardinge. ^ Sobraon proved to be 
the hardest fought battle in the history of British India. 

The Sikh soldiers, unlike their treacherous commander Tej 
Singh, were prepared to conquer or die for the glory of the 
Khalsa. The British brought up their heavy guns, and 
prepared to pour in a continuous storm of shot and shell, 
and then to carry the entrenchments by storm. 

Shortly after midnight on the loth of February, the Bloody 
British planted their guns in the desired positions. At 
early morning, amidst darkness and fog, the English batteries pe^rmry 
opened upon the enemy. At seven o’clock the fog rolled 1846. ' ^ 
up like a curtain, and the soldiers of the Khdlsa, nothing 
daunted, returned flash for flash, and fire for fire. As the sun 
rose higher, two British divisions of infantry in close order 
prepared for the assault. The left division advanced in line 
instead of column, and the greater part was driven back by 
the deadly fire of muskets and swivels and enfilading artil- 
lery. The right division formed instinctively into wedges 
and masses, and rushed forward in wrath, leaped the ditch 
wdth a shout, and then mounted the rampart and stood 
victorious amidst captured cannon. Tej Singh fled to the 
Sutlej at the first assault, and broke the bridge over the 
river; but whether this was done by accident or treachery 
is a problem to this day. Meanwhile the soldiers of the* 

Khalsa fought with the valour of heroes, the enthusiasm of 
crusaders, and the desperation of zealots sworn to conquer 
the enemy or die sword in hand. At last they gave way ; 


SQS BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

A.D. they were driven by the fire of batteries and battalions into 
1846 the waters of the Sutlej, and the battle of Sobradn was won. 
But the victory was dearly purchased. More' than two 
thousand British troops were killed or wounded before the 
day was brought to a close; but the Sikhs are said to have 
lost eight thousand men. 

Close of Thus ended the first Sikh war. The British army crossed 
the first the Sutlej in a bridge of boats, and pushed on to Lahore, 
Sikh war. dictated their own terms at the old capital of Runjeet 
Singh. The reduction of the Sikh army of the Khdlsa was 
carried out without further parley, and its numbers were 
limited for the future to 20,000 infantry and 12,000 cavalry. 
The Julliinder Doab was taken over by the British govern- 
ment, and the British frontier was extended from the Sutlej 
to the Ravi.' Meanwhile Sir Henry Hardinge was raised to 
the peerage. 

Sale of ^ Lord Hardinge called on the Lahore government to 
Kashmir pay one million and a half sterling towards the expenses of 
° the war. But the treasures of Runjeet Singh, estimated at 
’ the time of his death at twelve millions sterling, had been 
squandered during the anarchy which followed his decease, 
and only half a million remained to meet the demands of 
the British government at this crisis. Gholab Singh, viceroy 
of Kashmir and Jamu, offered to pay the million to the 
British government, provided he was recognised as Mahd- 
raja of those territories. The bargain was concluded, and 
henceforth Gholab Singh was an ally of the British govern- 
ment, and independent of the Sikh government of Lahore. 
Settlement Lord Hardinge was next called upon to decide on the 
of the future settlement of the Punjab. He would not annex the 
Punjab: country, or take Over the internal administration. He pre- 
Sdia^y' accepting the existing government of the infant 

force.^ Mahdraja, Dhulip Singh, and the regency of the queen 
mother and her paramour. But he would not create a 
subsidiary army for the protection of the native government, 
as had been done in the case of the Nizam of Hyderabad 
and the Mahrattas. On the contrary he was resolved to 
withdraw the British troops from the Punjab at the earliest 
possible opportunity; for experience had taught the bitter 
lesson that a subsidiary force only demoralised native rulers, 
and rendered the British government responrible for the 
maintenance of oppression and misrule. 


Chap/XXIIL] FIRST SIKH WAR : HARDINGE. 


599 


But Lord Hardinge was thwarted by circumstances. The a.d. 
Lahore durbar loudly declared that unless a British force ^34^ 
remained to keep the peace in the Punjab, the army of the 
Kh^lsa would recover its strength and overturn the regency, rary&itish 
Accordingly, much against his inclination, Lprd Hardinge occupa- 
deferred withdrawing the British force until the close of the tion. 
year ; but he solemnly assured the Lahore durbar that at the 
end of 1846 every British soldier and sepoy must return to 
British territory. The Sirdars bent to their fate, but many 
declared that annexation had become a necessity j and that 
so long as a Sikh government was maintained at Lahore, 

,with or without British troops, so long the disbanded army 
of the Khdlsa would cherish hopes of a return to inde- 
pendent power. 

Major Henry Lawrence was appointed British Resident Treachery 
at Lahore, and Lai Singh, the paramour of the queen mother, and down- 
filled the post of prime minister.V Shortly afterwards I 

flagrant act of treachery was proved against Lai Singh. A ^ ’ 
rebellion broke out in Kashmir and Jamu against the 
sovereign authority of Mahdraja Gholab Singh. Major 
Lawrence hastened to the spot with a body of Sikh troops, 
and effectually suppressed it ; and the leader of the rebellion 
then produced the written orders of Lai Singh, urging him 
to resist Gholab Singh by every means in his power. Such a 
breach of faith was unpardonable. Lai Singh was removed 
from his ofiice, and deported to British territory, where he 
passed the remainder of his days in confinement. 

The year 1846 drew to a close. Again the Lahore British 
durbar assured Lord Hardinge that the Khdlsa army would Resident 
regain its old ascendancy if the British force was withdrawn. 
Accordingly a compromise was effected. Eight leading regency. 
Sirdars were formed into a council of regency under the 
express stipulation that the entire control and guidance of 
affairs should be vested in the British Resident, Having 
thus guarded against oppression or misrule, Lord Hardinge 

^ In dealing with the modern history of British India, the distinction 
between the three Lawrence brothers must always be borne in mind. 

George was one of the hostages in the first Afghan war, and had a 
narrow escape with his life at the time when Macnaghten was mur- 
dered. Henry had been Resident in Nipal, and was now transferred 
to Lahore. John was Commissioner of the Juilunder Doab, and after- 
wards became successively Chief Commissioner and Lieutenant-Governor 
of the Punjab, and finally Governor-General and Viceroy of India. 


6oo 


A.D. 

1848-1849 


Lord 
Idardinge 
returns to 
England, 
1848. 


Lord 

Dalhousie 

Governor- 

General, 

184^* 


Lawrence 
succeeded 
by Currie 
at Lahore. 


Grievance 
of Mulraj, 
viceroy of 
Miiltan, 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part HI. 

decided that the British force should remain in the Punjab 
for a period of eight years, by which time Maharaja Dhulip 
Singh would attain his majority, and might be intrusted with 
the supreme authority. 

This settlement of the Punjab continued, without material 
change, until the departure of Lord Hardinge from India 
in 1848. During the interval many useful measures were 
carried out. The British army in India was reorganised j 
the finances were restored ; and efforts were made to induce 
the native states to follow the example of the British 
government, in forbidding widow burning, female infan- 
ticide, slavery, and other abominations, throughout their 
respective territories. In 1848 Lord Hardinge returned to 
England with the pleasant conviction that he had secured 
the peace of India for some years to come. 

Lord Dalhousie, the new Governor-General, landed at 
Calcutta in January, 1848. The history of his administra- 
tion will be told in the next chapter, but it may be as 
well in the present place to review the current of Punjab 
affairs, which ended in the second Sikh war, and permanent 
annexation of the kingdom of Runjeet Singh. 

Major Henry Lawrence, the Resident at Lahore, was an 
officer in the Bengal artillery, of large political experience. 
About this time he was obliged to proceed to England on 
account of his health, and was succeeded by Sir Frederic 
Currie, a Bengal civilian. New systems of finance and 
revenue were subsequently introduced into the Punjab, 
which guarded against undue exactions, and secured a 
greater regularity in the collection of revenue, but gave great 
umbrage to Sikh Sirdars. Discontent and disaffection began 
to seethe beneath the surface, and it was soon evident that 
the spirit of the Khdlsa was still burning in the breasts of 
the disbanded soldiery. 

A spark sufficed to set the Punjab in a conflagration. 

I Millraj, viceroy of Miiltan, had succeeded his father in 
the government of the province as far back as 1844 ; but the 
Lahore durbar had required him to pay a million sterling as 
a fine on succession. He took advantage of the struggles 
between the regency and the soldiery to delay payment. He 
then managed to get his claim reduced to less than one-fifth, 
and finally refused to pay the fraction. When, however, the 


Chap. XXIIL] SECOND SIKH WAR : DALHOUSIE. 6oi 

Sikh war was over, and a British Resident was posted to a.d. 
Lahore, Mdlraj found that further resistance was useless, ^^4^- 1^49 
and that he must pay up. But he was irritated at the 
new order of things. He complained that the new system 
of finance and revenue about to be introduced by the 
British Resident would diminish his income. Finally he 
resigned the government of Mdltan on the plea that there 
were dissensions in his family. 

Sir Frederic Currie ' and the council of regency took Feigned 
Miilraj at his word. A successor, named Khan Singh, was resignation 
appointed to the government of Miiltan, Mr. Vans Agnew, Mniraj. 
a Bengal civilian, was appointed to accompany Khan Singh, 
and introduce the new fiscal system into Multan. In April, 

1848, Khan Singh, Mr. Vans Agnew, and Lieutenant 
Anderson, arrived at Mdltan with an escort of 350 Sikh 
troops and a few guns, and encamped at a fortified mosque 
in the suburbs, known as the Edgah. 

Mdlraj paid a visit to Mr. Vans Agnew at the Edgah, and Treachery 
declared himself ready to deliver up the town and citadel, 

He then produced the accounts of the previous year, and 
asked for a deed of acquittance. Mr. Vans Agnew, how- 
ever, called for the accounts of the previous six years. 

Mdlraj was affronted at the demand, but nevertheless 
agreed to furnish the documents. Mr. Vans Agnew 
and Lieutenant Anderson next proceeded with Mdlraj 
to inspect the establishments in the citadel, and at his 
request they dismissed a portion of their escort. On 
leaving the citadel the two Englishmen were felled from 
their horses and dangerously wounded. Mdlraj was riding 
by the side of Mr. Vans Agnew, but at once galloped 
off to his country residence. The wounded officers were 
carried off by their attendants to the Edgah, but the guns 
of the citadel began to open fire upon the mosque. In 
spite however of their wounds, the two officers made a man- 
ful resistance, and returned the fire with the guns of the 
Sikh escort ; but the escort proved treacherous, and went 
over to the enemy ; and a mob of savages rushed into the 
mosque, and cut the two Englishmen to pieces. Imme- 
diately afterwards Mdlraj removed his family and treasure 
into the citadel, and issued a proclamation calling upon 
the people of every creed to rise against the English. 

These atrocious murders were committed after the setting 


6o2 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. in of the hot weather. Lord Gough was anxious to postpone 
1848-1849 military operations for some months until the beginning of 
Succ^e ^ ^ weather; and there was consequently much delay 

o? Herbert putting down the revolt. A young lieutenant, named 
Edwardes. Herbert Edwardes, who was employed in the revenue settle- 
nient of Eunnu, beyond the Indus, marched a force to 
Mdltan on his own responsibility; and being joined by 
other levies, he defeated Mdlraj on the iSth of June, and 
“ ultimately shut him up in the citadel at Miiltan. 

Queen Meanwhile there was treachery in the Sikh government at 
mother re- Lahore. The queen mother of Dhulip Singh w^as exasperated 
Benares ° at the loss of her paramour, and was secretly corrupting the 
troops. At the same time she was organising a confederacy 
of Sirdars against the British government, and carrying 
on intrigues with the Amir of Kabul, the Mahdraja of 
Kashmir, and the princes of Rajpdtana. Fortunately these 
proceedings were discovered in time, and the dangerous 
lady was removed from Lahore to the sacred city of Benares, 
and provided with a suitable pension. 

Revolt of Subsequently, an influential Sirdar, named Sher Singh, 
head of a Sikh force to co-operate with 
fenfral Lieutenant Edwardes against Mfllraj. But Sher Singh played 
disaffec- a double game. Whilst swearing eternal fidelity to the British 
tion. government he was secretly corresponding with the rebels. 

A force of 7,000 British troops under General Whish was sent 
agamst Miiltan, and it was confidently expected that the 
town and fortress would be speedily taken, and that Miilraj 
would then receive the just punishment of his crimes. The 
guns had already begun to open on Miiltan, when Sher 
Singh ordered the drums of religion to be beaten, and went 
over to the enemy with 5,000 Sikhs, and proclaimed a reib 
gious war against the English. General Whish was obliged 
to retire from Miiltan and throw up entrenchments. It was 
soon evident that the whole of the Punjab was in a state of 
revolt ; and that the veterans of Kunjeet Singh's army were 
assembling to renew the contest with the British govern- 
ment, retrieve their lost honour, and revive the glory and 
supremacy of the army of the Khdlsa. In a word, the 
delay in crushing the paltry outbreak of Miilraj had aroused 
the military enthusiasm of the Sikhs throughout the Punjab, 
and necessitated a second Sikh war. 

Lord Dalhousie rose to the occasion. Being new to 


Chap. XXIII.] SECOND SIKH WAR ; DALHOUSIE. 603 

India he had deferred to the opinion of the Commanderdn- a.d. 

Chief as regards the postponement of military operations, SS48-1849 
but he soon apprehended the dangerous significance of the 
revolt He saw that the work of his predecessor had to be and resolu- 
done over again ; and he was resolved that this time there tion of 
should be no half measures; no bolstering up of an effete and Lord Dal- 
treacherous government, but a restoration of order and 
law under British administration. In October, 1848, he 
proceeded from Bengal to the Punjab. Before he went 
he made a declaration in a public speech, which is at once 
characteristic and historical:* — Unwarned by precedent, 
uninfluenced by example, the Sikh nation has called for war, 
and on my word, Sirs, they shall have it with a vengeance.” 

All this while Sher Singh had been coldly and suspiciously Sikhs 
received by Mfllraj. Both had revolted against a common joined by 
enemy, but each one was jealous of the other, and had 
his own ends to pursue. Accordingly, Sher Singh left 
Mflltan, and marched boldly towards Lahore. About the 
same time his father, Chutter Singh, had been tempting 
Dost Muhammad Khan, Amir of Kdbul, to join in the 
general rising against the British government, by promising 
to make over the coveted province of Peshawar. .Major 
George Lawrence, a brother of Henry, was in charge of 
Peshawar, which was held by a garrison of 8,000 Sikhs ; but 
the Sikh garrison went over to the Afghans and attacked the 
Residency, and George Lawrence and others were carried 
off prisoners. Captain Herbert held out for a while in the 
fort of Attock, near the junction of the Kdbul river and 
the Indus to the eastward of Peshawar, but was forced in 
like manner to succumb to the Afghans. 

In October 1848 the British army under Lord Gough was Battle of 
assembled at Ferozepore. In November it crossed the Chilian- 
Ravi, and engaged Sher Singh in an indecisive action at 
Ramnuggur. On the 13th of January, 1849, Lord Gough 
approached Sher Singh’s entrenchments at Chilian wallah, 
which were held by 30,000 Sikhs and 60 guns. Nothing 
was known of the disposition of the Sikhs, for their camp 
was covered by a thick jungle, and Lord Gough resolved to 
defer the attack till the following morning. At that moment 
the Sikhs opened fire with some guns in advance. The 
indignation of Lord Gough was kindled at the challenge, 
and he rashly ordered a general charge. Then followed the 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


604 

A.D. most sanguinary encounter in the history of British India, 
1848-1849 wlT^ich ended in a doubtful victory on the part of the 
English. The Sikhs were driven from their position, but 
they took up another three miles off. Both sides fired 
salutes in honour of victory, but the English had lost 
more than 2,400 officers and men. 

Sir Charles The fatal field of Chilianwallah is already half forgotten, 
Napier but the tidings of the disaster were received in England 

sent to ^^yith an outburst of alarm and indignation. Sir Charles 

siw^nker hastily sent to India to supersede Lord Gough as 

of Multan. Commander-in-Chief. Meanwhile General Whish captured 
' the town of Mdltan and opened a terrible cannonade on 
the citadel. Mdlraj offered a desperate resistance, but 
was at last compelled to surrender the fortress, and gave 
himself up to the English. General Whish then left Milltan 
in charge of Lieutenant Edwardes, and proceeded to join 
Lord Gough in a final struggle with Sher Singh. 

Crowning The crowning victory at Guzerat was gained by Lord 
victory at Gough on the 22nd of February, 1849. It was essentially 
Guzerat, artillery action, and is known as the battle of the guns. 

The Sikhs opened a cannonade with sixty guns and fired 
with singular rapidity, but their resistance was in vain. 
For two hours and a half they were exposed to a storm of 
shot and shell, which was eventually followed by a charge 
of bayonets, and rush of cavalry. The Sikh army became 
literally a wreck ; its camp, its standards, and nearly all its 
cannon, fell into the hands of the conquerors. The battle 
of Guzerat decided the fate of the Punjab, and the hopes 
of the Khilsa were quenched for ever. 

Aiinexa- Lord Dalhousie was fully prepared for this result. He 
don of the resolved on the annexation of the Punjab, and had 
Punjab, already drawn up a programme for the civil administration 
of the province, and the appointmeht of British officials to 
the several grades. All old errors in former settlements 
were rectified in dealing with the Punjab ; all known abuses 
were guarded against j and the government of the Punjab, 
instead of struggling into existence like the government of 
Bengal, seemed to spring like another Minerva, full armed 
from the brain of Zeus. To this day the administration 
of the Punjab is one of the greatest triumphs of British 
rule, and a model for ABiatic statesmen throughout all time. 
The minor details connected with the conclusion of the 


Chap. XXIII.] SECOND SIKH WAR: DALHOUSIE. 605 

war may be dismissed in a few words. Dost Muhammad a.d. 
Khan and his Afghans were driven out of Peshawar, and iS4-S-i849 
narrowly escaped to Kdbul. Mdiraj was imprisoned for 
life on account of the part he played in the murder of the settlement, 
two Englishmen. The young Maharaja Dhulip Singh was 
provided with a yearly annuity of fifty thousand pounds, and 
ultimately settled in England. Within a few short years the 
memory of Runjeet Singh died away from the land. The 
soldiers of the Kh£isa enlisted under British banners, and 
during the sepoy revolt of 1857 were the foremost amongst 
those who wrested Delhi from the sepoy mutineers, and 
avenged the insulted sovereignty of British rule. 


CHAPTER XXIV. 


MATERIAL PROGRESS: LORD DALHOUSIE. 

A.D. 1S48 TO 1856. 

A.D. Lord Dalhousie was a man of energy and power. 
1848-1856 Short in stature, like the once famous Marquis of Wellesley, 
GenhiTof ^ determination in his eye which revealed 

Lord Dal- ^ genius for command.^ So long as he held the reins of 
housie. government his administrative ability and intellectual vigour 
commanded general respect and admiration ; but his im- 
perious temper, impatience of opposition, and alleged lack 
of sympathy for native rulers stirred up an antagonism to his 
policy which is only slowly fading away. 

Adminis- Lord Dalhousie was Governor-General of India at the age 
culture thirty-six. He was a staunch believer in moral and 

cu ure. niaterial progress, and he had already served an apprentice- 
ship to the work as President of the Board of Trade under 
the premiership of Sir Robert Peel. Within two years of 
his arrival in India he had perfected his knowledge of the 
country and people. The Sikh uprising of 1848 familiarised 
him with those convulsions on the frozitier to which Hindu- 
stan has always been exposed; whilst the newly con- 
quered territory of the Punjab opened out a virgin held to 
his administrative energies. 

Creation of The Punjab is nearly as large as England. It covers 
mentis th thousand square miles, and contains a population of 

Punjab millions. One-fourth of the people are Sikhs : the 

^ De Quincey talks of the foppery of the eye, and quotes the cases 
of Lord Wellesley, Dr. Parr, and Augustus C^sar; but thei*e was no 
foppery about the eye of Lord Dalhousie. 


Chap. XXIV.] MATERIAL PROGRESS : DALHOUSIE. 607 

remainder are Hindus and Muhammadans. The Sikh a.d. 
government and the army of the Khilsa had been scattered 1S48-1856 
to the winds. Accordingly Lord Dalhousie was called upon “ 
to create a new administration out of chaos, which should 
adapt itself to a mixed population who knew nothing of 
order or law ; and lie brought to bear upon his task the 
experiences which had been gained during a century of 
British rule in India, and which enabled him to avoid the 
mistakes which had been committed by his predecessors in 
Bengal and elsewhere. 

The new province was divided by Lord Dalhousie into Divisional 
seven divisions, and each division into as many districts as district 
were necessary. Each division was placed under a com- 
missioner, and each district under a deputy-commissioner. 

Fifty-six officers were employed in thesef two grades ; one 
half being selected from the civil service, and the other half 
from the army. Below these were the subordinate grades 
of assistant and extra-assistant commissioners, who were 
selected horn what is known as the uncovenanted service, 
and comprised Europeans, East Indians, and natives. 

The management of the new administration was entrusted Board of 
to a Board of Administration, consisting of three members, Adminis- 
namely, Henry Lawrence, John Lawrence, and Robert 
Montgomery.^ Henry Lawrence presided at the Board, and 
carried on the political work, namely, the disarming of the 
country, the negotiations with Sikh Sirdars, and the organi- 
sation of new Punjabi regiments. John Lawrence took 
charge of the civil administration, especially the settlement 
of the land revenue. Robert Montgomery superintended 
the administration of justice throughout the province, and 
compiled a short manual for the guidance of the officials 
and people, which contained all that was necessary in a 
few pages. 

The working of the Board of Administration was not John 
satisfactory. The sympathies of Henry Lawrence were all 
on the side of the Sikh Sirdars, who were regarded with Commis- 
sioner. 

^ Colonel, afterwards Sir Henry, Lawrence, belonged to the Bengal 
Artiilery. John Lawrence, afterwards Viceroy of India and a peer of 
the realm, belonged to the Civil Service. Mr. Charles Grenville 
Mansel was originally third member of the Board, but he was subse- 
quently succeeded by Sir Robert Montgomery, Both* Mansel and 
Montgomery belonged to the Civil Service. 


6o8 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

1848-1856 


Adminis- 

tration 

under 

Runjeet 

Singh. 


Duties of 

British 

officials. 


Defence of 
the 

frontier _ 
westward 
of the 
Indus. 


disfavour by Lord Dalliousie. and whose antecedents were 
certainly as bad as they welT could be. The result was that 
in 1853 the Board of Administration was broken up, and 
John Lawrence was placed in the sole charge of the 
government as Chief Commissioner. 

The British administration of the Punjab was in every 
way a new creation. The government of Runjeet Singh had 
been the rude work of an unlettered warrior, without con- 
stitutional forms of any sort or kind, and without any law 
except the will of the one great despot at the head. The 
only officers of state were soldiers and tax-collectors ; the 
only punishments were fines and mutilations; and there 
was not a single civil court in the Punjab excepting at 
Lahore. The local authorities were little despots who op- 
pressed the people and defrauded the state, like the under- 
lings of Tippu Sultan in Mysore; but sooner or later the 
majority were compelled to disgorge their ill-gotten wealth, 
and were often condemned to poverty and mutilation at the 
arbitrary will of Runjeet Singh. 

The officers of the new Punjab commission were required 
to fulfil every kind of administrative duty. They were 
magistrates and judges, revenue collectors and head police- 
men, diplomatists and conservancy officers. For many 
months of the year their homes were in camp, with their 
tents open to all comers, from the lowest class of petitioners 
to the wealthiest Sirdars.^ 

One of the first measures of Lord Dalhousie was to pro- 
vide for the military defence of the province. The British 
frontier had been advanced from the Sutlej westward to the 
range of mountains beyond the Indus. The mountains 
were inhabited by brave and lawless tribes, who numbered a 
hundred thousand men at arms, and had been the pest of the 
plains ever since the days of Akbar. Lord Dalhousie tried 
to bar out these barbarians by a series of fortifications, con- 
nected by a line of roads, along the whole frontier ; and be 
organised a special force of five regiments of infantry and 

^ The general confidence of the natives of the Punjab in British 
officers was sometimes carried to an amusing excess. On one occasion, 
when the late Lord Lawrence was Viceroy of India, a number of 
Punjab people travelled to Calcutta, a distance of some fifteen hundred 
miles, to speak to “Jan Larrens Sahib ” about a cow. The writer saw 
the men himself. Unfortunately “ Jan Larrens Sahib’’ was at Simla, 


Chap. XXIV.] MATERIAL PROGRESS : DALHOUSIE, 609 

four of cavalry for the protection of the marches.^ Mean- a'd. 
while he disarmed the whole of the population of the ^^4^-1856 
Punjab, excepting the inhabitants on the British side of the 
border. A hundred and twenty thousand weapons were 
surrendered to British officers ; and the manufacture, sale, 
or possession of arms was strictly prohibited, . 

The land revenue was settled on easy terms. Hunjeet Laud 
Singh had collected half the produce. Lord Dalhousie 
reduced it to an average of one fourth, and ordered a fur- 
ther reduction of ten per cent, to reconcile the renters to 
the payment of coin instead of kind. The consequence was 
that cultivation largely increased, and thirty thousand of the 
old Khilsa soldiery exchanged the sword for the plough, ^ 

Transit duties w’-ere abolished altogether. Runjeet Singh Transit 
had covered the Punjab with a network of custom-houses 
for the collection oi these duties on goods and merchandise j ^ 
but all were swept away by a stroke of the pen from Lord 
Dalhousie. 

Meanwhile slavery and thuggee were rooted out of the Miscella- 
Punjab I and infanticide, that bane of oriental life, was sup- 
pressed as far as might be. Bands of oulaws and dacoits, 
who had been accustomed under Sikh rule to plunder vil- 
lages and travellers with impunity, were attacked, captured 
and punished by sheer force of arms. The Punjab was 
intersected with roads as if it had been a Roman pro- 
vince In a word, within seven years of the battle of 
Guzerat, the Punjab presented more traces of British civi- 
lisation and dominion than any other province in British 
India. 

■ ^ This is the line of frontier which has recently been abandoned (1880). 

Further particulars respecting it will be found in the story of the Sitana 
campaign of 1863, which is told in the concluding chapter of the present 
volume. 

^ The most important road constructed in the Punjab was that which 
united Lahore with Peshawar. It extended veiy nearly 300 miles, 
passed over 100 great bridges and 450 smaller ones, penetrated six 
mountain chains, and was carried by embankments over the marshes of 
two great rivers. Every obstacle was overcome by Colonel Robert 
• Napier, of the Bengal Engineers, whose work in the Punjab would 
have won him the highest honours in Europe, and who has become 
famous in later days as Lord Napier of Magdala, Canals and irri- 
gation works were not forgotten. Amongst others the great canal of 
the Bari Doab was constructed between the Ravi and the Chenab, ixnder 
the direction of Colonel Napier. It was equal to the noblest canal in 
Europe, and extended with its three branches to the length of 465 miles, 

R R 



BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


of the 
British 
govern- 
ment. 


Oppres- 
sion of 
British 


Rangoon. 


vears after tbe conquest of the Punjab the British 

,848-1856 government was dravi’n into 

Tnrap2mLrLmrsnSgtogain;fo^^ 

Burmese To all a^PP^afance rr. ggjijn, which had been acquired 
war, 1852 : tones of^Arakan and lenassenm,^^^_^ expenses. But Lord 
reluctance after the first war, had never p of Yandabo 

nalhousie had no alternative. By the treaty ot ^f-nflabo 
Sth Xe British and Burmese governments were pledged to 
affrvrd nrotection and security to all merchants trading at 

?£hreSctive ports or residing within their respective ter- 
ritories This treaty however had been repeatedly j 

r^rFnslishmen trading at Rangoon were oppress«i and 
IteSld by "he Burmese officials, whilst every effort to 

ffiJSrredress was treated with contempt and scorn 

In 1851 the European merchants at Rangoon laid their 
complaints before the British government at Calcutta. 
Ssh sea captains had been condemned on false charges 
subjects at ^ jieavy fines, and were then subjected ^to iinpnson- 

Se^ndinYult. British merchants, who had been living at 

Snaoon mder the provisions of the treaty of Yandabo 
were^driven to declare that unless they were protected by 
S 0^ government they must abandon their property and 

^®^Se^"sfficr iS^°the British government had ceased to 
maintain an accredited agent at Ava. 

Sousie sent Commodore Lambert to Rangoon }n Her 
MaiestVs ship the Fox, to investigate the complaints , and 
also entosted him with a letter of remonstrance to the king 
of Burma which he was to forward to Ava or withhold as 
mieht seem expedient. When the reached Rangoon, the 
Snese governor threatened to put any one to death who 
S to^cLmunicate with the ship. Some Europeans 
however escaped to the frigate, and the Commodore sem on 

the letter from Lord Dalhousie to Yhe 

some weeks a reply was received to the effect that the 
offending governor would be removed from Rangoon, and 
?£t strict inquiries would be made into the complaints 

Deceit and ^'°SmmE^ Libert was sooY 

R^goom but he went away in triumph, with all the pomp 


Mission 
of Com- 
modore 
Lambert. 


Chap. XXIV.] MATERIAL PROGRESS : BALHOUSIE. -611 

of music and war boats. A new governor arrived, but he a.d. 
was bent on treating the English with the same contempt 1848-1856 
and arrogance as had been displayed by his predecessor. -■ 

He took no notice whatever of the Commodore. At last 
he was asked to fix a day for receiving a deputation of 
English officers, and he replied that any day would do. 
Accordingly early one morning he was told that a deputation 
would wait upon him at noon. At the time appointed the 
English officers reached the governor’s house, but were not 
allowed to enter. They were kept out in the sun by the 
menial servants, and told that the governor was asleep ; 
whilst the governor himself was looking insolently out of 
the window, and seeing them exposed to the insults and 
jeers of the mob. At last the patience of the officers was 
exhausted, and they returned to the frigate. 

Commodore Lambert then took possession of one of the Beginning 
king^s ships lying in the river, but promised to restore it, and of the 
to salute the Burmese flag, on receipt of ten thousand rupees, 
as compensation for the injured merchants, and a suitable 
apology from the governor of Rangoon. In reply, the 
Burmese opened fire on the Fox from some stockades on 
both sides of the river ; but the guns of the soon de- . 
molished the stockades, and the Burmese ports were declared 
in a state of blockade. 

Lord Dalhousie made another appeal to the king of Expedition 
Burma, and meanwhile prepared for war. A land force to 
of 5,800 men was sent to Rangoon under General Godwin, Rangoon 
together with nineteen steamers manned with 2,300 sailors 
and marines. A steamer was sent up the river Irawadi with Godwin, 
a flag of truce to receive a reply from the king, but it was 
fired upon by the Burmese. Accordingly the troops were 
landed ; Rangoon was captured in the face of a heavy can- 
nonade, the three terraces of the great Shive Dagon pagoda 
were carried by storm, and the British ensign was fixed on 
the golden dome. 

The capture of Rangoon was followed by that of Bassdn Conquest 
and Prome.^ The Burmese soldiery fled to Upper Burma, of Pegu, 
and the people flocked to Rangoon and hailed the British 

^ There are two places named Bassein, There is Bassein, near 
Bombay, where the Peishwa concluded a treaty with Lord Wellesley ; 
and the Bassein named in the text, which is situated on the south-west 
corner of the delta of the Irawadi. 


6I2 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part IIL 


A.D. as their deliverers. Meanwhile there had been a revolu- 
1848-1856 tion in Ava, The Pagan Meng had been deposed, and 
his half-brother, the Meng-don Meng, was taken from a 
Buddhist monasteiy and placed upon the throne. The 
new sovereign was anxious for peace, but refused to con- 
clude any treaty. Lord Dalhousie steamed to Rangoon the 
following September, and decided on annexing Pegu to the 
British empire, and leaving the king in possession of Upper 
Burma. 

Prosperity The same administrative changes were carried out at Pegu 
of British as had been begun in the Punjab, but with limited resources 
Burma. ^ brilliant scale. Major, the present Sir Arthur 

Phayre, was appointed Commissioner of Pegu, and intro- 
duced British administration with a strong substratum of 
Burmese officials. With the assistance of Captain, now 
General Fytche, and other distinguished officers, Major 
Phayre succeeded in clearing the new province of robbers 
and^ outlaws and establishing order and law. Ultimately in 
1862 the three territories of Arakan, Pegu, and Tenasserini 
were formed into the province of British Burma, with Major 
Phayre as Chief Commissioner. The consequence has been 
that British Burma not only pays the whole expense of the 
local administration, but contributes a large yearly surplus to 
the imperial treasury. Since 1852 the population of Ran- 
goon alone has increased tenfold, and promises to become 
another Calcutta; and when the population of Pegu has 
increased in a like ratio, the province will prove as productive 
as Bengal. Already the Irawadi is beginning to pour down 
as much wealth to the sea as the Ganges and Jumna before 
the introduction of the railways ; and within another gene- 
ration, when existing obstructions are removed, new fields of 
commerce will be opened out in Western China, and restore 
the fabled glories of the Golden Chersonese to the Malacca 
peninsula.^ 

The Punjab and Pegu were the favourite, but not the 
only fields of Lord Dalhousie's labours. His influence 
was felt in every province of the empire, every department 

^ Should the frontier of British India ever be conterminous with Persia, 
Russia, and China, new markets will be opened to British manufactures 
of which the present generation can form no conception, whilst the 
resources of the new countries, which at present are undeveloped, will 
serve to enrich half Asia. 


Chap. XXIV.] MATERIAL PROGRESS : BALHOUSIE. 613 

of government, and every native state under British pro- a.d. 
tection. His reforms extended to every branch of the 
administration,— army, public works, education, revenue, 
finance, justice, and general legislation. He promoted 
canals and steam navigation, and he introduced railways capacity 
and cheap postage. He constructed four thousand miles of ob Lord 
electric telegraph wires, and two thousand miles of road, l^^lhousie. 
bridged and metalled. He opened the Ganges canal, the 
longest in the world. In a word, Lord Dalhousie was em- 
phatically the pioneer of western civilisation in India; the 
first of that modern dynasty of rulers,* under whom India 
has ceased to be a remote and outlying region, and has 
become part and parcel of the British empire, sharing in all 
the blessings of European science and culture. 

The administrative successes of Lord Dalhousie naturally Suppress 
impressed him with a strong sense of the vast superiority of sion of 
British administration over oriental rule. He would 
interfere with the treaty rights of native allies, but he was in native 
resolute in putting down widow burning, witch torturing, self states, 
immolation, mutilation, and other barbarous usages, in the 
territories of native princes, as much as in those under 
British administration. Any prince, Rajput or Mahratta, 
who hesitated to punish such atrocities within his own 
territories to the entire satisfaction of the British govern- 
ment, was visited with the marked displeasure of Lord 
Dalhousie, threatened with the loss of his salute, refused 
admittance to the Governor-GeneraFs durbar, or deprived of 
one or other of those tokens of the consideration of the 
British government which are valued by the princes and 
nobles of India. At the same time Lord Dalhousie was 
never wanting in paternal regard for native states during a 
minority. He duly provided for the education and ad- 
ministrative training of Sindia and Holkar ; and was anxious 
that they should be fitted for the duties of government 
before they attained their majority and were placed in 
charge of their respective territories. 

The administration of native states was no doubt wretched Political 
in the extreme. Indeed it is only of late years that native dictum 
officials have received an English education, ^aUiousie 

by the example set in British territories, to carry out some 
measures of reform. Both Lord Dalhousie, and his pre- 
decessor, Lord Hardinge, were deeply impressed with the 


6i4 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III, 


A.D. 

1848-1856 


Obliga- 
tions of 
the British 
govern- 
ment 
towards 
native 
states. 


Hindu 
belief in 
the neces- 
sity for 
a son. 


responsibility incurred by the British government in per- 
petuating native misrule. Both agreed that no rightful op- 
portunity should be lost of acquiring territory and revenue ; 
in other words, of bringing native territory under British 
administration. The motives of both rulers were unquestion- 
ably pure ; neither Hardinge nor Dalhousie could have any 
personal object in adding to the territories of the late 
East India Company beyond the promotion of the moral 
and material welfare of the native populations. But their 
sentiments were open to misconstruction, and might be 
interpreted to mean that the appropriation of native 
territory would be always justifiable, provided a decent 
excuse could be found for the transfer. 

No one seems to have doubted that the British govern- 
ment was bound to maintain the integrity of native states so 
long as a native ruler did not forfeit his rights by some 
public crime. Again, no one doubted the right of a son, 
or other male heir, to inherit a Raj. But a question was 
raised as to the rights of an adopted son ; and as *this 
question has been much distorted by controversy, it may 
be as well to explain it from a Hindu point of view. 
Practically, the law of adoption has ceased to have any 
political importance. The British government has con- 
ceded the right of adopting an heir to the Raj to native 
princes in general. But a right understanding of the law 
of adoption is absolutely necessary to a right understanding 
of the policy of Lord Dalhousie. 

Amongst all orthodox Hindus a son is regarded as a 
religious necessity. A son is required to offer cakes and 
water to the soul of a deceased father, and indeed to the 
souls of all deceased ancestors up to a certain generation. 
Moreover, in the belief of modern Hindus, the world of 
shades is a kind of temporary hell or purgatory, where 
the soul of the father is supposed to dwell until all its 
sins have been wiped away by the sacrifices and other 
good works ^ of the son. When this end has been attained, 
the soul either returns to earth to resume its existence 
through successive transmigrations, or it ascends to eternal 
life in some superior heaven, or is absorbed in the Supreme 
Spirit — Vishnu, Siva, or Brahma. 

It is this religious necessity which has brought about 
the early marriage of Hindu boys. Should however the 


Chap. XXIV.] MATERIAL PROGRESS : DALHOUSIE. 615 

husband fail to become the father of a son, he may either a.d. 

marry a second wife, or he may adopt a son ; and .a son 
in either case, whether natural or adopted, inherits ^be 
property at the father’s death, and becomes the head of the a re%ious 
household. rite. 

The question of adoption in the case of a Hindu prin- Political 
cipality stands on a different footing. The adopted son aspect 
may succeed to the property of his nominal father, and 
perform all his religious duties ; but the question of in- *4^ ® ^ 
heriting a Raj is of a political character, and depends on 
the will of the paramount power. In either case, whether 
the inheritance to a Raj is granted or refused, the adopted 
son is still expected to perform all the religious duties 
necessary for the well-being of the deceased father.^ 

The question of the right of adoption in the case of a Abeyance 
Hindu principality was never raised in India before the 
rise of British power. There was no public law in the ^ 

matter; the question of might alone made the right. If alight 
Hindu principality was conveniently near, it was brought making 
under Moghul rule by treachery, chicanery, or force of hght. 
arms, without the slightest regard to the rights of a reigning 
Raja, or the rights of his heirs or representatives.^ If a 
principality was remote and strong, every effort was made 
to seduce or threaten the native ruler into paying tribute ; 
or at any rate into rendering homage and presenting nuzzers, 
or honorary gifts, as an acknowledgment of the suzerainty 
of the Moghul. Whatever, however, might be the circum- 
stances of the case, no succession was deemed valid unless it 
received the formal approval and sanction of the paramount 
power; and this end could only be obtained by a Hindu 
prince in the same way that a Muhammadan officer obtained 
the government of a province, namely, by sending presents 

^ The present Maharaja Holkar has more than once taken over the 
estate of a feudatory on the ground that he had left no natural heirs, and 
that the adopted son had no claim to inherit landed property, 

2 Akbar was anxious to maintain the Rajpdt principalities as a 
counterpoise against Afghans and Moghuls, and his policy was to give a 
daughter in marriage to a Rajput prince, and insist upon her son being 
the heir to the principality. But Aurangzeb was only anxious to convert 
the Hindus to Islam, and a Rajput prince who turned Muhammadan 
would have been recognised as heir to the principality in the same way 
that an Irishman of a Roman Catholic family secured the family estate 
in the last century by becoming a Protestant. Neither Akbar nor 
Aurangzeb were likely to trouble themselves about the law of adoption. 


6i^ 


A.D. 

1848-1856 

Adoption 
recognised 
by the 
British 
govern- 
ment. 


Raj of 
Satara: re- 
suscitated 
1818. 


Extrava- 
gant pre- ' 
tensions c 
the Raja. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

and tribute to tbe Mogbul court, and receiving letters and 
insignia of investiture in return. 

The British government, however, professed from the very 
first to adhere to the policy of non-intervention, and cared 
not who succeeded to the throne so long as there were no 
civil wars.^ Accordingly in the case of Sindia, as already 
seen, the dying ruler was advised by the British government 
to adopt a son in order to prevent any broils as regards 
a successor. At the same time the queen or minister was 
generally anxious for an adoption, as if it could be established 
it might set aside the claim of a brother or other collateral 
heir, and would enable the queen or minister to exercise 
sovereign authority during the minority. It thus became 
customary for a native prince to apply for the consent of the 
British government before adopting a son who should be 
heir to the Raj ; and at every succession, whether the son 
was natural or adopted, the recognition of the British go verm 
ment was deemed necessary to its validity. The youthful 
heir was formally invested with a dress of honour by the 
British representative, and in return he publicly acknowledged 
his fealty to the British government. 

The policy of Lord Dalhousie will be rendered intelligible 
by dealing with matters of fact. The first native principality 
brought to his notice was that of Satara. The story of 
Satara has already been told. The representative of Sivaji 
reigned as a puppet Raja in a state prison at Satara, whilst 
successive Peishwas, or ministers, reigned as real sovereigns 
at Poona. After the extinction of the Peishwas in i8i8, 
Lord Hastings resuscitated the Raja of Satara for reasons of 
state; took him out of a prison, and invested him with a 
small principality. He thought by so doing to reconcile 
Sindia and Holkar to the extinction of the Peishwas. But 
the generosity, whether real or apparent, was thrown away. 
The Mahrattas had long forgotten to care for the Raja of 
Satara, and they soon forgot the ex-Peishwa. 

But the elevation of the Raja of Satara from a prison 
to a principality turned the young man's head. Instead of 
'being grateful for his change of fortune, he was incensed 
with his benefactors for not restoring him to the throne and 
empire of Sivaji. He fondly imagined that if he could 

^ See antef page 523. 


Chap. XXIV.] MATERIAL PROGRESS: BALHOUSIE. 


6i7 


only get rid of the British government, he might recover the a.p. 
old Mahratta sovereignty which had been usurped by the ^^4S’'i856 
Peishwas for more than seventy years, and which, as far as 
Satara was concerned, had never been anything more than a 
shadow and a sham. Accordingly, in spite of his treaty 
obligations to abstain from all correspondence with states or 
individuals outside his jurisdiction, the Raja of Satara opened 
up communications with the Portuguese authorities at Goa, 
and even with the exiled Appa Sahib of Nagpore j and to 
crown his misdoings, he employed certain Brahmans to 
tamper with some sepoy officers in the Bombay army. 

It was impossible to overlook these proceedings, and there Bethrone- 
was some talk of punishing the Raja ; but Sir James Carnac, ment oj 
the Governor of Bombay, took a lenient view of the case, the Raja, 
and told the Raja that all would be forgiven if he would ^ 
only promise to keep the treaty more faithfully for the future. 

But by this time the Raja was too far gone to listen to 
reason. He spurned all interference, asserted his sovereignty, 
and was accordingly deposed, and sent to Benares, and his 
brother was enthroned in his room. 

The new Raja of Satara took warning by the fate of his Adoption 
predecessor, and gave no trouble to the British authorities, refused 
But he had no son or male heir, and he repeatedly 
quested the British government to permit him to adopt a son ® 
who should inherit the Raj. Every application however was 
refused. Under such circumstances he might possibly have 
adopted a son who would have inherited his private property, 
and performed all the religious ceremonies necessary for de- 
livering his soul from a Hindu purgatory. But he appears 
to have hoped on to the last; and in 1848, two hours 
before his death, he adopted an heir on his own responsibility, 
and left the result in the hands of the British government. 

Lord Dalhousie decided that the adopted son might in- Lapse of 
herit the private property of the deceased Raja, but that the Satara, 
principality of Satara had lapsed to the British government 
This decision was confirmed by the Court of Directors. 

The result was that the Raj of Satara was incorporated 
with the Bombay Presidency, and brought under British 
administration. 

Shortly afterwards the Kerauii succession was taken into Reranli a , 
consideration, Kerauii was a Rajput principality, which had 
paid a yearly tribute to the Peishwa ; but it was taken under paiity.' 


BRITISH INDIA. 


6iS 


[Pakt hi 


Adoption 

recog- 

nised. 


A.B- British protection in iSiS, and relieved from the further pay- 
18 48-18 56 ijient of tribute. The Raja showed his gratitude by joining 
in the outbreak of Durjan Sal of Bhurtpore in 1826 ; but 
he subsequently expressed his attachment to the British 
governmentj and his offence was condoned. 

The Raja of Kerauli died in 1848 without a natural heir, 
but, like the Satara Raja, he adopted a son just before his 
death. I^ord Dalhousie was inclined to think that Kerauli, 
like Satara, had lapsed to the British government; but thd 
Court of Directors decided that Kerauli was a “ protected 
ally,” and not a ‘^dependent principality,” and accordingly 
the government of Lord Dalhousie recognised the adopted 
son as the heir to the Raj. 

In 1853 the Nagpore succession was brought under dis- 
cussion. The fortunes of this Raj are of peculiar interest 
The story begins with Lord Hastings and ends with Lord 
Dalhousie; but it may be told in the present place as an 
episode. 

In 1818 the territory of the Bhonsla Rajas was placed at 
the disposal of the British government The treacherous 
Appa Sahib had fled into exile, leaving no son, real or 
adopted, to succeed him on the throne of Nagpore. Ac- 
cordingly the ladies of the family were permitted to adopt 
a boy, who assumed the name of Bhonsla, and was accepted 
as an infant Raja ; and Mr. Richard Jenkins, the Resident 
at Nagpore, was entrusted with the management of affairs dur- 
ing the minority, and exercised something like uncontrolled 
powers. 

The management of Mr. Jenkins was denounced in Eng- 
land as a departure from the ruling doctrine of non-inter- 
vention; but nevertheless it was attended with singular 
success. Mr. Jenkins organised a native administration 
under British management, and did not commit the fatal 
error of expecting too much.^ The consequence was that 
in Nagpore, and in Nagpore alone, outside British territory, 
disorders were repressed, vexatious taxes abolished, debts 
liquidated, and expenditure reduced ; whilst crime diminished, 

^ There is a well-known couplet by Mat Prior, wMch English officials 
in high position would do well to bear in mind in dealing with native 


Nagpore a 

Mahratta 

Raj, 


British 

manage- 

ment,. 

181S-26, 


Prosperity 

of 

Nagpore. 


subordinates : 


Be to their virtues very kind, 
Be to their faults a little blind.' 


Ghap. XXIV.] MATERIAL PROGRESS : DALHOUSIE. 619 

revenue improved, and a large surplus accumulated in the a,i>. 
public treasury.^ 1848-1856 

In 1826 the young Raja attained his a^Rd the 

British management was withdrawn from Nagpore. In 1837 tion under 
the Raja had grown utterly demoralised ; he cared nothing native 
for his people, but spent his whole time, like a little Sarda- 
napalus, in the female apartments of his palace. In spite 
of this adverse circumstance, the people of Nagpore were 
less oppressed than those of any other native state in India. 

The system organised by Mr. Jenkins was much deteriorated, 
especially in the administration of justice. But the people 
spoke of “ Dunkin Sahib with affection, and all the middle 
and lower classes were heartily desirous of British rule. 

In 1853 the Raja of Nagpore died, leaving no son or Annexa- 
heir, natural or adopted. Nagpore had been a dependent tion of 
principality” ever since 1818, and Lord Dalhousie had to 
determine whether to permit the widows to adopt a son, ^ ■ 

and thus make over Nagpore to a Mahratta lad who might 
have turned out no better than his successor or to bring 

^ The exponents of the policy of non-intervention had much to say 
in its favour. The subsidiary system which secured native princes on 
their thrones, was supposed to have aggravated the evils of native rule 
by stripping the state of all responsibility, and thus stifling all desire 
for the improvement of the country and people. The princes of India 
lost their accustomed stimulants of war and plunder, and sank into 
apathy, or sought consolation in vicious self-indulgence. Under such 
circumstances there were grounds for hoping that non-intervention 
would revive the sense of responsibility, and enable every native princi- 
pality to recover its lost vitality. 

But this lost vitality is a myth. It may have existed in some remote 
era, some golden age of Rajpiit romance ; but it is as unknown to 
history as the exploits of King Arthur and the Knights of the Round 
Table. It was the dream of the Brahmanical compilers of the Hindu 
epics, and is as unreal as the fabled stories in the Arabian Nights of the 
golden reign of Haroun Alraschid. Ever since Europeans became 
acquainted with India the vitality of native rule has only found expres- 
sion in predatory wars and administrative extortions ; and when at last 
the princes of India were bound over by the subsidiary alliances to keep 
the peace, the native states were moribund, and nothing but new blood 
would impart life or energy to native administrations. 

■What was really wanted was a guiding influence to open the eyes of 
native rulers to their duties towards their subjects, and to inspire them 
with that spirit of emulation which is necessary to awaken them to a 
higher ambition and loftier aims. After the wars of 1817-18 the 
princes of India were peculiarly amenable to such influences, and hence 
the administrative successes of Mr. Jenkins in Nagpore. 

® The widows of the deceased Raja are said to have adopted a son 
immediately after his demise, but this was a religious ceremony having . 


620 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


, A.D. 

1848-1856 


Dealings 
with the 
Carnatic 
and 

Tanjore 

families. 


Death of 
Baji Rao, 
the last 
of the 
Peishwas, 

1853. 


Nagpore under a similar administration to that which had 
proved so successful in the Punjaiib. Lord Dalhousie 
decided on the latter course, and his view was accepted 
by the Court of Directors. Accordingly Nagpore was in- 
corporated with British territory, and now forms a part of 
the Central Provinces. 

Besides the annexation of territories, Lord Dalhousie 
abolished certain expensive pageants, which had long ceased 
to exercise any authority or influence, and only proved a dead 
weight on the public treasury. In 1853 the titular Nawab 
of the Carnatic died without an heir ; and Lord Dalhousie 
declared the dignity extinct, and withdrew the heavy share 
of the revenue which had been made over by Lord Wellesley 
for the maintenance of the pageantry. At the same time 
pensions were assigned to the different members of the 
Carnatic family. Shortly afterwards the titular Raja of 
Tanjore died without heirs, and the family were treated in 
like fashion. Since then the home government have placed 
the different pensions on a more liberal footing. 

In 1853, Baji Rao, the ex-Peishwa, was gathered to his 
fathers. He was the last relic of the old Mahratta empire. 
He was born in 1775, when Warren Hastings was being 
dragged into the first Mahratta war. In 1795, age of 

twenty, he became Peishwa of Poona. In 1802 he ran 
away from Jaswant Rao Holkar, and threw himself into the 
arms of the English at Bassein, near Bombay. He was 
restored to Poona by the British army, but forfeited his 
throne in 1817 by his treacherous outbreak against the 
British government. From 1818 to 1853, from the age of forty- 
three to that of seventy-seven, he dreamed away his life in 
oriental indulgences at Bithoor, on the liberal pension of 
eighty thousand pounds a year. 

Baji Rao left no natural heir. He had adopted a son, 
who was afterwards known as Nana Sahib. He must have 
saved a large sum out of his yearly allowance. Nana Sahib 

nothing to do with the Raj. Indeed the widows were awai-e at the 
time that such an adoption was invalid as regards the Raj without the 
previous sanction of the British government. 

^ Besides the foregoing annexations the little principality of Jhansi, in 
Bundelkund, lapsed to the British government in like manner fi'orn want 
of natural heirs. The matter is only of moment front the terrible 
revenge exacted by the ex-queen during the Sepoy revolt of 1857, 



Chap. XXIV,] MATERIAL PROGRESS : DALHOUS IE. 621 

acknowledged that the accumulations amounted to nearly 
three hundred thousand pounds sterling; but it was sub- 
sequently discovered that they aggregated half a million, 

Nevertheless, Nana Sahib prayed for the continuation of the sions of 
pension, and pretended that it had been granted, not byway Nana 
of grace or favour, but as compensation to the ex-Peishwa 
for his loss of territory. Such a preposterous claim ^ * 

beneath discussion; but it was taken into consideration by 
Lord Dalhousie and the Court of Directors, and was only 
rejected after the fullest inquiry. • 

The dealings of Lord Dalhousie with the Nizam ofHyclera- 
Hyderabad demand a passing notice. By the treaty of 1801 bad : ' 

the Nizam was bound to furnish a military contingent in time I 

of war of 6,000 infantry and 9,000 horse. But the rabble 5 

soldiery which he supplied during the subsequent wars Con tin- 
proved to be worse than useless in the field. Accordingly it gent. 
was agreed by mutual consent that a permanent force should 
be maintained by the Nizam, reduced to half the number 
of native troops, but to be disciplined and commanded by 
British officers. This new body of troops was known as the 
Nizam’s Contingent, as distinguished from the Hyderabad 
Subsidiary Force.^ 

From a very early period the Nizam had failed to provide Accnmu- 
the necessary funds for the maintenance of the Contingent 
From time to time large advances were made by the British ^izam. 
government to meet the current expenditure, until a debt 
accumulated of half a million sterling. The Nizam might 
have escaped this obligation by disbanding the Contingent ; 
but this he repeatedly and obstinately refused to do, and 
indeed the force was necessary for the maintenance of peace 
and order in his own territories. Again, he might have dis- 
banded the hordes of foreign mercenaries, Arabs and 
Rohillas, which he kept up under the name of an army, and 
which were a burden upon his treasury, a terror to his subjects, 
and useless for all military purposes. But he was as obsti- 
nate upon this point as upon the other. At last, in 1843, he 
was told by Lord Ellenborough that unless the debt was 
liquidated and the necessary funds were provided regulariy 
for the future, the British government would take over territory 
and revenue as security for the payment. 

^ The Nizam’s Contingent on the new footing consisted of 5,000 
infantry, 2,000 cavalry, and four field batteries. 


; ■ 



622 

A.D. 

1848-1856 


BRITISH -INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


Drift. 


Cession 
of Berar, 
iSssv 


Oude : 

oppression 

and 

anarchy, 

1801-1847. 


This threat seems to have created some alarm in Hyder- 
abad. Chandu Lai resigned the post of minister, and the 

Nizam attempted to carry on the administration alone but 

his efforts were fitful and desultory. Meanwhile mere dribblets 
o£ the debt were paid off, and the Resident was amused with 
excuses and promises ; and in this fashion matters drifted on 
At last Lord Dalhousie insisted on a cession of sufficient 
tOTitory to provide for the maintenance of the Nizam's Con- 
tingent. He would not touch the hereditary dominions of the 
Nizam ; he merely took over the territory of Berar, which Lord 

Wellesley had given to the Nizam in 1803, after the con- 
quest ofthe RajaofNagpore. Accordingly Berar was broudit 
under British administration ; and since then all surplus 
revenue acauing from the improvements in the revenue 
system has been made over to the Nizam's treasury, 

^ The last important measure in the career of Lord’ Dal- 
housie was the annexation^ of Oude. The story of Oude ■ 
IS an unpleasant episode in the history of British India 
In 1764 the English conquered Oude, but Lord Clive 
gave it back to the Nawab Vizier. In i8oi Lord Welleslev 
took over one half of the territory to provide for the defence 
ot Hindustan against Afghans, French, and Mahrattas 
From the days of Lord Wellesley to those of Lord Dalhousie 
Oude was a millstone round the neck of the British govern- 
inent. Every Governor-General in turn condemned the 
administration of Oude as tyrannical, extortionate, and cor- 
rupt to the last degree ; each in turn denounced the reigning 
Nawab Vizier, and yet shrank from the distasteful task of 
taking the necessary steps for carrying out a radical reform. 
Lord Hastings tried polite remonstrance ; he wished, he said 

was that the Nawab Vizier assumed the title of “ kino- ” in 
order to place himself on a par with the so-called king of 
Delhi. In 1 83 1 Lord William Bentinck, the friend of native 
princes, threatened to assume the direct administration of 

Oude, but ultimately left India without doing it. From 

the day of his departure the introduction of British rule 
in Oude was a mere question of time. It was one of 
those painful operations which no Governor-General liked 
to perform ; but it was absolutely necessary to the well-bein<^ 
not only of the people of Oude, but of the British empire 
in India. In 1847 Lord Hardinge, who Lad laboured to 


Chap. XXIV,] ^ MATERIAL PROGRESS : DALHOUSIE. 


623 


save the Sikh government in the Punjab, was so aghast at the a. d. 
desolation of Oiide, that he solemnly warned the king that ^^ 4 ^" ^^ 5 ^ 
the British government would assume the management of 
his country within two years unless he employed the interval 
in carrying out a complete reform in his administration. 

In 1851 Colonel Sleeman, the British Resident at Luck- sieemaiVs 
now, made a tour through Oude, and reported on the state report, 
of the country. The people were at the mercy of the sol- 
diery and landholders. Whilst Oude was protected by 
British troops from every possible foe, a standing army of 
seventy thousand men was kept up by the king ; and as 
the pay of the troops was very small, and nearly always in 
arrears, they were driven to prey upon the helpless villagers. 

It is needless to dwell on the plunder, outrage and crime 
that were the natural consequence. The wretched inhabit- 
ants complained that brigands and outlaws were sometimes 
merciful ; but that the king^s troops never knew how to 
pity or how to spare. The Talilkdars, or landholders, built 
forts throughout the country, and levied revenue and black 
mail, like the Afghan chiefs who preyed on Hindustan 
before the days of Akbar. All this while the king was shut 
up in his palace ; he was seen by no one except women, 
musicians, and buffoons. The government was a monstrous 
system of corruption, under which every office was bought 
with money, and every official was left to reimburse himself 
as fast as he could by oppression and extortion. Reform 
was out of the question; every evil had been festering in the 
body politic for the greater part of a century, and nothing 
but new blood could save the country from destruction. 

Lord Dalhousie was anxious to deal gently with the king Annexa- 
of Oude. The family had always been loyal to the British 
government, and had always done their best to help it in the 
hour of need. Lord Dalhousie would have left the king in 
the possession of the sovereignty whilst taking over the direct 
management of his territories. But the patience of the 
Court of Directors was worn out; they were determined to 
annex the country and abolish the throne; and in 1856, 
being the last year of Lord Dalhousie’s administration, the 
sovereignty of the kings of Oude was brought to a close. 

During the administration of Lord Dalhousie the hill 
tribes of Bengal forced themselves on the attention of the 
British government As far back as 1832 there had been a 


624 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.t). Strange rising of the Koles, an aboriginal tribe of Western 
Bengal, who at some remote period had been driven into the 
Outbrik by the Hindu settlers, and there maintained their 
of hill- ^ primitive language, habits, and superstitions, down to modern 
tribes : times. The Koles had been troubled by British laws and 

Koles and exasperated by encroaching Zemindars. Accordingly they 
Santals. Droke out in rebellion, and committed many outrages 
before they were repressed. Lord William Bentinck with- 
drew the Koles from the operation of the ordinary laws, 
and placed their country in charge of a special commis- 
sioner. Since then the Koles had advanced in civilisation 
and prosperity, and large numbers had been converted to 
Christianity. In 1855 there was an insurrection of another 
aboriginal tribe, known as the Santdls, who inhabit the hill 
ranges of Rajmahal on the north-west frontier of Bengal 
proper. They had been harassed by the civil suits of Bengali 
money-lenders,, and they advanced into the plains, to the 
number of thirty thousand men, to make war upon the 
British government with pickaxes and poisoned arrows. The 
British authorities were taken by surprise. The Santdls 
began the work of pillage and murder, and spread abroad 
a wild alarm before a British force could be marched 
against them. The outbreak, however, was soon suppressed, 
and Lord Dalhousie dealt with the Sant£s in the same way 
that Lord William Bentinck had .dealt with the Koles, 
namely, by placing them in charge of a special commis- 
sioner. 


CHAPTER XXV. 


SEPOY MUTINIES : LORD CANNING. 

A.D. 1856 TO 185S. 

Lord Canning was forty-four years of age when he sue- A.n. 
ceeded Lord Dalhousie as Governor-General of India. He 
had seen something of official life ; he had been Under- 
Secretary for Foreign Affairs under Sir Robert Peel, and Canning, 
Postmaster - General under Lord Aberdeen and Lord Govemor- 
Palmerston. He was a good administrator — moderate, ^0 
cautious, conscientious, and “ safe ” ; and as such he was 
well fitted to carry on, slowly but surely, the great work of 
moral and material progress begun by Lord Dalhousie. 

In 1856 the political atmosphere of India was without Cloudless 
a cloud. A few events occurred, but they were of small sl^y, 1856. 
historical interest, and cannot be regarded as in anyway 
foreshadowing the storm which was about to burst upon the 
plains of Hindustan. 

The annexation of Oude had been carried out with more English 
harshness than Lord Dalhousie had intended. The king adminis- 
removed from Lukhnow to Calcutta, and settled down with . 

his women and dependants in the suburbs at Garden Reach, Henry 
whilst the queen-mother and heir apparent went on a boot- Lawrence, 
less mission to England. Meanwhile an administration, 
like that which had proved so successful in the Punjab, was 
introduced into Oude ; but it did not work smoothly. The 
new rulers forgot that Oude was not a conquered country 
like the Punjab y and that the Oude TaMkdars, bad as 
they may have been, were not rebels and traitors against 
the British government. Consequently the leading officers 


626 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

1856-1857 


Moghul 
kings of 
Delhi. 
1803-56. 


Mis- 
chievous 
influences 
at Delhi. 


Proposed 
removal 
to the 
Kitub. 


disputed amongst themselves ; and there were many com- 
plaints of severity towards native ofihcials and landholders. 
At last, early in 1857, Sir Henry Lawrence was appointed 
Chief Commissioner of Oude, and it was believed that all 
would soon be well. 

The status of the so-called kings of Delhi was placed 
upon a new footing. Ever since 1803, when Shah Alam was 
taken under British protection by Lord Wellesley, the kings 
had been without a history. The family dwelt in the old 
Moghul palace at Delhi, and multiplied in Muhammadan 
fashion. Palace life was made up of vain attempts to 
revive the dignity and pomp of a bygone age, or to obtain 
an increase of pension from the British government. All 
political vitality had died out of the family. Deaths, mar- 
riages, and births followed in dreary monotony, varied by 
quarrels and intrigues, which had little meaning or interest 
outside the palace walls. 

The continued residence of the Moghul family at Delhi 
infected the whole capital. The Muhammadan population 
was more disaffected towards the British rule than in any 
other city in India. Lord Wellesley would have removed 
the family to Bengal at the beginning of the century ; but 
the poor old pageant of that day clung to Delhi with the 
pertinacity of second childhood, and it seemed cruel to 
remove him in his old age. Since then two generations 
had passed away; the Moghul court had become an anti- 
quated nuisance, and Lord Dalhousie determined to banish 
it for ever. 

The reigning king at Delhi was an infirm old man named 
Bahadur Shah. The heir apparent was his grandson ; and 
Lord Dalhousie agreed to recognise the grandson as the 
successor to the pageant throne, and to make some addition 
to his pension, on the condition that he should clear out 
of Delhi on the death of his grandfather, and take up his 
abode at the Kdtub — an old royal residence near Delhi, 
which had been founded in the thirteenth century.^ But 
Bahadur Shah married a young wife in his old age, and she 
gave birth to a son ; and henceforth the young queen strained 
every nerve to secure the pageant throne for her boy, after 
the manner of younger wives since patriarchal times. 

In July, 1856, the heir apparent died suddenly in the palace. 

^ See page 79. 


Ghap. XXV.] SEPOY MUTINIES : CANNING. 


627 


There is no moral doubt that he was poisoned, and that the a.d. 
young queen was implicated in the crime. The catastrophe 1^56-1857 
was suspiciously followed by applications from old Bahadur 
Shah that the son of his favourite wife might be recognised intrigues 
by the Governor-General as the heir and successor to the at Delhi, 
throne. But the request was refused. An elder brother 
stood in the way, and Lord Canning recognised this elder 
brother as heir apparent, but without any bargaining or 
agreement. When Bahadur Shah died the new king was to 
remove to the Kdtub by the simple decree of the British 
government. 

The wrath of the favourite queen may be left to the im- Wrath of 
agination. She is said to have been a daughter of the 
house of Nadir Shah, and the hereditary ambition of the 
family was burning in her brain. She intrigued in all direc- 
tions against the British government ; possibly with the 
Shah of Persia, with whom Great Britain was at war ; pos- 
sibly with Kuzziibash chiefs at K 4 bul j but the extent and 
character of her plots must be left to conjecture. No 
one dreamt that the mortified princess could in any way 
work mischief to the British government ; and to this day 
it is difficult to believe that she was in any way the originator 
of the sepoy mutiny. 

Meantime there were more difficulties with Persia respect- Persian 
ing Herdt. The death of Yar Muhammad Khan, in 1852, 
was followed by troubles in Herdt; and the province be- 
came a bone of contention between the Shah of Persia 
and old Dost Muhammad Khan, of Kabul. At last the 
Shah moved an army to Herdt and captured the fortress, 
contrary to his treaty with the British government. Accord- 
ingly England declared war against Persia. An expedition 
was sent from Bombay to the Persian Gulf under the com- 
mand of Sir James Outram. The alliance with Kdbul was 
strengthened ; ^ four thousand stand of arms were presented 
to Dost Muhammad Khan, and he was promised a subsidy 
of ten thousand pounds a month so long as the Persian war 
lasted. The capture of Bushire by the English and the 
victory at Mohamrah brought the Shah to his senses. He 
withdrew from Afghanistan, and renounced all pretensions 

^ The hostility of Dost Muhammad Khan during the second Sikh 
war had been condoned ; and a treaty of friendship was concluded by 
Lord Dalhousie with the Kabul ruler in 1855. 


s s z 


628 

A.D. 

1856-1857 

Evil 

rumours 
and pro- 
phecies. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part HI. 

to Herdt; and in March, 1857, peace was concluded 
between Great Brita.in and Persia. 

About this time there is said to have been rumours of a 
coming danger to British rule in India. In some parts of 
the country chupaties, or cakes, were circulated in a myste- 
rious manner from village to village. Prophecies were also 
rife that in 1857 the Company’s Raj would come to an end. 
Lord Canning has been blamed for not taking alarm at 
these proceedings; but something of the kind has always 
been going on in India."^ Cakes or cocoa-nuts are given away 
in solemn fashion ; and as the villagers are afraid to keep them 
or eat them, the circulation goes on to the end of the chapter. 
Then again holy men and prophets have always been com- 
mon in India. They foretell pestilence and famine, the 
downfall of British rule, or the destruction of the whole 
world. They are often supposed to be endowed with super- 
natural powers, and to be impervious to bullets ; but these 
phenomena invariably disappear whenever they come in 
contact with Europeans, especially as all such characters 
are liable to be treated as vagrants without visible means 
of subsistence.^ 

^ A great deal of alarm has been written and spoken as regards 
native intrigues. As a matter of fact, plots and intrigues of one sort 
or another are the daily life of the natives of India. There are inore 
plots and intrigues in a single establishment of native servants than in a 
hundred English households. An Englishman in India, who chooses to 
study the character of his servants, will know more in a few months 
of native thoughts and ways than he can learn in books from the study 
of a lifetime. A still better insight into native character may be 
obtained in government schools. The author is conscious that during 
the three or four years that he held the post of Professor of Moral 
Philosophy and Logic in the Madras Presidency College, he gained a 
larger knowledge of Hindu life, and a greater respect for Hindu 
character, than during the many years he has since spent in official 
and literary duties. The warm friendships amongst young Hindus, 
their devotion to the wishes of their parents, and the unreserved 
trust which they place in their English instructors who take the 
trouble to win their confidence, have" never perhaps been sufficiently 
appreciated. 

• 2 There are few human beings so helpless or so ignorant that they 
cannot prophesy the end of all things. Prophecies however are not con- 
fined to orientals. The great German traveller, Carsten Niebuhr, who 
visited Bombay in 1763, two years after the battle of Paniput, was 
guilty of the following oracular utterance, which reads somewhat 
strangely by the light of later history “ The power of the Muham- 
madans indeed becomes daily less ; and there are at present some 


Chap. XXV.] SEPOY MUTINIES; CANNING. 


629 


One dangerous story, however, got abroad in the early a.d. 
part of 1857, which ought to have been stopped at once, 
and for which the military authorities were wholly and 
solely to blame. The Enfield rifle was being introduced ; cartridi^es. 
it required new cartridges, which in England were greased 
with the fat of beef or pork. The military authorities in 
India, with strange indifference to the prejudices of sepoys, 
ordered the cartridges to be prepared at Calcutta in like 
manner y forgetting that the fat of pigs was hateful to 
the Muhammadans, whilst the fat of cows was still more 
horrible in the eyes of the Hindus. 

The excitement began at Barrackpore, sixteen miles from Panic at 
Calcutta. At this station there were four regiments of Barrack- 
sepoys, and no Europeans except the regimental officers.^ 

One day a low caste native, known as a Laskar, asked a 
Brahman sepoy for a drink of water from his brass pot. 

The Brahman refused, as it would defile his pot. The 
Laskar retorted that the Brahman was already defiled by 
biting cartridges which had been greased with cow’s fat. 

This vindictive taunt was based on truth. Laskars had 
been employed at Calcutta in preparing the new cartridges, 
and the man was possibly one of them. The taunt created 
a wild panic at Barrackpore. Strange, however, to say, 
none of the new cartridges had been issued to the sepoys ; 
and had this been promptly explained to the men, and the 
sepoys left to grease their own cartridges, the alarm might 
have died out. But the explanation was delayed until the 

Hindu princes who may restore the nation to its ancient splendour. 

The Mahrattas have successfiilly begun a project which has this 
aspect. It is the exorbitant power of the English that at present 
retards the progressive improvement of the Hindus. But when this 
colossal statue, whose feet are of clay, and which has been raised by 
conquering merchants, shall be broken in pieces, an event which may 
fall out sooner than is supposed, then shall Hindustan become again a 
flourishing country.” The learned German must have been utterly 
ignorant of Mahratta rule, and seems to have formed an idea out of 
his moral consciousness. 

i q A sepoy regiment of infantry in the Bengal army was at this time 
composed of 1,000 privates, 120 non-commissioned officers, and 20 
commissioned officers, all natives. It was divided into ten companies, 
each containing loo privates, 12 non-commissioned officers, and 2 com- 
missioned officers. The non-commissioned officers were known as naiks 
and havildars, corresponding to corporals and sergeants. The com- 
missioned officers were known as jemadars and subahdars, corresponding 


630 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part Hi. 


A.D. whole of the Bengal army was smitten with the groundless 
1^57 fear ; and then, when it was too late, the authorities pro- 
tested too much, and the terror-stricken sepoys refused to 
believe them.^ 

Credulity The sepoys have proved themselves brave under fire, 
of sepoys, ^nd loyal to their salt in sharp extremities ; but they are 
the most credulous and excitable soldiery in the ’world. 
They regarded steam and electricity as so much magic 
and they fondly believed that the British government was 
binding India with chains, ’v\hen it was only laying down 
railway lines and telegraph wires. The Enfield rifle was a 
new mystery ; and the busy brains of the sepoys were soon 
at work to divine the motive of the English in greasing 
cartridges with cow’s fat. They had always taken to them- 
selves the sole credit of having conquered India for the 
Company ; and they now imagined that the English wanted 
them to conquer Persia and China. Accordingly, they 
suspected that Lord Canning was going to make them as 
strong as Europeans by destroying caste, forcing them to 

to lieutenants and captains. The European officers corresponded to 
those in English regiments. 

The sepoy regiment was never quartered in barracks, but in lines. 
Every regiment occupied ten rows of thatched huts, a company to each 
row. In front of each row was a small circular building for storing 
arms and accoutrements after they had been cleaned. 

The European officers lived in bungalows, or thatched houses near 
the lines, but too far off to control the movements of the men during 
the heat of the day. In order however to maintain continuous Euro- 
pean supervision, two European sergeants were allowed to every regi- 
ment to live within the lines, and report day by day all that was going 
on to the European adjutant. 

^ There is however some excuse for the military authorities even in 
the matter of greased cartridges. Bazar rumours are often flying about 
in India, and causing the utmost alarm, whilst any attempt at authorita- 
tive contradiction on the part of government only gives further currency 
to the fable, and increases the panic. If a bridge is about to be built, 
it is noised abroad that childrens heads are wanted for the foundations, 
and then not a child is to be seen in the streets for weeks. This has 
been of common occurrence, even within the last twenty years. Again, 
in Lord Auckland's time, a rumour got abroad that the blood of 
hill-men was required to restore the Governor-General to pristine youth ; 

. and aU the . coolies and hill-men at Simla suddenly ran away. Contra- 
diction would, have been Useless in such extreme cases; but still, if 
undertaken in time, it might have quieted the minds of the sepoys. 

A To this day the Asiatic Museum at Calcutta is only known to 
natives as the “magic house.’* 


Chap. XXV.] SEPOY MUTINIES : CANNING. 

become Christians, and making them eat beef and drink 
beer. 

The story of the greased cartridges, with all its absurd 
embellishments, ran up the Ganges and Jumna to Benares, 
Allahabad, Agra, Delhi, and the great cantonment at 
Meerut ; whilst another current of lies ran back again 
from Meerut to Barrackpore. It was noised abroad that the 
bones of cows and pigs had been ground into powder, and 
thrown into wells and mingled with flour and butter, in 
order to destroy the caste of the masses and convert them 
to Christianity.^ 

The stories of sinister designs on the part of the English Sepoy 
were sharpened by sepoy grievances. Very much had been grievances, 
done for the well-being of the native army; the sepoys 
had become pufied up and unmanageable; and they com- 
plained of wrongs, or what appeared in their eyes to be 
wrongs, which Englishmen cannot easily understand. When 
quartered in foreign countries, such as Sinde and the Pun- 
jab, they had been granted an extra allowance, known as 
batta ; but when Sinde and the Punjab became British terri- 
tory the batta was withdrawn. Numbers, again, had been 
recruited in Oude, and they had another secret grievance. 

So long as Oude was under Muhammadan rule, every com- 
plaint from an Oude sepoy, that his family or kindred 
were oppressed, was forwarded to the British Resident at 
Lukhnow, and promptly redressed. When, however, the 
country was brought under British administration the com- 
plainants were referred to the civil courts. This was resented 
by the sepoy as a grave indignity. He was no longer the 
great man of the family or village; he could no longer 
demand the special interference of the British Resident in 
their behalf. Accordingly he was exasperated at the in- 
troduction of British rule in Oude ; at the same time he 
never manifested the slightest desire for the restoration of 
the ex-king, 

^ There was some excuse for this credulity. Forced conversions had 
been common enough under Muhammadan rule. Aurangzeb destroyed 
pagodas and idols, and compelled all servants of government to become 
Muhammadans, Tippu Sultan converted crowds of Brahmans to 
Islam by compelling them to swallow coVs flesh. The Hindu sepoys, 
who had been taken prisoners by the Afghans during the Kabul war, 
were forced to become Muhammadans. 


631 

AD. 



Incendiary 
fires at 
Barrack- 
pore. 

Mutiny at 

Barrack- 

pore. 


Outbreak 
of Mungal 
Bandy at 
Barrack- 
pore. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part HI. 

In January, 1857, there were incendiary fires at Barrack- 
pore. In February, General Hearsey, who commanded 
the Presidency division, expostulated with the sepoys on 
the absurdity of their fears as regarded their religion ; but 
his words were without authority, and no one heeded them. 

Towards the end of February a detachment of the 34th 
Native Infantry at Barrackpore arrived at Berhampore, a 
hundred and twenty miles up country, near Murshedabad. 
Accordingly the sepoys from Barrackpore told the story of 
the cartridges to their comrades of the 19th Native Infantry, 
which was stationed at Berhampore. A day or two afterwards 
the ^ sepoys of the 19th refused to receive the cartridges that 
were served out to them ; and at night-time they seized their 
arms, shouted defiance, and created a disturbance. Unfor- 
tunately there were no European soldiers at Berhampore; 
indeed there was only one European regiment in the whole 
line of country from Barrackpore to Patna, a distance of 
four hundred miles ; and half of that was quartered at Fort 
William at Calcutta, and the other half at Dumdum, six miles 
from Calcutta.^ Colonel Mitchell, the officer in command at 
Berhampore, had no force to bring to bear upon the muti- 
nous infantry except a detachment of native cavalry and a 
battery of native artillery ; and it was exceedingly doubt- 
ful whether they would act against their fellow-countrymen. 
However, the 19th was not ripe for revolt ; and after some 
remonstrances the sepoys laid down their arms and returned 
to the lines. 

In March the 84th Europeans was brought away from Ran- 
goon to the river Hughli. With this additional strength, Lord 
Canning resolved to take action. Accordingly the 19th was 
marched from Berhampore to Barrackpore to be disbanded. 
Before it reached its destination there was much excitement 
in the lines of the 34th, which probably originated in the sym- 
pathies of the sepoys for their comrades who were coming 
from Berhampore. A sepoy, named Mungal Pandy, walked 
about the lines with a loaded pistol, calling upon his com- 
rades to rise, and threatening to shoot the first European 

^ There was also one European regiment at Dinapore, near Patna, 
and another at Agra. Beyond these there was nothing but a handful of 
European artillerymen and a few invalided soldiers of the Gompany’s 
European army. The largest European force in Hindustan was 
stationed at Meerut, forty mUes from Delhi. 


Ghap. XXV.] SEPOY MUTINIES ; CANNING. 633 

that appeared. Lieutenant Baugh, the adjutant of the a.d. 

regiment, rode to the parade-ground, followed by the Euro- ^^57 

pean sergeant and a Muhammadan orderly. Mungal Bandy ““ 
fired at him, wounded his horse, and brought Lieutenant 
Baugh to the ground. A scuffle ensued ; Baugh received a 
severe blow from a sword ; whilst a guard of sepoys under 
a jemadar stood by and did nothing. The sergeant came 
up breathless, called on the j emadar for help, and tried to seize 
Mungal Bandy ; but he too was struck down. To crown all, the 
jemadar came up with his twenty sepoys and began to beat 
the heads of the two Europeans with the butt ends of their 
muskets. At this moment Mungal Bandy was arrested by 
the Muhammadan orderly ; and General Hearsey galloped 
up, pistol in hand, and ordered the sepoy guard back to 
their posts, threatening to shoot the first man who disobeyed 
orders. The sepoys were overawed by the general, and the 
disaffection was stayed. Mungal Bandy saw that his game 
was up, and tried to shoot himself, but failed. A day or 
two afterwards the European regiment from Rangoon was 
marched to Barrackpore; and the 19th Native Infantry 
arrived from Berhampore, and was disbanded without fur- 
ther trouble. In the following April Mungal Bandy and 
the mutinous jemadar were brought to trial, convicted, and 
hanged. 

For a brief interval it was hoped that the disaffection was Gathering 
suppressed. Excitement manifested itself in various ways of the 
at different stations throughout the length of Hindustan 
and the Bunjab — at Benares, Lukhnow, Agra, XJmballa, and 
Sealkote. In some stations there were incendiary fires ; in 
others the sepoys were wanting in their usual respect to 
their European officers. But it was believed that the storm 
was spending itself, and that the dark clouds were passing 
away. 

Suddenly, on the 3rd of May, there was an explosion at Explosion 
Lukhnow. A regiment of Oude Irregular Infantry, pre- at Lukh- 
viously in the service of the king, broke out in mutiny, , 

and began to threaten their European officers. Sir Henry prompt^ * 
Lawrence, the new Chief Commissioner, had a European sup- 
regiment at his disposal, namely the 32nd Foot. That pi'essionby 
same evening he ordered out the regiment, and a battery Lawrence 
of eight guns manned by Europeans, together with four ^ 
sepoy regiments, three of infantry and one of cavalry. With 


^34 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


Meemt : 
superioi* 
European 
force. 


Dis- 

affection. 


Mutiny at 
Meerut : 
imprison- 
ment of 
the 

mutineers. 


this force he proceeded to the lines of the mutineers, about 
seven . miles off. The Oude Irregulars were taken by sur- 
prise ; they saw infantry and cavalry on either side, and the 
European guns in front. They were ordered to lay down 
their arms, and they obeyed. At this moment the artillery 
lighted their port fires. The mutineers were seized with a 
panic, and rushed away in the darkness ; but the ringleaders 
and most of their followers were pursued and arrested by 
the native infantry and cavalry, and confined pending trial. 
Subsequently it transpired that the native regiments sympa- 
thised with the mutineers, and would have shown it but for 
their dread of Henry Lawrence and the Europeans. The 
energetic action of Lawrence sufficed to maintain order for 
another month in Oude. Meanwhile the 34th Native In- 
fantry was disbanded at Barrackpore, and again it was 
hoped that the disaffection was stayed. 

The demon of mutiny was only scotched. Within a week 
of the outbreak at Lukhnow, the great military station of 
Meerut was in a blaze, Meerut was only forty miles from 
Delhi, and the largest cantonment in India. There were 
three regiments of sepoys, — two of infantry and one of 
cavalry ; but there were enough Europeans to scatter four 
times the number ; namely, a battalion of the 60th Rifles, a 
regiment of Dragoon Guards known as the Carabineers, two 
troops of horse artillery, and a light field battery. 

In spite of the presence of Europeans there were more 
indications of excitement at Meerut than at any other station 
in the north-west. At Meerut the story of the greased cart- 
ridges had been capped by the story of the bone-dust * and 
there were the same kind of incendiary fires, the same lack 
of respect towards European officers, and the same whispered 
resolve not to touch the cartridges, as at Barrackpore. The 
station was commanded by General Hewitt, whose advancing 
years unfitted him to cope with the storm which was bursting 
upon Hindustan. 

The regiment of sepoy cavalry at Meerut was strongly 
suspected of disaffection j accordingly it was resolved to put 
the men to the test. On the 6th of May it was paraded in 
the presence of the European force, and cartridges were 
served out f not the greased abominations from Calcutta, 
but the old ones which had been used times innumerable by 
the sepoys and their fathers. But the men were terrified 


Chap. XXV.] SEPOY MUTINIES: CANNING. 635 

and obstinate, and eighty-five stood out and refused to take a n. 
the cartridges. The offenders were at once arrested, and *^57 
tried by a court-martial of native officers ; they were found “ 
guilty, and sentenced to various periods of imprisonment, 
but recommended for mercy. General Hewitt saw no 
grounds for mercy, excepting in the case of eleven young 
troopers ; and on Saturday, the 9 th of May, the sentences 
were carried out. The men were brought on parade, 
stripped of their uniforms, and loaded with irons. They 
implored the general for mercy, and finding it hopeless, 
began to reproach their comrades; but no one dared to 
strike a blow in the presence of loaded cannon and rifles. 

At last the prisoners were carried off and placed in a jail, 
not in charge of European soldiers, but under a native 
guard. 

The military authorities at Meerut seem to have been Terrible 
under a spell. The next day was Sunday, the loth of May, rising al- 
and the hot sun rose with its usual glare in the Indian sky. 

The European barracks were at a considerable distance jqi-It, ]\|ay. 
from the native lines, and the intervening space was covered 
with shops and houses surrounded by trees and gardens. 
Consequently the Europeans in the barracks knew nothing 
of what was going on in the native quarter. Meanwhile 
there were commotions in the sepoy lines and neighbouring 
bazaars. The sepoys were taunted by the loose women of the 
place with permitting their comrades to be imprisoned and 
fettered. At the same time they were smitten with a mad 
fear that the Euro pean soldiers were to be let loose upon them. 

The Europeans at Meerut saw nothing and heard nothing. 

Nothing was noted on that Sunday morning, excepting the 
absence of native servants from many of the houses, and 
that was supposed to be accidental. Morning service was 
followed by the midday heats, and at five o^clock in the 
afternoon the Europeans were again preparing for church. 
Suddenly there was an alarm of fire, followed by a volley of 
musketry, discordant yells, the clattering of cavalry, and the 
bugle sounding an alarm. The sepoys had worked them- 
selves up to a frenzy of excitement ; the prisoners were 
released with a host of jail birds ; the native infantry joined 
the native cavalry, and the colonel of one of the regiments 
was shot by the sepoys of the other. Inspired by a wild 
fear and fury, the sepoys ran about murdering or wounding 


BRITIvSH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


mutiny 
turned to 
revolt. 


A.D. every European they met, and setting houses on fire, amidst 
^^57 deafening shouts and uproar. 

Fatal"” Meanwhile there were fatal delays in turning out the 
delays. Europeans. The Rifles were paraded for church, and time 
was lost in getting arms and serving out ball cartridges. 
The Carabineers were absurdly put through a roll call, and 
then lost their way amongst the shops and gardens. Mean- 
while European officers were being butchered by the in- 
furiated sepoys. Gentlemen and ladies were fired at or 
sabred whilst hurrying back in a panic from church. Flaming 
houses and crashing timbers were filling all hearts with 
terror, and the shades of evening were falling upon the 
general havoc and turmoil, when the Europeans reached the 
native lines and found that the sepoys had gone, no one 
knew whither. 

Flight of The truth was soon told. The mutiny had become a 
the sepoys revolt ; the sepoys were on the way to Delhi to proclaim 
to Delhi : the old Moghul as sovereign of Hindustan ; and there 
turSto Gillespie to gallop after them and crush the revolt 

revolt. outset, as had been done at Vellore half a century 

before. One thing, however, was done. There were no 
European regiments at Delhi ; nothing but three regiments 
of sepoy infantry, and a battery of native artillery. The 
station was commanded by Brigadier Graves ; and there 
were no Europeans under his orders excepting the officers 
and sergeants attached to the three native corps. Accord- 
ingly telegrams were sent to Brigadier Graves to tell him 
that the mutineers were on their way to Delhi. 

Monday Monday at Delhi was worse than the Sunday at Meerut, 
morning at British cantonment was situated on a rising ground 
^ about two miles from the city, which was known as the 
Ridge. The great magazine, containing immense stores of 
ammunition, was situated in the heart of the city. One of 
the three sepoy regiments was on duty in the city; the 
other two remained in the cantonment on the Ridge. 
Approach The approach to Delhi from Meerut was defended by the 
of the little river Hindun, which was traversed by a small bridge, 
rebels. proposed to procure a couple of cannon from the 

magazine and place them on the bridge ; but before this 
could be done the rebel cavalry from Meerut were seen 
crossing the river, and were subsequently followed by 
the rebel infantry. The magazine remained in charge of 


Approach 
of the 
rebels. 



Chap. XXV.] SEPOY MUTINIES : CANNING. 


637 


Lieutenant Willoughby of the Bengal Artillery. He was a,d. 

associated with two other officers, and six conductors and *^57 

sergeants ; the rest of the establishment was composed 
entirely of natives. 

Brigadier Graves did his best to protect the city and prepara- 
cantonment until the arrival of the expected Europeans from tions 
Meerut Indeed, throughout the morning and greater part of 
the afternoon every one in Delhi was expecting the arrival ■ 
of the Europeans. Brigadier Graves ordered all the non- 
military residents, including ladies and children, to repair to 
Flagstaff Tower, — a round building of solid brickwork at 
some distance from the city. Large detachments of sepoys 
were sent from the Ridge to the Kashmir gate, under the 
command of their European officers, to help the sepoy 
regiment on duty to maintain order in the city. 

Presently the rebel troops from Meerut came up, accom- Sepoy 
panied by ’the insurgent rabble of Delhi. The English regiments 
officers prepared to charge them, and gave the order to fire, 
but some of the sepoys refused to obey, or only fired into ^ 
the air. The English officers held on, expecting the 
European soldiers from Meerut. The sepoys hesitated to 
join the rebels, out of dread of the coming Europeans. At 
last the Delhi sepoys threw in their lot with the rebels, and 
shot down their own officers. The revolt spread throughout 
the whole city ; and the suspense of the English on the 
Ridge, and at Flagstaff Tower, began to give way to the 
agony of despair. 

Suddenly, at four o’clock in the afternoon, a column of Explosion 
white smoke arose from the city, and an explosion was of the 
heard far and wide. Willoughby and his eight associates tnagazine. 
had held out to the last, waiting and hoping for the coming of 
the Europeans. They had closed and barricaded the gates of 
the magazine ; and they had posted six-pounders at the gates, 
loaded with double charges of grape, and laid a train to the 
powder magazine. Messengers came in the name of Bahadur 
Shall to demand the surrender of the magazine, but no 
answer was returned. The enemy approached, and raised 
ladders against the walls j whilst the native establishment 
escaped over some sheds and joined the rebels. At this 
crisis the guns opened fire. Round after round of grape 
made fearful havoc on the mass of humanity that was 
heaving and surging round the gates. At last the ammunition 


638 BRITISH INDIA, IP art III. 

A.D. was exhausted. No one could leave the guns to bring up 
1857 

more shot The mutineers were pouring in on all sides. 
Lieutenant Willoughby gave the signal; Conductor Scully 
fired the train ; and with one tremendous upheaval the 
magazine was blown into the air, together with fifteen hundred 
rebels. Not one of the gallant nine had expected to escape. 
Willoughby and three others got away, scorched, maimed, 
bruised, and nearly insensible ; but Scully and his comrades 
were never seen again. Willoughby died of his injuries six 
weeks afterwards, whilst India and Europe were ringing with 
his name. 

Tragedies All this while bloody tragedies were taking place within 
within the the palace at Delhi. The rebels from Meerut were quarter- 
palace. themselves in the royal precincts, and murdering every 

European they could find. Mr. Eraser the commissioner, 
Mr. Hutchinson the collector, and Captain Douglas, who 
commanded the palace guards, were all slaughtered within 
the palace walls. So was an English chaplain, with his 
wife, daughter, and another young lady, all of whom had 
been residing as guests with Captain Douglas. Fifty Chris- 
tian people — ^men, women, and children — who had been 
captured by the rebels and thrown as prisoners in the palace 
dungeons, were butchered in cold blood by the order of 
theking.^ 

Flight On the evening of that terrible Monday all was lost, 
of the The city of Delhi was in the hands of the rebels. The so- 
called royal family, which had been maintained by the 
Delhi. generosity of the British government for more than half a 
century, had joined the rebel sepoys. Brigadier Graves 
and the surviving officers on the Ridge, and all the anxious 
fugitives in Flagstaff Tower, were compelled to fiy for their 
lives. Their subsequent trials and suferings were amongst 
the most touching episodes in the story of the great con- 
vulsion. Meanwhile the European regiments which might 
have saved them, and saved Delhi, were kept at Meerut to 
guard the barracks and treasury. The greased cartridges 
had created the panic and brought about the mutiny ; but it 
was the incapacity of the military authorities at Meerut that 
raised the revolt in Hindustan. 

J The old king, Bahadur Shah, has been held responsible for these 
murders, but his vindictive queen was probably more to blame. Her 
son, a mere lad at the time, was appointed vizier to his father. 


Chap. XXV.] sepoy MUTINIES: CANNING. 


639 


The revolution at Delhi opened the eyes of Lord Canning a.b. 
to the gravity of the crisis. Hitherto his sympathies had ^^57 
been with the sepoys. An ignorant and credulous soldiery change 
had been thrown into a panic, and had been worked into a in Lord 
state of perilous excitement by intriguing Brahmans and Canning, 
fanatical Mdllas, as well as by secret agents and alarmists 
of all kinds. But now the excitement had culminated in 
intoxication and madness ; the sepoys were thirsting for the 
blood of Europeans ; and pity was changed to indignation 
and horror. Accordingly Lord Canning telegraphed for 
European regiments from every quarter — from Bombay and 
Burma, from Madras and Ceylon~to crush a rebellion 
which was establishing a reign of terror in Hindustan, 

The sepoy mutiny at Barrackpore might possibly have Mutiny of 
been crushed at the outset by physical force. In 1824, 1824 
at the beginning of the Burmese war, there was a similar stopped ^ 
mutiny at the same cantonment Three sepoy regiments 
had been ordered to Chittagong, but refused to march. 

They had been frightened by rumours of the bad climate of 
Burma, and the magical arts which were said to be practised 
by the Burmese. There had also been some difficulties 
about transport, and they demanded an extra allowance, 
known as double batta. Sir Edward Paget was Commander- 
in-chief in Bengal. He marched to Barrackpore with two 
regiments of Europeans and a detachment of artillery. He 
paraded the disaffected regiments in the presence of the 
Europeans, and loaded his guns with grape. The sepoys 
were told that they must either begin the march or ground 
their arms. They replied with defiant shouts. Then the 
fatal order was given, and the guns opened fire on the dis- 
affected soldiery. Eleven sepoys only were killed, but the 
remainder broke up and fled in a panic of terror. Sir 
Edward Paget was much censured, but a generation passed 
away before there was another mutiny. 

Whether Paget was right or wrong, it would have been a Empire 
blunder and a crime to have taken such an extreme measure 
at the outset of the disaffection in 1857. Indeed, Lord 
Canning indignantly refused to contemplate such measures ; 1857, 
and by so doing he saved the reputation of the British 
nation. But when the sepoy rebels set up the Moghul at 
Delhi as their nominal sovereign, the security of the popu- 
lation of India was at stake. In other words, the 


640 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A.D. establishment of the supremacy of the British government 
^^57 ‘at the earliest possible date was necessary, not only for the 
““ safety of the British empire in India, but for the salvation 

of the masses. 

Revolt of The progress of the revolt throws no further light on 
the Bengal its origin or character. Station after station followed the 
army. example of Meerut. The sepoys seem to have all been 
infected by the same delirious fever j they rose in mutiny, 
shot down their officers in most cases, set the buildings on 
fire, plundered the treasury, and then rushed off to Delhi. 
Wherever, however, the Europeans were in any force, and 
were brought directly to bear upon the mutineers regardless 
of red tape and routine, the station was either saved from 
destruction, or the mischief was reduced to a minimum. 
Political would be tedious and needless to tell the story of 

element, the sepoy revolt so far as it was a mere military mutiny, 
with Delhi for its head-quarters. But at three stations 
the mutiny was more or less of a political character, 
which imparts an individuality to the history: namely, at 
Lukhnow, at Jhansi, and at Cawnpore. 

Lulihnow : The city of Lukhnow,. the capital of Oude, extends four 
miles along the right bank of the river Goomti. All the 
Residency principal buildings, including the Britisb Residency, were 
Muchi situated between the city and the river. The Residency 
Bawun. was a large walled inclosure, comprising not only the 
mansion of the Chief Commissioner, but several houses 
and underground buildings on a large scale. Near it was 
a strong turreted, castellated structure known as the Muchi 
Bawun. 

The city Ever since the explosion at Lukhnow on the 3rd of May, 
and can- Sir Henry Lawrence had been incessantly occupied in taking 
tonment. precautionary measures against an outbreak which he knew 
to be inevitable. On one side of the Residency was a 
disaffected city, the homes of palace parasites, who had 
been deprived of their means of subsistence by the breaking 
up of the native court and departure of the royal family to 
Calcutta. On the opposite bank of the river Goomti was 
the native cantonment, occupied by British sepoys as evilly 
disposed towards the English as the disaffected rabble of 
Lukhnow. Accordingly Sir Henry Lawrence saw that the 
work before him was to prevent mutiny in the cantonment 
and rebellion in the city; and to make every preparation 


Chap; XXV.] SEPOY MUTINIES: CANNING. 


641 


for a successful defence in the event of a general in- a.d. 
surrection. ^^57 

The native force at Lukhnow consisted of the three sepoy 
regiments of infantry, and one of cavalry; there was also a and ^ 
native battery of artillery. The whole numbered 3,500 men. Europeans. 
The European force consisted of the 32nd Foot, numbering 
570 strong, and sixty artillerymen. 

The communication between the cantonment and the Prepara- 
city was by two bridges; one near the Residency, and the bo ns of 
other at the Muchi Bawun. Sir Hemw I.awrence brought 
all the European non-combatants with their families within 
the Residency walls ; and took steps to prevent any com- 
bined movements on the part of the cantonment and city. 

He disposed his troops, European and native, in such a way 
as to bear directly on the sepoys in the event of a rising ; 
and he established a strong post between the Residency and 
the Muchi Bawun to command the two bridges leading to 
cantonments. 

At nine o’clock on the night of the 30th of May, the Mutiny 
outbreak began at the native cantonment. Shots were of die 
fired as a signal, and parties of sepoys began to burn down , 

the bungalows and shoot their European officers. Presently ‘ 

the insurgents rushed to the bridges, infuriated with bhang Delhi, 
and excitement, but were received with such a volley of 
grape, that they retreated towards their lines hotly pursued 
by Sir Henry Lawrence and his Europeans. They attempted 
to return to the cantonment, but found it hopeless, and made 
off to Delhi. Sir Henry Lawrence dared not pursue them with 
a disaffected city in his rear, which was already surging with 
excitement. Accordingly, he left a detachment of Euro- 
peans to guard the cantonment, and then returned to 
Lukhnow. Of all the 3,^500 sepoys, scarcely a fourth 
remained true to their colours, and these gradually dropped 
off during the progress of the rebellion. 

On the 4th of June there was a mutiny at Jhansi,— a little Mutiny at 
chiefship of Bundelkund, which had lapsed to the British 
government in 1853 from want of natural heirs. The town 
was situated about a hundred and forty miles to the south 
of Agra. It was garrisoned entirely by sepoys, and the mutiny 
was of the usual type. The sepoys went about burning and 
murdering ; whilst the Europeans, including women and chil- 
dren, and numbering fifty-five in all, took refuge in the fort. 

■ ■ . 'T'^T ; 


642 


BRITISH INDIA. 


\ 

[Part HI. 



A.D. At tWs moment, the RM of Jhansi, the widow of the 
1^57 deceased chief, sent guns and elephants to help the 
Riilai niutineers. She was a vindictive woman, inflamed with the 

Jhansi. hliiid ferocity of an oriental, and burning to be revenged on 

the English for not having been entrusted with the adoption 
of a son, and the management of the little principality. 
Treacher- The fugitives in the fort were short of provisions ; they 
OILS massa- could not have held out for twenty-four hours longer. The 
S'® Rani solemnly swore that if they surrendered the fort without 

uropeans. fighting, their lives should be spared, and they should 

be conducted in safety to some other station. The rebel 
sepoys took the same oath, and the little garrison were 
tempted to accept the terms, and leave the fort two by two. 
With fiendish treachery the whole fifty-five, — -men, women, 
and children, —were seized and bound, and butchered in 
cold blood, by the orders of the Rani. 

Cawnpore: Still more terrible and treacherous were the tragedies 
its history, enacted at Cawnpore, a city situated on the Ganges about 
fifty-five miles to the south-west of Lukhnow. Cawnpore 
had been in the possession of the English ever since the 
beginning of the century, and for many years was one of 
the most important military stations in India,- but the 
extension of the British empire over the Punjab had 
diminished the importance of Cawnpore ; and the last 
European regiment quartered there had been removed to 
the north-west at the close of the previous year. 

Paucity of In May 1857, there were four native regiments at Cawn- 
European pore, numbering 3,500 sepoys. There were no Europeans 
soldiers, whatever, excepting the regimental officers, and sixty-one 
artillerymen. To these were added small detachments of 
European soldiers, which had been sent in the hour of 
peril from Lukhnow and Benares during the month of 
May. 

Sir Hugh The station of Cawnpore was commanded by Sir Hugh 
Wheeler. Wheeler, a distinguished general in the Company’s service, 
who was verging on his seventieth year. He had spent fifty- 
four years in India, and had served only with native troops. 
He must have known the sepoys better than any other 
European in India. He bad led them against their own 
countrymen under Lord Lake ; against foreigners during the 
Afghan war; and against Sikhs during both campaigns in the 
Punjab. 


643 


Chap. XXV .] SEPOY MUTINIES TCANNING. 

The news of the revolt at Meerut threw the sepoys into a.d, 

a ferment at every military station in Hindustan. Rumours ^^57 

of mutiny, or coming mutiny, formed almost the only topic 
of conversation ; yet in nearly every sepoy regiment the European 
European officers put faith in their men, and fondly be- officers in 
lieved that though the rest of the anny might revolt, yet sepoys, 
their own corps would prove faithful. Such was eminently 
the case at Cawnpore, yet General Wheeler seems to have 
known better. Whilst the European officers continued to 
sleep every night in the sepoy lines, the old veteran made 
his preparations for meeting the coming storm. 

European combatants were very few at Cawnpore, but European 
European impedimenta were very heavy. Besides the wives non-com- 
and families of the regimental officers of the sepoy regi- at ^ 
ments, there was a large European mercantile community, the'ffiace^’ 
Moreover, whilst the 32nd Foot was quartered at Lukhnow, of refuge, 
the wives, families, and invalids of the regiment were residing 
at Cawnpore, It was thus necessary to secure a place of 
refuge for this miscellaneous multitude of Europeans in 
the event of a rising of the sepoys. Accordingly General 
Wheeler pitched upon some old barracks which had once 
belonged to a European regiment 3 and he ordered earth- 
works to be thrown up, and supplies of all kinds to be 
stored up, in order to stand a siege. Unfortunately there 
was fatal neglect somewhere ; for when the crisis came the 
defences were found to be worthless, whilst the supplies 
were insufficient for the besieged. 

All this while the adopted son of the ex-Peishwa was Nana 
residing at Bithoor, about six miles from Cawnpore. His Sahib, 
real name was Dhundii Punt, but he is better known as 
Nana Sahib. The British government had refused to award p- 
him the absurd life pension of eighty thousand pounds ster- of Bithoor. 
ling, which had been granted to his nominal father ; but he 
had inherited at least half a million from the ex-Peishwa 5 
and he was allowed to keep six guns, to entertain as many 
followers as he pleased, and to live in half royal state in 
a castellated palace at Bithoor. He continued to nurse 
his grievance with all the pertinacity of a Mahratta; 
but at the same time he professed a great love for 
European society, and was profuse in his hospitalities to 
English officers, and was popularly known as the Raja of 
Bithoor. 


XT 2 


644 

A.D. 

i§57 

Deceitful 
professions 
of the 
Nana* 


Mutiny at 
Cawnpore, 
4th June. 


Wild 
dreams of 
Nana 
Sahib, 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. ^ 

When the news arrived of the revolt at Meerut on the 
loth of May, the Nana was loud in his professions of at- 
tachment to the English. He engaged to organise 1,500 
fighting men to act against the sepoys in the event of an 
outbreak. On the 21st of May there was an alarm. Euro- ^ 

pean ladies and families, with all European non-combat- 
ants, were removed into the barracks ; and General Wheeler 
actually accepted from the Nana the help of two hundred 
Mahrattas and a couple of guns to guard the treasury. The 
alarm, however, soon blew over, and the Nana took up 
his abode at the civil station at Cawnpore, as a proof of ^ 
the sincerity of his professions. 

At last, on the night of the 4th of June, the sepoy regi- 
ments at Cawnpore broke out in mutiny. They were driven I 
to action by the same mad terror which had been manifested 
elsewhere. They cared nothing for the Moghul, nothing for 
the pageant king at Delhi ; but they had been panic-stricken 
by extravagant stories of coming destruction. It was whis- 
pered amongst them that the parade ground was undermined 
with powder, and that Hindus and Muhammadans were to 
be assembled on a given day and blown into the air. In- 
toxicated with fear and bhang, they rushed out in the 
darkness,— yelling, shooting, and burning according to their 
wont ; and when their excitement was somewhat spent, they 
marched off towards Delhi. Sir Hugh Wheeler could do 
nothing. He might have retreated with the whole body of 
Europeans from Cawnpore to Allahabad ; but there had 
been a mutiny at Allahabad, and moreover he had no means 
of transport. Subsequently he heard that the mutineers had 
reached the first stage on the road to Delhi, and conse- 
quently he saw no ground for alarm. 

Meanwhile the brain of Nana Sahib had been turned by 
wild dreams of vengeance and sovereignty. He thought 
not only to wreak his malice upon the English, but to 
restore the extinct Mahratta empire, and reign over Hindu- 
stan as the representative of the forgotten Peishwas. The 
stampede of the sepoys to Delhi was fatal to his mad ambition. 

He overtook the mutineers, dazzled them with fables of the 
treasures in Wheeler’s entrenchment, and brought them back 
toCawnpore to carry out his vindictive and visionary schemes. 

At early morning on Saturday, the 6th of June, General 
Wheeler received a letter from the Nana, announcing that 


Chap/ XXV.] SEPOY MUTINIES : CANNING. 645 

lie was about to attack the entrenchment. The veteran a.d. 
was taken by surprise, but at once ordered all the European ^^57 
officers to join the party in the' baixacks, and prepare 
the defence. But the mutineers were in no hurry for the ing letter 
advance. They preferred booty to battle, and turned aside to General 
to plunder the cantonment and city, murdering every Chris- Wheeler, 
tian that came in their way, and not sparing the houses of 
their own countrymen. They appropriated all the cannon 
and ammunition in the magazine by way of preparation for 
the siege; but some were wise enough to desert the rebel 
array, and steal away to their homes with their ill-gotten 
spoil. 

About noon the main body of the mutineers, swelled by Siege of 
the nuniei'ous retainers of the Nana, got their guns into Cawnpore, 
position, and opened fire on the entrenchment. For nine- ^5th 
teen days — from the 6th to the 25th of June- — the garrison 
struggled manfully against a raking fire and fearful odds, 
amidst scenes of suffering and bloodshed which cannot be 
recalled without a shudder. It was the height of the hot 
weather in Hindustan. A blazing sun was burning over the 
heads of the besieged; and to add to their misery, one 
of the barracks containing the sick and wounded was de- 
stroyed by fire. The besiegers, however, in spite of their 
overwhelming numbers, were utterly unable to carry the 
entrenchment by storm, but continued to pour in a raking 
fire. Meanwhile the garrison was starving from want of 
provisions, and hampered by a multitude of helpless women 
and children. Indeed, but for the latter contingency, the 
gallant band would have rushed out of the entrenchment, 
and cut a way through the mob of sepoys, or perished 
in the attempt. As it was, they could only fight on, waiting 
for reinforcements that never came, until fever, sunstroke, 
hunger, madness, or the enemy^s fire, delivered them from 
their suffering and despair. 

On the 25th June a woman brought a slip of writing 
from the Nana, promising to give a safe passage to Allaha- 
bad to all who were willing to lay down their arms.^ Had 
there been no women or children the European garrison 
would never have dreamt of surrender. The massacre at 

^ Nana Sahib pretended to grant this boon only to those who were not 
connected with the acts of Eord Dalhousie. Subsequent events prove 
that this was sheer hypocrisy. 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


26th June. 


A.D. Patna a century before had taught a lesson to Englishmen 
^^57 which ought never to have been forgotten. As it was there 
TreaGh- some who wanted to fight on till the bitter end. But 

erous * the majority saw that there was no hope for the women or 
proposals the children, the sick or the wounded, except by accepting 
of Nana the proffered terms. Accordingly the pride of Englishmen 
Sahib. armistice was proclaimed. 

Negotia- Next morning the terms were negotiated. The English 
tions for a garrison were to surrender their position, their guns, and 
their treasure, but to march out with their arms, and with 
^ sixty rounds of ammunition in the pouch of every man. 

Nana Sahib on his part was to afford a safe conduct to the 
river bank, about a mile off; to provide carriage for the 
conveyance of the women and children, the sick and the 
wounded ; and to furnish boats for carrying the whole party, 
numbering some four hundred and fifty individuals, down 
the river Ganges to Allahabad. The Nana accepted the 
terms, but demanded the evacuation of the entrenchment 
that very night. General Wheeler protested against this 
proviso. The Nana began to bully, and to threaten that 
he would open fire. He was told that he might carry the 
entrenchment if he could, but that the English had enough 
powder left to blow both armies into the air. Accordingly 
the Nana agreed to wait till the morrow. 

Embarka- At early morning on the 27 th of June the garrison began 
tion on the to move from the entrenchment to the place of embarka- 
tion. The men marched on foot ; the women and children 
7 were carried on elephants and bullock-carts, whilst the 

wounded were mostly conveyed in palanquins. Forty boats 
with thatched roofs, known as budgerows, were moored in 
shallow water at a little distance from the bank; and the 
crowd of fugitives were forced to wade through the river to 
the boats. By nine o^clock the whole four hundred and fifty 
were huddled on board, and the boats prepared to leave 
Cawnpore. 

The Suddenly a bugle was sounded, and a murderous fire of 

massacre grape shot and musketry was opened upon the wretched 
river passengers from both sides of the river. At the same time 
the thatching of many of the budgerows was found to be 
on fire, and the flames began to spread from boat to boat 
Numbers were murdered in the river, but at last the firing 
ceased. A few escaped down the river, but only four men 


Embarka - 


massacre 
in the 


Chap. XXV.] SEPOY MUTINIES : CANNING. 


647 


survi¥ed to tell the story of the massacre.* A mass of fugi- a.d. 

tives were dragged ashore ; the women and children, to the *^57 

number of a hundred and twenty-five, were carried off and ^ 
lodged in a house near the head-quarters of the Nana. The 
men were ordered to immediate execution. One of them 
had preserved a prayer-book, and was permitted to read a 
few sentences of the liturgy to his doomed companions. 

Then the fatal order was given ; the sepoys poured in a 
volley of musketry, and all was over. 

On the I St of July Nana Sahib went off to his palace at Corona- 
* Bithoor, and was proclaimed Peishwa, He took his 

upon the throne, and was installed with all the ceremonies peishwa. 
of sovereignty, whilst the cannon roared out a salute in his 
honour. At night the whole place was illuminated, and the 
hours of darkness were whiled away -with feasting and fire- 
works. But his triumph was short-lived. The Muhamma- 
dans were plotting against him at Cawnpore. The people 
were leaving the city to escape the coming storm, and were 
taking refuge in the villages. English reinforcements were 
at last coming up from Allahabad, whilst the greedy sepoys 
were clamouring for money and gold bangles. Accordingly 
the Nana hastened back to Cawnpore, and scattered wealth 
with a lavish hand ; and sought to hide his fears by boast- 
ful proclamations, and to drown his anxieties in drink and 
debauchery. 

Within a few days more the number of helpless prisoners Massacre 
was increased to two hundred. There had been a mutiny 
at Futtehgurh, higher up the river, and the fugitives had fled putteh- 
in boats to Cawnpore, a distance of eighty miles. They gurh. 
knew nothing of what had transpired, and were- all taken 
prisoners by the rebels, and brought on shore. The men 
I were all butchered in the presence of the Nana ; the women 
and children, eighty in number, were sent to join the 
wretched sufferers in the house near the Nana, 

Meanwhile Colonel Neill, commanding the Madras Fusi- 
liers,^ was pushing up from Calcutta. He was bent on 

^ Tbe survivors were Lieutenants Mowbray-Thomson, and Delafosse ; 

I and Privates Murphy and Sullivan. 

I 2 The Madras Fusiliers was a European regiment which had been 

! raised by the East India Company for local service. It fought under 

! Clive at Arcot and Plassy. At the amalgamation of the army of the 

Company with that of the Queen it became the 102nd Foot. 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


General 
Havelock 
his spe- 
cialities. 


Advance of 
Havelock 
towards 
Cawnpore, 
7th to 1 6 til 

July. 


Massacre 
of women 
and chil- 
dren at 
Cawnpore, 
15th July. 


relief of Cawnpore and Lukhnow, but was delayed on the 
way by the mutinies at Benares and Allahabad, In July 
he was joined at Allahabad by a column under General 
Havelock, who was destined within a few short weeks to 
win a lasting name in history. 

General Havelock was a Queen’s officer of forty years 
: standing ; but he had seen more service in India than 
perhaps any other officer in Her Majesty’s army. He had 
fought in the first Burma war, the Kabul war, the Gwalior 
campaign of 1843, and the Punjab campaign of 1845-6, 
He was a pale, thin, thoughtful man; small in stature, but 
burning with the aspirations of a puritan hero. Religion 
was the ruling principle of his life, and military glory was 
his master passion. He had just returned to India after 
commanding a division in the Persian war. Abstemious to 
a fault, he was able, in spite of his advancing years, to 
bear up against the heat and rain of Hindustan during the 
deadliest season of the year. 

)f On the 7th of July General Havelock left Allahabad for 
Cawnpore. The force at his disposal did not exceed 2,000 
men, Europeans and Sikhs. He had heard of the massacre 
at Cawnpore on the 27th of June, and burned to avenge it 
On the 1 2th of July he defeated a large force of mutineers 
and Malirattas at Futtehpore. On the 15th he inflicted two 
more defeats on the enemy. Havelock was now within 
twenty-two miles of Cawnpore, and he halted his men to 
rest for the night. But news arrived that the women and 
children were still alive at Cawnpore, and that the Nana 
had taken the field with a large force to oppose his advance. 
Accordingly Havelock marched fourteen miles that same 
night, and on the following morning, within eight miles of 
Cawnpore, the troops bivouacked beneath some trees. 

On that same night, the r 5 th of July, the crowning atro- 
1 city was committed at Cawnpore. The rebels, who had 
been defeated by Havelock, returned to the Nana with the 
tidings of their disaster. In revenge the Nana ordered the 
/ slaughter of the two hundred women and children. The 
poor victims were literally hacked to death, or almost to 
death, with swords, bayonets, knives, and axes. Next 
morning the bleeding remains of dead and dying were 
dragged to a neighbouring well and thrown in. 

At two o’clock in the afternoon after the massacre, the 




Chap. XXV.] SEPOY MUTINIES : CANNING. 


649 


/force under Havelock was again upon the march for Cawn- a.d. 

/pore. The heat was fearful; many of the troops were ^^57 

/ struck down by the sun, and the cries for water were con- /f 
tinuous. But for two miles the column toiled on, and Cawnpore, 
then came in sight of the enemy. Havelock had only 1,000 1 6th July/ 
Europeans and 300 Sikhs; he had no cavalry, and his 
artillery was inferior. The enemy numbered 5,000 men, 
armed and trained by British officers, strongly entrenched, 
with two batteries of guns of heavy calibre. Havelock’s 
artillery failed to silence the batteries, and he ordered the 
Europeans to charge with the bayonet. On they went in 
the face of a shower of grape, but the bayonet charge, was 
as irresistible at Cawn pore as at Assaye. The enemy fought 
for a while like men in a death struggle. Nana Sahib was 
with them, but nothing is known of his exploits. At last 
they broke and fled, and there was no cavalry to pursue them. 

As yet nothing was known of the butchery of the women Advance 
and children. Havelock halted for the night, and next morn- Have- 
ing marched his force into the station at Cawn pore. The men 
beheld the scene of the massacre, and saw the bleeding and 
remains in the well. But the murderers had vanished, no Bithoor, 
one knew whither. Havelock advanced to Bithoor, and 17th July, 
destroyed the palace of the Mahratta. Subsequently he was 
joined by General Neill, with reinforcements from Allaha- 
bad; and on the 20th of July he set out for the relief of 
Lukhnow, leaving Cawnpore in charge of General Neill. 

The defence of Lukhnow against fifty thousand rebels Oude : 
was, next to the siege of Delhi, the greatest event in the 
mutiny„ The whole province of Oude was in a blaze of 
insurrection. The Taliikdars were exasperated at the hard 
measure dealt out to them before the appointment of Sir 
Henry Lawrence as Chief Commissioner. Disbanded sepoys, 
returning to their homes in Oude, swelled the tide of dis- 
affection, Bandits that had been suppressed under British 
administration returned to their old work of robbery and 
brigandage. All classes took advantage of the anarchy to 
murder the money lenders.^ Meanwhile the country was 
bristling with the fortresses of the Taliikdars ; and the 

^ Money lenders in India are a special institution. The masses are 
in a normal state of debt They are compelled by custom to incur 
large expenses at every marriage and festival, and in consequence 


650 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


a.d. cultivators, deprived of the protection of the English, 

^^57 naturally flocked for refuge to the strongholds of their old 

masters. 

Defence The English, who had been lords of Hindustan ever since 
of the the beginning of the century, had been closely besieged in 
the Residency at Lukhhow ever since the final outbreak of 
now : * the 30th of May. For nearly two months the garrison had 
death of held out with a dauntless intrepidity, whilst confidently 
Sir tienry waiting for reinforcements that seemed never to come. 

Never surrender” had been from the first the passionate 
conviction of Sir Henry Lawrence; and the massacre at 
Cawnpore on the 27th of June impressed every soldier in 
the garrison with a like resolution. On the 2nd of July the 
Muchi Bawm was abandoned, and the garrison and 
stores removed to the Residency. On the 4th of July Sir 
Henry Lawrence was killed by the bursting of a shell in a 
room where he lay wounded ; and his dying counsel to those 
around him was Never surrender T' 

Assault On the 20th of July the rebel force round Lukhnow heard 
of the of the advance of General Havelock to Cawnpore, and 
20th July, attacked the Residency in overwhelming force. They kept 
up a continual fire of musketry whilst pounding away with 
their heavy guns; but the garrison held their ground against 
shot and shell, and before the day was over the dense masses 
of assailants were forced to retire from the walls. 

Between the 20th and 25 th of July General Havelock 

are driven to borrow of money lenders. An enormous rate of interest is 
charged, and a son becomes responsible for the debts of his father. 

Under native rule loans were regarded as debts of honour, or rather 
of piety. They might possibly be recovered in a civil tribunal, but 
native courts were hopelessly corrupt, and the judge always appro- 
priated a fourth of the claim as his rightful fee. Accordingly the pay- 
ment was .regarded not so much a legal obligation as an act of piety, 
except in cases of forgery or cheating. 

The introduction of British administration put all such debts on a 
new footing. A money lender could enforce the payment of a decree 
in the civil court ; and lands and personal property were alike treated 
as available assets. Accordingly soon after the annexation of Oude the 
people became very bitter against the English courts. When the courts 
were closed in consequence of the mutiny, the people wreaked their 
vengeance upon the money lenders. 

A law against usury would scarcely remedy the evil. The people 
have been so long accustomed to high rates of interest, that they would 
continue to pay them in spite of the law, from a sense of religious 
obligation. 



Chap. XXV.] sepoy mutinies ; canning. 


651 


•ir 

began to cross the Ganges, and make his way into Oude a.o. 
territory; but he was unable to relieve Lukhnow. His ^^57 
small force was weakened by heat and fever, and reduced by Havel^k’s 
j cholera and dysentery; whilst the enemy occupied strong campaign ^ 
positions on both flanks. In the middle of August he fell in Oxide : 
back upon Cawnpore. Meanwhile General Neill was threat- hs failure, 
ened on his right by the Nana, who re-occupied Bithoor in 
great strength ; and on his left by a large force of rebel 
sepoys ; and he could not attack either without leaving his 
entrenchment exposed to the other. 

^ On the 1 6th of August Havelock left a detachment at Victory at 

Cawnpore, and advanced towards Bithoor with 1,500 men. 

He found the enemy drawn up in a position which revealed August : 
the handiwork of a born general. The infantry were posted return to 
in front of an entrenched battery, which was nearly Cawnpore. 
masked with sugar canes, and defended with thick ramparts 
of mud. This position was flanked on both sides by en- 
I trenched quadrangles filled with sepoys, and sheltered by 

I plantations of sugar cane.^ Havelock brought up his guns 

I and opened fire ; but the infantry had only been posted in 

j front of the enemy’s entrenchment to draw the English on. 

I The moment Havelock’s guns began to fire, the infantry 

retreated into their defences, whilst the batteries poured 
a storm of shot and shell upon the advancing line of the 
British army. After twenty minutes Havelock saw that his 
guns made no impression on the enemy’s fire, and ordered a 
charge with the bayonet. Again the English bayonets pre- 
vailed against native batteries, and the enemy fled in all 
directions. Havelock, however, had no cavalry for the pur- 
suit, and was compelled once more to fallback on Cawnpor^. 

Thus ended Havelock’s first campaign for the relief of 
^ Lukhnow. 

All this while the Mahratta and Rajpdt princes remained Rajputs 
loyal to the British government. They had nothing to do 
with the sepoy mutiny, for they were evidently taken by 
surprise and could not understand it; and if some held Holkar. 
aloof, and appeared to await events, there were others who 
made common cause with the British government at the 

^ The only rebel leader who showed a real genius for war throughout 
I the mutinies was a Mahratta Brahman, in the service of the Nana# 

I known as Tantia Topi. No doubt it was Tantia Topi who drew up 

the rebel army at Bithoor. 


652 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 



outset. But the sepoys in the subsidiary armies, who were 
commanded by British officers, were as much terrified and 
troubled by the greased cartridges as those in the Bengal 
regiments ; and the revolt at Delhi on the nth of May 
acted upon them in the same way as it acted upon the sepoys 
in British territories. The Gwalior contingent, which w^as 
largely composed of Oude soldiery, was more than once 
inclined to mutiny ; but Maharaja Sindia managed to tem- 
porise with them ; and they did not finally break away from 
Gwalior until the following October. At Indore the army of 
Holkar broke out in mutiny and attacked the British Resi- 
dency, and then w’-ent off through Gwalior territory to join 
the rebels near Agra; but at that time the Gwalior soldiery 
were tolerably staunch, and refused to accompany them.^ 

During the four months that followed the revolt at Delhi 
on the nth of May, all political interest was centred at the 
ancient capital of the sovereigns of Hindustan. The public 
mind was occasionally distracted by the current of events at 
Cawnpore and Lukhnow, as well as at other stations which 
need not be particularised; but so long as Delhi remained 
in the hands of the rebels, the native princes were be- 
wildered and alarmed ; and its prompt recapture was deemed 
of vital importance to the prestige of the British government, 
and the re-establishment of British sovereignty in Hindu^ 
Stan. The Great Moghul had been little better than a 
mummy for more than half a century; and Bahadur Shah 
was a mere tool and puppet in the hands of rebel sepoys ; 
but nevertheless the British government had to deal with the 
astounding fact that the rebels were fighting under his name 
and standard, just as Afghans and Mahrattas had done in 
the days of Ahmad Shah Diiranf and Mahadaji Sindia. To 
make matters worse, the roads to Delhi were open from the 

^ Major, afterwards, General Sir Henry Durand, who had served for 
eight years as political agent at Bhopal, was residing at Indore at this 
crisis, as agent to the Governor- General in Central India. The Resi- 
dency at Indore held out until the safety of the ladies and their families 
was secured ; and the subsequent hospitable reception of the refugees 
by the late Begum of Bhopal is a touching illustration of the loyalty 
of a native princess tow'ards the British government. 

Sir John Kaye, in the first edition of his history of the sepoy revolt, 
was unfortunately led to give currency to an untrue statement about 
Major Durand’s conduct at Indore. It is gratifying to know that before 
he died he publicly retracted the insinuation. 


Chap. XXV.] SEPOY MUTINIES: CANNING. 653 

south and east; and nearly every outbreak in Hindustan -a.d. 
was followed by a stampede of mutineers to the old capital ^^57 
of the Moghuls. “ 

Meanwhile, in the absence of railways, there were unfor- The 
tuiiate delays in bringing up troops and guns to stamp out Punjab 
the fires of rebellion at the head centre.^ The highway 
from Calcutta to Delhi was blocked up by mutiny and 
insurrection ; and every European soldier sent up from tion of 
Calcutta was stopped for the relief of Benares, Allahabad, India. 
Cawnpore, or Lukhnow. But the possession of the Punjab 
at this crisis proved to be the salvation of the empire. Sir 
John Lawrence, the Chief Commissioner, was called upon to 
perform almost superhuman work : — to maintain oi'der in a 
newly conquered province ; to suppress mutiny and dis- 
affection amongst the very sepoy regiments from Bengal who 
were supposed to garrison the country ; and to send rein- 
forcements of troops and guns, and supplies of all descrip- 
tions, to the siege of Delhi. Fortunately the Sikhs had been 
only a few short years under British administration ; they 
had not forgotten the miseries that prevailed under the native 
government, and could appreciate the many blessings they 
enjoyed under British rule. They were staunch to the 
British government, and eager to be led against the rebels. 

In some cases terrible punishment was meted out to 
mutinous Bengal sepoys within the Punjab but the im- 
perial interests at stake were sufficient to justify every severity, 
although all must regret the painful necessity that called for 
such extreme measures. 

On the 8th of June, about a month after the revolt at Barnard’s 
Delhi, Sir Henry Barnard took the field at Alipore, about 
ten miles from the rebel capital. He defeated an advance ^ ^ 

division of the enemy ; and then marched to the Eidge, ^ 

^ The deaths of succesive Commanders-in-chief led to other delays, 

The news of the revolt at Dellii broi^lit General Anson down from 
Simla to undertake the siege of Delhi ; but he died at Kurnal on the 
27th of May- Sir Henry Barnard who succeeded him as Commander- 
in-chief, died on the 5th July. General Reed succeeded Barnard, but 
was compelled by ill health to resign the appointment on the 17th 
July. General Wilson of the Bengal artillery then took the command, 
whilst Colonel Baird Smith was chief engineer. 

^ The wholesale executions in the 26tli regiment of native Infantry, 
which were carried out by the late Mr. Cooper, caa only be justified by 
astern necessity. ■ ' 


654 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A.D. 

1857 


Defences 
of Delhi. 


City gates. 


British 
camp on 
the- "Ridge. 


and re-occupied the old cantonment which had been 
abandoned on the nth of May. So far it was clear that 
the rebels were unable to do anything in the open field, 
although they might fight bravely under cover. They 
numbered about thirty thousand strong j they had a very 
powerful artillery, and ample stores of ammunition ; whilst 
there was an abundance of provisions within the city through- 
out the siege. 

The defences of Delhi covered an area of three square 
miles. The walls consisted of a series of bastions, about 
sixteen feet high, connected by long curtains, with occasional 
martello towers to aid the flanking fire. Every bastion was 
mounted with eleven guns; namely, one on the salient, 
three on each face, and two on each flank. Both bastions 
and curtains were built of masonry about twelve feet thick. 
Running round the base of these bastions and curtains was 
a berm or terrace varying in width from fifteen to thirty feet, 
having on its exterior edge a wall loop-holed for musketry. 
The whole was surrounded by a ditch twenty feet deep and 
twenty-five feet wide.* On the eastern side of the city the 
river Jumna ran past the palace of the king and the old 
state prison of Selimgurh. The bridge of boats leading to 
Meerut was in front of Selimgurh. 

There were seven gates to the city, namely, Lahore gate, 
Ajmir gate, Turkoman gate, Delhi gate, Mori gate, Kd,bul 
gate, and Kashmir gate. The principal street was the 
Chandni Chouk, which ran in a direct line from the Delhi 
gate to the palace of the Moghuls. The great mosque, 
known as the Juma Musjid, stands on a rocky eminence 
at the back of the Chandni Chouk. 

The British camp on the Ridge presented a picture at 
once varied and striking ; — ^long lines of European tents, 
thatched hovels of the native servants, rows of horses, parks 
of artillery, English soldiers in their grey linen coats and 
trousers, Sikhs with their red and blue turbans, Afghans with 
their gay head-dresses and coloured saddle-cloths, and the 
Ghorkas in Kilmamock hats and woollen coats. There 

^ Meeting of tke Bengal Army^ London, 1S58, Bacofis First 
fressions of Hindustan, London, 1837. The loop-holed wall was a 
continuation of the escarp or inner wall of the ditch. The counter- 
scarp, or outer wall of the ditch, was not of masonry, but was a mere 
earthen slope of easy incline. 


Chap. XXV.] SEPOY MUTINIES: CANNING. 


^55 


were but few Hindu sepoys in the British ranl^, but the a.d. 
native servants were very numerous. In the rear were the 1^57 
booths of the native bazars ; and further out in the plain 
were thousands of camels, bullocks and baggage horses. 

Still further to the rear was a small river crossed by two 
bridges ; but the bridges were subsequently blown up. On 
the extreme right of the camp, on a spot nearest the city 
walls, was a battery on an eminence, known as the Mound 
battery, which faced the Mori gate. Hard by was Hindu 
Rao’s^ house, the head-quarters of the army during the 
siege. From the summit of the Ridge was to be seen the 
river Jumna winding along to the left of the city; — the 
bridge of boats, the towers of the palace, the minarets of 
the great mosque of the Juma Musjid, the house roofs and 
gardens of the doomed city, and the picturesque walls, with 
batteries here and there sending forth white clouds of smoke 
among the green foliage that clustered round the ramparts. 

To the right of the Mound battery was the old suburb Old 
known as the Subzi Miindi. It was the vegetable bazar suburbs, 
which figures in the scandalous stories of the later Moghul 
princes as the scene of their frolics and debaucheries. It 
was occupied by old houses, gardens with high walls, and 
narrow streets and lanes ; and thus it furnished the very 
cover which makes Asiatics brave.^ Similar suburbs inter- 
vened between the actual defences of Delhi and the whole 
line of the English position. 

For many weeks the British army on the Ridge was Delay of 
unable to attempt siege operations. It was, in fact, the be- siege ^ 
sieged, rather than the besiegers ; for although the bridges 
in the rear were blown up, the camp was exposed to 
continual assaults from all the other sides. 

On the 23rd of June, the hundredth anniversary of the 
battle of Plassy, the enemy made a greater effort than ever 

^ Plinclu Rao is one of the forgotten celebrities who flourished 
about fifty years ago. He was a brother of Baiza Bai, the ambitious 
widow of Daulat Rao Sindia, who worried Lord William Bentinck. 

Hindu Rao had a claim to the throne of Gwalior, but was out- 
witted by his strong-minded sister, and sent to live at Delhi on a lakh of 
rupees per annum, i,e., ten thousand pounds a year. Like the great 
J as want Rao Holkar, he was a victim to cherry brandy. 

^ The Subzi Mundi was subsequently cleared from all the rubbish 
and At the Imperial Assemblage at Delhi, on the 1st of January, 

1S77, it formed the site of part of the Vice-Regal encampment. 


656 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A.D. 

1857 

General 
assault 
on the 
British 
camp, 

23rd June. 


Prepara- 
tions for 
storming 
Delhi, 
August 
and 

September < 


Final 
assault, 
14th Sep- 
tember, 


Fighting 
inside 
Delhi, 
14th to 
20tll. 


to carry the British position. The attack began on the right 
from the Subzi Mundi, its object being to capture’ the 
Mound battery. Finding it impossible to carry the battery, 
the rebels confined themselves to a hand to hand conflict 
in the Subzi Mundi. The deadly struggle continued for 
many hours; and as the rebels came up in overwhelming 
numbers, it was fortunate that the two bridges in the rear 
had been blown up the night before, or the assault might 
have had a different termination. It was not until after 
sunset that the enemy was compelled to retire with the 
loss of a thousand men. Similar actions were frequent 
during the month of August ; but meanwhile reinforcements 
were coming up, and the end was drawing nigh. 

In the middle of August, Brigadier John Nicholson, one of 
the most distinguished officers of the time, came up from the 
Punjab with a brigade and siege train. On the 4th of Septem- 
ber a heavy train of artillery was brought in from Feroze- 
pore. The British force on the Ridge now exceeded 8,000 
, men. Hitherto the artillery had been too weak to attempt 
to breach the city walls ; but now fifty-four heavy guns 
were brought into position and the siege began in earnest. 
From the 8th to the 12th of September four batteries 
poured in a constant storm of shot and shell ; number one 
was directed against the Kashmir bastion, number two 
against the right flank qf the Kashmir bastion, number 
three against the Water bastion, and number four against 
the Kashmir and Water gates and bastions. On the 13th 
of September the breaches were declared to be practicable, 
and the following morning was fixed for the final assault 
upon the doomed city. 

At three o’clock in the morning of the 14th September, 
three assaulting columns were formed in the trenches, whilst 
a fourth was kept in reserve. The first column was led by 
Brigadier Nicholson; the second by Brigadier Jones; the 
third by Colonel Campbell ; and the fourth, or reserve, by 
Brigadier Longfield. 

The powder bags were laid at the Kashmir gate by 
Lieutenants Home and Salkeld. The explosion followed, 
and the third column rushed in, and pushed towards the 
Juma Musjid. Meanwhile the first column under Nicholson 
escaladed the breaches near the Kashmir gate, and pushed 
along the ramparts towards the Kdbul gate, carrying the 


Chap. XXV.] SEPOY MUTINIES ; CANNING. 


657 


several bastions in the way. Here it was met by the second a.d, 

column under Brigadier Jones, who had escaladed the ^^57 

breach at the Water bastion. The advancing columns were 
met by a ceaseless fire from terraced houses, mosques, and 
other buildings ; and John Nicholson, the hero of the day, 
whilst attempting to storm a narrow street near the Kdbul 
gate, was struck down by a shot and mortally wounded. 

Then followed six days of desperate warfare. No quarter 
was given to men with arms in their hands ; but women 
and children were spared, and only a few of the peaceable 
inhabitants were sacrificed during the storm. 

On the 20th of September the gates of the old fortified Capture of 
palace of the Moghuls were broken open, but the royaP^^^P^^^^® • 
inmates had fled. No one was left but a few wounded 
sepoys and fugitive fanatics. The old king, Bahadur Shah, Huma- 
had gone off to the great mausoleum without the city, known yun’s 
as the tomb of Humdyun. It was a vast quadrangle raised tomb, 
on terraces and inclosed with walls. It contained towers, 
buildings, and monumental marbles, in memory of different 
members of the once distinguished family ; as well as ex- 
tensive gardens, surrounded with cloistered cells for the 
accommodation of pilgrims. 

On the 2 1 St of September Captain Hodson rode to the Hodson’s 
tomb, arrested the king, and brought him back to Delhi arrest of 
with other members of the family, and lodged them in the ^heMng : 
palace. The next day he went again with a hundred horse- 
men, and arrested two sons of the king in the midst of a princes, 
crowd of armed retainers, and brought them away in a 
native carriage. Near the city the carriage was surrounded 
by a tumultuous crowd ; and Hodson, who was afraid of a 
rescue, shot both princes with his pistol, and placed their 
bodies in a public place on the walls for all men to see. 

Thus fell the imperial city ; captured by the army under Re- 
Brigadier Wilson before t he arrival of any of the reinforcem ents occupation 
from England. The losses were heavy. From the beginning * 

of the siege to the close the British army at Delhi had nearly 
4,000 killed and wounded. The casualties on the side of 
the rebels were never estimated. Two bodies of sepoys 
broke away from the city, and fled down the valleys of the 
Jumna and Ganges, followed by two flying columns under 
Brigadiers Greathed and Showers. But the great mutiny 
and revolt at Delhi had been stamped out ; and the flag 

' U V 


658 
, A.D. 

1857 

Rebellion 
still ram- 
pant in 
Glide. 


Havelock 
joined by 
Outram at 
Cawnpore. 


Advance to 
Lukhnow, 
September 
25th. 


Heroism 
of tbe 
besieged. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

.o£ England waved triumphantly over the capital of 
Hindustan. 

The capture of Delhi, in September 1857, was the turning 
point in the sepoy mutinies. The revolt was crushed beyond 
redemption ; the rebels were deprived of their head centre ; 
and the Moghul king was a prisoner at the mercy of the 
power whom he had defied. But there were still troubles 
in India. Lucknow was still beleagured by a rebel army, 
and insurrection still ran riot in Oude and Rohilkund. 

In the middle of August General Havelock had fallen 
back on Cawnpore, after the failure of his first campaign 
for the relief of Lukhnow. Five weeks afterwards Havelock 
made a second attempt under better auspices. Sir Colin 
Campbell had arrived at Calcutta as Commander-in-chief, 
Sir James Outram had come up to Allahabad. On the i6th 
of September, whilst the British troops were storming the 
streets of Delhi, Outram joined Havelock and Neill at 
Cawnpore with 1,400 men. As senior officer he might have 
assumed the command; but with generous chivalry, the 

Bayard of India ” waived his rank in honour of Flavelock. 

On the 20th of September General Havelock crossed the 
Ganges into Oude at the head of 2,500 men. The next day 
he defeated a rebel army, and put it to flight, whilst four of 
the enemy’s guns were captured by Outram at the head of 
a body of volunteer cavalry. On the 23rd Havelock routed 
a still larger rebel force which was strongly posted at a 
garden in the suburbs of Lucknow, known as the Alumbagh. 
He then halted to give his soldiers a day’s rest. On the 
25th he was cutting his way through the streets and lanes of 
the city of Lukhnow ; — running the gauntlet of a deadly 
and unremitting fire from the houses on both sides of the 
streets, and also from guns which commanded them. On 
the evening of the same day he entered the British en- 
trenchments; but in the moment of victory a chance shot 
carried off the gallant Neill. 

The defence of the British Residency at Lukhnow is a 
glorious episode in -the national annals. The fortitude of 
the beleaguered garrison was the admiration of the world. 
The ladies nursed the wounded, and performed every 
womanly duty, with self-sacrificing heroism ; and when the 
fight was over they received the well-merited thanks of 
Her Majesty Queen Victoria. 


Chap. XXV,] SEPOY, MUTINIES : CANNING. 659 

During four long months the garrison had known nothing a.d. 

of what was going on in the outer world. They were ^^57 

aware of the advance and retreat of Havelock, and that 
was all. At last, on the 23rd of September, they heard the Sie relief of 
booming of the guns at the Alumbagh., On the morning of Lukhnow, 
the 25th they could see something of the growing excite- 
ment in the city ; the people abandoning their houses and 
flying across the river. Still the guns of the rebels kept up 
a heavy cannonade upon the Residency, and volleys of 
musketry continued to pour upon the besieged from the 
loopholes of the besiegers. But soon the firing was heard 
from the city ; the welcome sounds came nearer and nearer. 

The excitement of the garrison grew beyond control. . 
Presently the relieving force was seen fighting its way 
towards the Residency. Then the pent up feelings of the 
garrison burst forth in deafening cheers 3 and wounded men 
in hospital crawled out to join in the chorus of welcome. 

Then followed personal greetings as officers and men came 
pouring in. Hands were frantically shaken on all sides. 

Rough bearded soldiers took the children from their mothers* 
arms, kissed them with tears rolling down their cheeks, and 
thanked God that they had come in time to save them 
from the fate that had befallen the sufferers at Cawnpore. 

Thus after a siege of nearly four months Havelock sue- Second 
ceeded in relieving Lukhnow. But it was a reinforcement relief hy 
rather than a relief, and was confined to the British Resi- 
dency. The siege was not raised ; and the city of Lukhnow No^e^ber. 
remained two months longer in the hands of the rebels. 

Sir James Outram assumed the command, but was com- 
pelled to keep on the defensive. Meanwhile reinforcements 
were arriving from England. In November Sir Colin Camp- 
bell reached Cawnpore at the head of a considerable army. 

He left General Windham with 2,000 men to take charge 
of the entrenchment at Cawnpore; and then advanced 
against Lukhnow with 5,000 men and thirty guns. He 
carried several of the enemy's positions, cut his way to the 
Residency, and at last brought away the beleaguered garrison, 
with all the ladies and children. But not even then could 
he disperse the rebels and re-occupy the city. Accordingly 
he left Outram at the head of 4,000 men in the neighbour- 
hood of Lukhnow, and then returned to Cawnpore. 

On the 24th of November, the day after leaving Lukhnow, 

V V 2, 


66o 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D, • 

1S57 

Death of 
Havelock, 
24th of 
November, 


Revolt 
of the 
Gwalior 
contin- 
gent : 
retreat of 
General 
Windham, 


General Havelock was carried off by dysentery, and buried 
in the Alumbagh. His death spread a gloom over India, 
but by this time his name had become a household word 
wherever the English language was spoken. In the hour of 
surprise and panic, as successive stories of mutiny and 
rebellion reached England, and culminated in the revolt at 
Delhi and massacre at Cawnpore, the victories of Havelock 
revived the drooping spirits of the British nation, and stirred 
up all hearts to glorify the hero who had stemmed the tide 
of disaffection and disaster. The death of Havelock, follow- 
ing the story of the capture of Delhi, and told with the same 
breath that proclaimed the deliverance at Lukhnow, was 
received in England with a universal sorrow that will never 
be forgotten, so long as men are living who can recall the 
memory of the mutinies of Fifty-seven. 

Sir Colin Campbell was approaching Cawnpore, when he 
heard the roll of a distant cannonade. There was another 
surprise, and unfortunately another disaster. Tantia Topi 
had come once more to the front. That wonderful Mah- 
ratta Brahman had made his way from the side of Nana 
Sahib to the capital of Sindia; and had persuaded the 
Gwalior contingent to break out in open revolt, and march 
against Cawnpore. General Windham was an officer of 
distinction. He had earned his laurels in the Crimean 
campaign, but he was unfamiliar with Asiatic warfare. He 
went out to meet the rebels, and routed the advanced body ; 
but he was outwitted by the consummate genius of Tantia 
Topi. He found himself outflanked, and took alarm, and 
fell back upon the entrenchment ; leaving not only his camp 
equipage and stores, but the whole city of Cawnpore in the 
hands of the rebel sepoys. To crown all, the bridge of 
bouts over the Ganges, by which Sir Colin Campbell was 
expected to cross the river on his way to Cawnpore, was in 
imminent danger of being destroyed by the rebels. 

Fortunately the bridge escaped the vigilance of Tantia 

* Major Adye of the Royal Artillery was present at the engagement 
and lost two of his guns. In sheer desperation he vrent out at night 
with a smaU party, and succeeded in finding his guns and bringing them 
back in triumph. It thus appeared that not even Tantia Topi could 
persuade Asiatics to keep on guard against a night attack ; and had 
Windham beaten up the enemy’s quarters at midnight he might possibly 
have retrieved his chsaster. Major Adye is now General Sir John Adye, 
Governor of the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich. 


Chap. XXV.] SEPOY MUTINIES : CANNING. 


66i 


Topi, and Sir Colin Campbell reached the entrenchment in a.d. 
safety. His first act was to despatch the garrison from ^^57 
Lukhnow, together with his sick and wounded, down the 
river to Allahabad. He then took the field and routed the Campbell 
Gwalior rebels fhat repulsed General Windham, and drove at Cawn- 
them out of Cawnpore. The naval brigade under Sir pore : 
William Peel gained great renown during these operations, 
handling their 24-pounders like playthings ; whilst Generals Gwalior 
Little and Mansfield and Brigadier Hope Grant distinguished rebels, 
themselves in the pursuit of the rebels. 

In January, 1858, the ex-king Bahadur Shah was tried by Trial and 
a military commission at Delhi, and found guilty of ordering transporta- 
the massacre of Christians, and of waging war against the 
British government. Sentence of death was recorded ^ 
against him 3 but ultimately he was sent to Rangoon, with 
his favourite wife and her son, and kept under surveillance 
as a state prisoner until his death five years afterwards. 

The subsequent history of the sepoy revolt is little more Uord 
than a detail of the military operations of British troops for 
the dispersion of the rebels and restoration of order and law. 

Sir Colin Campbell, now Lord Clyde, undertook a general and Rohil- 
campaign against the rebels in Oude and Rohilkund, and bund : 
restored order and law throughout those disaffected pro- Outram’s 
vinces j whilst Sir James Outram drove the rebels out of 
Lukhnow, and re-established British sovereignty in the 
capital of Gude. 

At the same time a column from Bombay under Sir Hugh Brilliant 
Rose, and another from Madras under General Whitlock, campaigii 
carried out a similar work in Central India and Bundelkund. Hugh Rose 
History has scarcely done justice to the brilliant campaign of in Central 
Sir Hugh Rose in Central India from the borders of the India. 
Bombay Presidency to the banks of the Jumna. The military 
operations of Lord Clyde, were on a far larger scale, but they 
were conducted in an open and well-peopled country. The 
campaign of Sir Hugh Rose was carried out amidst the 
jungles, ravines, and broken ground of the Vindhya 
mountains, and the equally secluded region of Bundelkund, 
which for centuries had set the Muhammadan power at 
defiance. With a small but well appointed force, a tithe of 
that under Lord Clyde^s command, Sir Hugh Rose captured 
fortresses and walled towns, fought battles against enormous 
odds, and never for a moment gave the enemy time to 



Intrigues 
of Tantia 
Topi at 
Gwalior. 


Defeat and 
flight of 
Sindia. 


New rebel 
army under 
Tantia 
Topi. 


A.D. 

1857 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

breathe. He besieged and captured the rebel fortress of 
Jhansi, where Tantia Topi had come to the help of the Rani. 
The bloody-minded Rdni fled to the jungles ; and Tantia 
Topi escaped to the north-east, and concentrated a rebel 
army of 20,000 men near Kalpi on the Jumna. After some 
desperate actions. Sir Hugh Rose utterly routed Tantia Topi, 
and scattered his forces in all directions. Sir Hugh Rose 
considered that he had now brought his campaign in Central 
India to a glorious close; and he congratulated the troops 
under his command at having marched a thousand miles and 
captured a hundred guns. 

But Sir Hugh Rose had reckoned without his host. At 
this very time the irrepressible Mahratta Brahman, Tantia 
Topi, had secretly proceeded to Gwalior, the capital of 
Maharaja Sindia. He had made Gwalior the rallying 
point for all the scattered troops of the rebel army ; and 
organised a conspiracy against Sindia to be supported 
by the rebels as fast as they arrived. The plot was dis- 
covered in time by the Mahdraja and his minister, Dinkur 
Rao ; and it was plain that neither the one nor the other 
could have felt the slightest sympathy in a movement for 
upsetting the British government and restoring a dynasty 
of Peishwas. 

Dinkur Rao counselled the Mahdraja to adopt a defensive 
policy until a British force arrived from Agra. But Sindia 
was young and enthusiastic, and anxious to show his loyalty 
to the British government. Accordingly he marched out with 
8,000 men and twenty-five guns to attack the rebel army. 
The result was one of those surprises and disasters which 
characterised different epochs of the mutiny. Sindia’ s army 
deserted him, and either joined the rebels or returned to 
Gwalior. His own body-guard remained with him, and. 
fought against the rebels with the old Mahratta spirit, but 
they suffered heavily in the action. Sindia was thus com- 
pelled to fly to Dholepore on the road to Agra, where he 
was joined by Dinkur Rao. 

The city of Gwalior, with all its guns, stores, and treasure, 
was thus abandoned to the rebels. Nana Sahib was pro- 
claimed Peishwa ; and a revolution was beginning of which 
no one at Gwalior could see the ending. In the beginning 
of June, 1858, in the height of the hot weather, a new rebel 
army, numbering 18,000 men, had sprung into existence in 


Chap. XXV.] SEPOY MUTINIES : CANNING. 


663 


Central India under the command of Tantia Topia, with all a.d. 
the famous artillery of Sindia at his disposal. ^^57 

This astounding state of affairs soon called Sir Hugh Rose x^o^eTby 
to the front. On the i6th of June he defeated a rebel force sir Hugh 
which was posted in the cantonment at Morar. The next Rose, 
day he was joined by a column under Brigadier Smith ; and 
on the 1 8 th all the rebel entrenchments and positions were 
stormed and captured. During these operations the Rdni 
of Jhansi fought on the side of the rebels in male attire. 

She was killed by a trooper before her sex was discovered ; 
and is said to have courted her fate to escape the punishment 
of her crimes. 

Tantia Topi, however, was a born general, and his genius Dashing 
never deserted him. He made good his retreat from of 
Gwalior with 6,ooo men, and carried away thirty field- ^ 
pieces. But his case was hopeless. Two days afterwards, 

Brigadier Robert Napier, the present Lord Napier of 
Magdala, dashed amongst the retreating folrce with 6oo 
horsemen and six field guns, and put them to flight, whilst 
recovering nearly all the artillery they had carried away. 

This successful action was regarded as one of the most 
brilliant exploits in the campaign. 

In spite of these crushing defeats, Tantia Topi evaded all Pursuit of 
pursuit for ten months longer. Different columns strove to 
hem him in ; but the active Mahratta, with all the spirit Jglcg 
and pertinacity of his race, made his way to the banks ^ ^ ’ 
of the Nerbudda with a large body of fugitives, mounted 
on the small hardy ponies of India. With all the per- 
tinacity of a Mahratta, he still clung to the wild hope 
of reaching the western Dekhan, and creating a new Mahratta 
empire in the dominions of the ex-Peishwa, which had been 
British territory for more than forty years. Whether it was 
possible for him to have raised a Mahratta insurrection is a 
problem he was never destined to solve. 

Tantia Topi was driven back by the Bombay troops, and Capture 
never crossed the Nerbudda. From that time Tantia Topi ayd execu- 
and the British troops appeared to be playing at hunting 
the hare all over Central India. He and his men rode 
incredible distances, and often appeared to be in several 
places at once. At last a cordon of hunters surrounded 
him. He was driven into the western deserts of Rajpdtana, 
but compelled, from want of supplies, to double back on 


664 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

1^57 


Tantia 
Topi a 
type of 
the old 
Peishwa, 


Bundelkund. In April, 1859, his hiding-place in the jungles 
was betrayed by one of his own rebel generals ; and he 
was arrested by Major Meade, and tried, convicted, and 
hanged, to the general satisfaction of all concerned. 

Tantia Topi was a cruel and crafty villain, with a clever- 
ness that calls to mind the genius and audacity of the old 
Mahratta Peishwas. He was no doubt the originator of the 
rebellion of the Nana Sahib, and the prime mover in the 
massacres at Cawnpore; whilst the Nana was a mere tool 
and puppet in his hands, like Mahdraja Sahu in the hands of 
the Peishwas. Could the Nana have succeeded in gaining 
a throne, he would most probably have been imprisoned or 
murdered by Tantia Topi ; and Tantia Topi would have 
founded one of those dynasties of ministerial sovereigns 
which so often sprung into existence in the palmy days of 
Brahmanical rule.-^ 

^ The death of Tantia Topi has carried the reader beyond the 
mutinies into the year 1859. In the next chapter it will be necessary to 
revert to the close of the mutinies in 1S58. 


CHAPTER XXVI. 


IMPERIAL RULE : CANNING : ELGIN : LAWRENCE : MAYO : 

NORTHBROOK AND LYTTON. 

1858 TO 1880. 

On the ist of November 1858, the proclamation of Her a.d. 
Majesty Queen Victoria brought the sepoy revolt to a close. 3:S58*iS59 
It was the Magna Charta of India, and was translated into 
all the languages of the country. It announced the transfer Queen's 
of the direct government of India from the Company to proclama- 
the Crown. It confirmed all existing dignities, rights, usages, tion, ist 
and treaties. It assured the people of India that the 
British government had neither the right nor the desire to ^ ■ * 

tamper with their religion or caste. It granted a general 
amnesty to all mutineers and rebels, excepting only those 
who had been directly implicated in the murders. 

In January, 1859, Lord Canning published a despatch Rebelliott 
from Lord Clyde, declaring that rebellion no longer existed ended, 
in Oude.^ The campaign was at an end, for no organised 

^ The administrative results of the transfer of the government of India 
from the East India Company to the Crown may be summed up in a 
few words. The Governor-General became a Viceroy. Non-officials, 
natives and Europeans, were introduced into the so-called legislative 
councils at the different Presidencies, and into the legislative council of 
the Viceroy, The Company's army was amalgamated with the Queen's 
army. The Company's Courts of Appeal at the different Presidencies, 
known as the Suddar Courts, in which the judges were selected from 
the Civil Service, were amalgamated with the Supreme Courts, in which 
the judges w^ere sent out from England under the nomination of the 
Crown. The new Courts are now known as High Courts. 

^ Oude was disarmed after the rebellion, just as the Punjab had been 
disarmed after the annexation. The number of arms collected was 
very large ; there were 684 cannon^ 186,000 fire-arms, 560,000 


666 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


a.d. armies of rebels remained in the field ; but hordes of armed 
1859-1862 

men, of whom Tantia Topi was a type, were still fighting as 
it were with halters round their necks. But brigades and 
detachments were in motion from the Nerbudda river to 
the north-east frontier of Oude ; and the work of trampling 
Out the last embers of the great conflagration was gradually 
brought to a close. 

Lord During the cold weather of 1859 Lord Canning left Cal- 

Canning’s cutta for a tour in the upper provinces. In November he 
diubar at ^ grand durbar at Agra, at which his dignified presence 
right of created an impression amongst the native princes which was 
adoption never forgotten. He acknowledged the services rendered 
conceded, to the British government during the mutinies by Mahdraja 
Sindia, the Raja of Jaipur, and others. At the same time, as 
the representative of Her Majesty, he publicly announced 
the concession to native rulers of the right of adopting a 
son, who should succeed to the government of their several 
principalities in the event of a failure of natural heirs. 
Departure In March, 1862, Lord Canning left India for ever. The 
and death leading event of his administration was the sepoy revolt ; 
Cara^n^ but it was followed by measures of economy and reform 
1862. which proved him to be one of the most conscientious and 
hard-working statesmen that ever governed India. Unfor- 
tunately his career was rapidly brought to a close. He died 
the following June, and was buried in Westminster Abbey. 

Lord Lord Elgin succeeded Lord Canning as Viceroy of India. 

His administration was short, but was marked by two events 
1862^-6^’ which will always find a place in history; namely, a little 
mountain expedition on the north-west frontier which led to 
an expensive campaign, and a mission to Bhutan which led 
to a still more disastrous war. 

North- The frontier of British India westward of the river Indus, 
western was formed in 1849 by a chain of mountains, which ran 
lT<ha^*^the Ktlsh into Sinde, and served as 

Sulaiman ^ natural wall between the Punjab and Afghanistan.^ These 
range.-' - ■ ■ 

swords, 50,000 * spears, and more than 600,000 weapons of other 
descriptions; whilst more than 1,500 fortresses, great and small, were 
demolished or dismantled. 

^ The wall is not continuous. It is pierced by the Khaiber Pass which 
leads to Kabul, and the Bolan Pass "which leads to Quetta and Kandahar. 
Other passes were discovered during the campaigns of 1878-79. 


Chap. XXVI.] IMPERIAL RULE : ELGIN. 


667 


mountains are known as tlie Sulaiman range. They are 
inhabited by tribes who are closely akin to the Afghans; 
equally bloodthirsty and treacherous, and still more ignorant 
and barbarous. They have no government, but each tribe 
has its own council of elders, known as the Jirgah. They are 
Muhammadans of the worst type; intolerant and priest- 
ridden. They always cariy arms, such as matchlocks and 
short swords, whether grazing cattle, tilling the soil, or 
driving beasts of burden ; for every tribe has its internecine 
war, every family its hereditary blood feud, and every man 
his personal enemy. At the same time, whenever they are 
exposed to the assaults of an invader, they forget all their 
feuds and quarrels, and make common cause against the 
foreigner.^ 

In the old days of Eunjeet Singh and his successors, the Changes 
mountain tribes were always ready to carry fire and sword 
into the bordering villages of Sikhs and Hindus, on the side 
of the Punjab. They plundered homesteads, slaughtered 
all who opposed them, and carried off women, children, and 
cattle. Since the British conquest of the Punjab there has 
been a vast improvement in the state of affairs on the 
frontier ; and the mountain tribes have been kept out of the 
plains by the Punjab Irregular Force organised by Lord 
Dalhousie. 

The most important British district on the line of frontier Peshawar, 
is that of Peshawar. It is the key of the whole position. It 
extends from the fort of Attock, at the junction of the Kd,bul 
and Indus rivers, westward as far as the mouth of the 
Khaibar Pass, which leads to Kdbul. Accordingly the 
British cantonment at Peshawar has always been held by 
a large force of the regular army. 

Forty miles to the north of Attock is a village, or group of 
villages, called Sitana. The settlement is situated outside the 
frontier, on the eastern face of a square mass of rock, eight 
thousand feet high, known as the Mahabun mountain.^ It 

^ The data respecting the population of the Sulaiman range, is con- 
densed from a Report on the independent tribes of the north-west 
frontier, drawn up many years ago by Sir Richard Temple. The 
original extract will be found in page 27 of the Blue Book on 
Afghanistan, published in 1878. 

^ The whole region is classic ground, the scene of Alexander’s inva- 
sion of India, The Mahabun mountain has been identified with the 


668 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI. 


A.D. had been occupied ever since 1831, or thereabouts, by a 

7.8 62-18 63 colony of Hindustani fanatics from Bengal. These men 

Plindus- were a sect of Muhammadan puritans, known as Wahabis, 

tani fan- who affect a strict and ascetic way of life, such as prevailed 

atics at in the time of the Prophet, and denounce all commentaries 
Sitanaand on the Koran, and all such modern innovations as the 
the^J^aka- worship of relics. The Hindustani fanatics at Sitana were 
bun moun- lia-’^gerous neighbours. They were brigands as well as 

tain. bigots, like the zealots described by Josephus. They com- 

mitted fre(buent raids on British territory, being inspired by 
religious hatred as well as love of plunder; and strange to 
say, they were recruited from time to time with men and 
money from disaffected Muhammadans in Patna and other 
localities in Bengal, at least twelve hundred miles off. In 
1858 they were driven out of Sitana by General Sir 
Sydney Cotton, who commanded at Peshawar ; but they 
only retired to Mulka, on the further slope of the Mahabun 
mountain ; and in 1862 they returned to Sitana and renewed 
their depredations. 

British In 1863 a British force of 5,000 men, under General Sir 
expedition Neville Chamberlain, was sent to root out the Hindustani 
under fanatics from Mulka as well as Sitana. It would however 
Cham^ber- proved a difficult operation to march a column up the 
lain: Um- side of a Steep mountain in the faceof swarms of moun- 
beylapass. taineers and fanatics ; and then after capturing Sitana, to 
march over a crest 8,000 feet high, in order to attack a 
strong force at Mulka on the further slope. Accordingly 
it was resolved to reach the slope in question by a narrow 
gorge that ran along the western face of the Mahabun moun- 
tain, and was known as the Umbeyla pass ; and thus to 
take Mulka, as it were, in the rear.^ 

natural fortress of Aomos, which was captured by the Macedonians. 
Attock has been identihed with Taxila, the first city entered by the 
great conqueror after the passage of the Indus. 

Sitana : a Mountain Campaign on the Borders of Afghanistan. 
By Colonel John Adye, R.A. The author is largely indebted to this 
v^uable contribution to military history. Colonel, now General Sir 
John Adye, maintains that the Hindu Kfish andnot the Sulaiman range 
is the true frontier of our British Indian empire. The author would add 
that if we accept the Hindu ICush as our mountain fortress, then, to use 
a technical phrase, Afghan-Turkistan is our berm and the Oxus our 
ditch. Russia already holds the glacis as represented by Bokhara and 
Khiva. 


Chap. XXVL] IMPERIAL RULE : ELGIN. 


669 


Whilst however one side of the Umbeyla Pass was formed a.d. 
by the Mahabun mountain, the other side was formed by 
another steep height, known as the Guru mountain; and 
beyond the Guru mountain were many strong tribes, known bounng 
as Bonairs and Swatis ; and above all there was a certain tribes : 
warrior priest, known as the Akhoond of Swat, who exercised Akhoond 
a powerful influence as prince and pontiff over many of the 
tribes far and wide. Then again the Umbeyla Pass was 
outside the British frontier, and really belonged to the 
Bonairs. It was, however, imagined that the Afghan 
mountaineers could have no sympathy with the Hindustani 
fanatics ; especially as the Akhoond of Swat had fulminated 
his spiritual thunder against the Hindustani fanatics at Mulka 
and Sitana, in a way which betokened a deadly sectarian 
hostility. Moreover, as the Umbeyla pass was only nine 
miles long, it was possible to reach Mulka and destroy the 
village before Bonairs or Swatis could know what was 
going on. 

Unfortunately the Hindustani fanatics were too sharp for British _ 
the British authorities. They got an inkling of the coming authorities 
expedition, and sent out letters to all the neighbouring tribes. * 

They declared that the English infidels were coming to 
devastate the mountains and subvert the religion of the 
tribes. It was cunningly added that in the first instance the 
infidels would say that they only came to destroy the Hindus- 
tanis ; but if once they got into the mountain, every one 
of the tribes would share the fate of the Plindustanis. 

Unconsciously General Chamberlain played into the hands Advance 
of the Hindustanis. He told the neighbouring tribes that he through 
was going to destroy Mulka, but that he had no inten tion what- 
ever of interfering with any one but the Hindustanis. He ^ ^ 
entered the Umbeyla pass before he could receive any reply ; 
but on getting three parts of the way, he was compelled to 
halt for the baggage. He sent on a party to reconnoitre the 
Chumla valley, which intervened between the pass and , 

Mulka, and then it was found that the Guru mountain 
was swarming with armed men. Accordingly the recon- 
noitring party had much difficulty in returning to the 
camp ; and it was soon evident that the British force had 
been drawn into a defile; and that it would be impos- 
sible to advance without reinforcements, and almost equally 
impossible to return to British territory. 


670 


BRITISH INDIA, 


[Part 111, 


A.D. 

1863 

General 
uprising of 
the tribes : 
British 

'...force',""',, 

biocked 

tip. 


The movements of the British force had excited the sus- 
picions of the tribes by confirming all that the Hindustanis 
had said. The Bonairs were exasperated at the violation 
of their territory, without any previous reference to their 
council of elders. Fear and alarm spread far and wide, 
and the tribes flocked to the Guru mountain from all 
quarters. The Akhoond of Swat came in person with 15,000 
men. The mountain tribes on the Mahabun made common 
cause with the Hindustanis in resisting the invaders. In a 
word, General Chamberlain was threatened by swarms of 
matchlock men on his two flanks, whilst his rear was blocked 
up by mules, camels, and other impedimenta. Under such 
circumstances he was compelled to keep off the enemy as he 
best could, and wait for reinforcements, or for orders to retire. 
To make matters worse, he himself was wounded * whilst 
Lord Elgin was dying at Bhurmsala in the Himalayas. 

At this crisis Sir Hugh Rose, who had succeeded Lord 
Clyde as Commander-in-chief, solved the difficulty. He 
protested against any retirement, as it would only necessi- 
tate an expensive campaign in the following spring; and 
he ordered up reinforcements with all speed from Lahore. 

Lord Elgin died in November, 1863. Sir William Deni- 
son, Governor of Madras, came up to Calcutta to act as his 
successor until a Viceroy could be appointed by the home 
government ; and he at once sanctioned the steps taken by 
Sir Hugh Rose. General Garvock assumed the command in 
the room of General Chamberlain, and found himself at the 
head of nearly 9, 000 men all eager for the fray. The mountain 
tribes were soon brought to reason ; and a brilliant campaign 
ended in a political triumph. The Bonairs were so satisfied 
of the good faith of the British authorities, that they 
went themselves to Mulka, and burnt down the village ; and 
for a while nothing more was heard of the Hindustanis.^ 

Sir John The idea of a Muhammadan conspiracy, running along a 
Lawrence, 1^200 miles between Patnaand Sitana, created undue 

1864-^^. England. The result was that Sir John Lawrence, 

whose administration of the Punjab during the sepoy mutinies 

^ In 1868 an expedition under the command of General Wylde was 
sent against the Afghan tribes on the Black Mountain, immediately to 
the north of the Mahabun. The military operations were successful, 
and sufficed for the suppression of disturbances and restoration of peace. 


Action of 
Sir Hugh 
Rose. 


Sir 

■William 
Denison, 
provision- 
al Viceroy, 
1863. 


Chap. XXVI.] IMPERIAL RULE : LAWRENCE. 671 

had excited general admiration, was appointed to succeed a.d. 
Lord Elgin as Viceroy of India. The appointment was ^^^4 
contrary to established usage, for it had been ruled in the 
case of Sir Charles Metcalfe that no servant of the Com- 
pany could fill the substantive post of Governor-general. 

The elevation of Sir John Lawrence however was regarded 
with universal satisfaction. He arrived at Calcutta in 
January, 1864 ; but by this time the Sitana campaign had 
been brought to a close. 

Shortly after Sir John Lawrence had taken over the govern- Mission to 
ment of India, a mission which had been sent to Bhutan by 
Lord Elgin was brought to an unfortunate close. Before, ^ 
however, describing the progress of events, it will be neces- 
sary to glance at the country and people of Bhutan, and 
review the circumstances which led to the despatch of the 
mission. 

Bhutan is a mountain region in the Himalayas, having Descrip- 
Thibet on the north and Bengal and Assam bn the south, tion of 
It also lies between Nipal on the west and another portion 331iutan. 
of Thibet on the east.^ Like Nipal, it forms a fringe of 
mountain territory to the south of the great Thibetan table- 
land. Originally it belonged to Thibet, but became inde- 
pendent from the inability of the Thibetan government to 
keep the mountaineers in subjection. 

The people of Bhutan are rude, robust, and dirty ; with The 
flat faces of the Tartar type, and high cheek bones narrow- people* 
ing down to the chin. They have ruddy brown complexions ; 
black hair cut close to the head ; small black almond-shaped 
eyes; very thin eyelashes; and little or no eyebrows or 
beards. They are coarse and filthy in their manners, and 
leave all the field work to the women, who are as coarse 
as the men. 

This repulsive barbarism is the outcome of a corrupt form Corrupt 
of Buddhism. Thousands of Buddhist monks lead lives of Buddhism, 
religion and laziness in their secluded monasteries; leaving 
the laity to grovel away their existence in gross and 
undisguised debaucheries. 

The government of Bhutan is half clerical and half Dharma 
secular ; including a pontiff as well as a prince. The pontiff 
is known as the Dharma Raja; he is supposed to be an 

^ Bhutan is separated from Nipal by the little principality of Silchim 
and the hill station of Barjeeling. 


672 


[Part III. 


A.D. 

1863 


Three 
classes of 
officials, — 
Penlows, 
Jungpens, 
and 

Zingaffs. 


Constitu* 
tional 
element ; 
supreme 
council. 


Border ag- 
gressions. 


BRITISH INDIA. 

incarnation, not of deity, but of that exalted virtue and 
goodness which are summed up by Buddhists in the single 
term— Dharma ; ^ and the Bhutanese believe that the 
Dharma Raja has the power of raising evil spirits, or 
demons, for the destruction of their enemies. The temporal 
prince is known as the Deb or Deva Raja, and is subordi- 
nate to the Dharma Raja. He represents the hero Rajas,— 
the Devas or Devatas of Hindu traditions, — who figured as 
heroes and were worshipped as gods until the old mythology 
was submerged in the metaphysical atheism of Buddhism." 

Bhutan is separated into three provinces, each of which 
is in charge of a governor known as a Penlow. The governor 
of western Bhutan is called the Paro Penlow ; that of central 
Bhutan is the Daka Penlow; and that of eastern Bhutan 
is the Tongso Penlow. Subordinate to the three Penlows 
are the commandants of fortresses, known as Jimgpens. 
Below these is an inferior class of officials, who serve as 
messengers, and are known as Zingaffs. 

There is, however, a constitutional element in the Bhutan 
government. The Dharma and Deva Rajas are assisted by 
a council composed of the chief secretary to the Dharma 
Raja, the prime minister, the chief justice, the three Penlows 
when present at the capital, and three of the principal 
Jungpens. 

The disputes between the British government and the 
tribes and states beyond the border are of the same mixed 
character along the whole line of frontier from Afghanistan 
to Arakan, Sometimes British villages are harried by 
mountain tribes; sometimes they have been silently and 
systematically annexed, as in the case of Nipal Bhutan was 
guilty of both offences. Abortive attempts were made by 
the British government to keep the peace by paying yearly 
rent for disputed tracts ; but nothing would stop the raids 
and kidnapping; and at last Lord Elgin sanctioned a propo- 
sition of the Bengal government to send an English mission 
to Punakha, the capital of Bhutan, to lay the complaints of 
the British authorities before the Bhutanese government. 

^ Dharma was the religion of the edicts of Asoka. See antef 
page 52. 

2 In the ancient Sanskrit religion, Indra was the hero of the Aryan 
race and the Vaidik god of the firmament ; as such he was worshipped 
as the king of the Devas or Devatas. See page 62. 


673 


Char XXVI.] IMPERIAL RULE : LAWRENCE. 

The story of the mission to Bhutan is only historical so a.d. 
far as it brings out the national characteristics of the 1S64 
Bhutanese. In the first instance a native messenger was vT v 

sent to the Deva Raja to announce the coming of the 
mission. The Deva Raja replied that the complaints were anceofthe 
too trival to be referred to theDharma Raja, and that the mission to 
British government ought not to have listened to them ; but Bhutan, 
he promised to send some of the lowest officials, known 
as Zingaffs, to settle all disputes. The Zingaffs never 
came, and at last the English mission left Darjeeling for 
Punakha. 

At this very moment there was a revolution in Bhutan. Civil war 
The Deva Raja lost his throne and retired to a monastery; Bhutan: 
but civil war was still at work in western Bhutan, the very 
country through which the mission was about to pass on 
its way to Punakha. The Paro Penlow was staunch to the ex- 
Deva Raja; but his subordinate, the Jungpen of the frontier 
fortress of Dhalimkote, had joined the revolutionary party. 

The troops of the Paro Penlow were besieging the fortress 
of Dhalimkote, but retired on the approach of the English 
mission. 

Under such cirumstances the Jungpen of Dhalimkote Low cun- 
welcomed the approach of the English mission with warm miig ofthe 
professions of attachment to the British government. But 
the selfish craft of the Bhutanese barbarian was soon 
manifest. He sent musicians and ponies to conduct the 
Envoy to Dhalimkote; but he charged exorbitant prices 
for every article he supplied ; and paid long complimentary 
visits to the different members of the mission, during which 
he drank spirits until he was permitted to retire, or, properly 
speaking, was turned out. Meanwhile the Envoy received 
a letter from the new Deva Raja,’ telling him to acquaint 
the Jungpen with the object of his mission. The Envoy 
replied that he could only negotiate with the head of the 
Bhutanese government. Accordingly, after many delays, he 
at last set out for Punakha. 

It was obviously unwise to send a mission into a bar- B^rror of 
barons country like Bhutan without some knowledge of 
the state of parties. It was still more unwise fox the 
British government to appear to side with either party. Yet ment at 
Sir William Denison, the provisional Governor-General from Calcutta* 
Madras, ordered the mission to proceed on the ground that 

"x X ■ ■ 


674 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part HI, 


A.D. as the revolutionary party had got the uppermost, it would 
*^^4 be politic to secure the help of the Jungpen who had es- 
poused its cause. Thus a mission was sent to a new ruler, 
whose predecessor had only just been ousted from the throne, 
not with a formal recognition of his^ usurpation, but to 
complain of cattle lifting and kidnapping, and to settle all 
disputes respecting the border territory. 

Opposi- In reality the Bhutanese authorities did not want to receive 
tion of the a mission at all ; or to conclude a treaty which would only 
Bhutanese. hands. Accordingly they threw every obstacle in 

the way of the Envoy, and exhausted every possible means 
of inducing him to return short of main force. Of course 
it would have been more dignified to retire ; but the Envoy 
was naturally anxious to carry out the instructions of his own 
government, and to lose no opportunity which would enable 
him to realise the object of his mission; and he would 
probably have been open to as much blame for a prema- 
ture return to British territory as for a rash advance to 
the capital of Bhutan. 

Letters After leaving Dhalimkote an incident occurred which 
from the brings out the peculiar temper of the Bhutanese. Some 
DevaRaja. n^essengers appeared carrying two letters to the Jungpen 
of Dhalimkote. They took upon themselves to tell the 
Envoy that the letters contained the orders of the new Deva 
Raja for the return of the mission ; and then, as the Envoy 
was the party concerned, they made over to him the letters 
which were intended for the Jungpen. Accordingly the 
letters were opened and read. In one the new Deva Raja 
expressed a warm attachment to the British government, and 
directed the Jungpen to satisfy the Envoy on every point, and 
to settle every dispute. The other letter ought certainly to 
have been marked “private.” It threatened the Jungpen 
with death for having permitted the mission to cross the. 
frontier, and ordered him to make every effort to induce the 
Envoy to go back. Should, however, the Envoy still persist 
in going to Punakha, he was to be sent by another road, 
and to be furnished with all necessary supplies. 

Failure Such were the unpromising circumstances under which the 
of the Envoy pushed on to the capital. At Punakha the barbarian 
mission, government gave vent to its coarseness. ' The Envoy was 
treated with rudeness and insult, and forced to sign a treaty 
'“'under compulsion,” engaging to restore the territory in 


Chap. XXVL] IMPERIAL RULE: LAWRENCE. 


675 


dispute to Bhutan.^ No redress was offered for the outrages a.d. 
committed on British subjects, and none of the kidnapped ^8 64-18 65 
persons were surrendered. On the contrary, the Bhutanese 
authorities set the British government at defiance ; and the 
great Dharma Raja, the living incarnation of goodness, 
threatened to raise a score of demons of enormous 
magnitude for the destruction of the British empire, unless 
the territories signed away by the Envoy were promptly 
made over. 

Under these circumstances the treaty was nullified by Bhutan 
a declaration of war. A campaign was begun in a difficult ^ 

country of passes and precipices, reeking with a deadly re'gultL 
malaria, and defended by a contemptible enemy, armed 
with matchlocks and poisoned arrows. It is needless to 
dwell upon military operations which reflect no glory on 
British arms or diplomacy. In the end the Bhutanese were 
brought to their senses, and compelled to restore the British 
subjects that had been carried away into slavery, and to 
-make other restitutions which were necessary to satisfy the 
insulted honour of the British government. Arrangements 
were subsequently concluded as regards the disputed terri- 
tory, and the payment of a yearly rent, which have proved 
satisfactory. Since then the Bhutanese authorities have 
profited by the lessons of 1864-65, and have proved better 
neighbours than at any previous period. 

Meanwhile the progress of events in Central Asia was forced Central 
upon the attention of the British government. Russia had ,‘ 
reached the Jaxartes, and was supposed to be threatening the 
Usbeg States between the Jaxartes and the Gxus. Great and Af- 
Britain still maintained the Sulaiman range as her frontier ghan dis- 
against Afghanistan; but could not shut her eyes to the tractions, 
approaches of Russia towards the Oxus. At this crisis Dost 
Muhammad Khan was gathered to his fathers, and Afghan- 
istan was distracted by a war between his sons for the 
succession to the throne. 

Dost Muhammad Khan died in June, 1863. Ever since 
the treaties of 1855 and 1857 he had proved staunch to the 

^ The real offender on this occasion was the Tongso Penlow, the 
governor of Eastern Bhutan, and prime head of the revolutionary party,, 
who was trying to usurp the government. The Deva Raja, and other 
members of the council, attempted to apologise for the rudeness of the 
Tongso Penlow, by pretending that it was all done in the way of 
friendly jocularity. 


X X 2 





BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


Englisli alliance. His anxiety to recover Peshawar was as 
strong as in the days of Runjeet Singh; but he held out 
against the temptations offered by the sepoy mutinies of 
1857-58, and continued to respect the British frontier. 
Meanwhile, however, he established his suzerainty over 
Afghan-Turkistan,^ as well as over Kdbul and Kandahar ; 
and shortly before his death he wrested Herat from the 
government of a disaffected son-in-law, and thus became the 
undisputed sovereign of a united Afghan empire. 

Dost Muhammad Khan had fallen into the patriarchal 
error of nominating Sher Ali Khan, a younger son by a 
favourite wife, to be his successor to the throne, to the ex- 
clusion of Muhammad Afzal Khan, his eldest son by a more 
Khali : re- elderly partner. Accordingly a fratricidal war seemed in- 
cognition evitable. Afzal Kdian was governor of Afghan-Turkistan ; 
of Sher All 3^ post which he had held for many years during the life- 
time of his father; and he began to prepare for a deadly 
struggle with his younger brother. Under such circum- 
stances Sher Ali Khan was anxious for the recognition 
of the British government to his succession to the throne; 
and after some delay this was formally granted in December, 
1863, Sir William Denison, the provisional Viceroy. 

The bare recognition of Sher Ali Khan by the British 
government could not avert the fratricidal war. In June 
1864 there was an indecisive battle between Sher Ali Khan 
and his elder brother, which was followed by a sham recon- 
ciliation. Each in turn swore on the Koran to abandon all 
designs against the other ; and then, with the customary 
faithlessness of an Afghan, Sher Ali Khan suddenly ordered 
the arrest of Muhammad Afzal Khan, bound him with chains, 
and kept him inclose confinement until the iron entered his 
soul. 

This act of treachery was followed by a fearful retribution 
in the Amir’ s own family. Sher Ali Khan was warmly attached 
- mad- eldest son, and had appointed him heir apparent, 

of the son was killed by an uncle in a fit of jealousy ; and the 
uncle was in his turn cut to pieces by the soldiery. The mur- 
der of his eldest son drove Sher Ali Khan into a state of 


A.D. 

1864-1865 

Death of 
Dost Mu- 
hammad 
Khan, 
1863. 


Rivalry 
between 
Sher Ali 
Khan and 
Afzal 


by the 
British 
govern- 
ment. 


Treacher- 
ous im- 
prison- 
ment of 
Afzal 
Khan by 
Sher Ali, 
1864-66. 


^ Afghan-Turldstan is the geogi-aphical term for the region northward 
of Kabul, lying between the Hindu Kush and the river Oxus. It com- 
prises the districts of Maemana, Andkui, Saripul, Shibrghan, Ealidi, 
Khulm, Kunduz and Badakhshan, 


Chap. XXVI.] IMPERIAL RULE : LAWRENCE. 


677 


temporary insanity ; and to the end of his days he was often a.d. 
morose, melancholy and mad, like another Saul 1866-1867 

All this while Afzal Khan was in prison at Kdbul; but 
his brother, Azim Khan, and his son, Abdul Rahman Khan, 3^^!. 
remained in possession of Afghan-Turkistan, and prepared to Kanda- 
for a renewal of the war. In May 1866 the uncle and : Afzal 
nephew marched an army towards Kibul. A battle was 
fought in Afghan fashion. There was a brisk cannonade 
which did no execution, and then the bulk of Sher Ali Khan^s 1S66. 
troops suddenly deserted him and went over to the rebel 
army. The result was that Sher Ali Khan fled with a few 
horsemen to Kandahar, whilst Muhammad Afzal Khan was 
released from prison and proclaimed Amfr of Afghanistan 
amidst general illuminations and a salute of a hundred guns. 

In June, 1866, Afghanistan was distributed as follows : Partition 
Kdbul and Afghan-Turkistan were in the possession of pf 
Muhammad Afzal Khan. Kandahar remained in the hands 
of Sher Ali Khan ; whilst his son, Yakub Khan held the 
government of Herdt, and retained it throughout the war. 

The British government was in a dilemma. It had re- Recog- 
cognised Sher Ali as Amir of Afghanistan, on the plea that nition of 
he was de facto Amir ; but it was not prepared to give the 
Amir material help in the contest with his eldest brother, 

The fortunes of war however had placed Muhammad Afzal Khan by 
Khan in the position of de facto Amir. Sir John Lawrence Sir John 
tried to solve the problem by recognising Afzal Khan as Lawrence, 
ruler of Kibul and Afghan-Turkistan, and Sher Ali Khan as 
ruler of Kandahar. 

Imprisonment however had exercised an evil influence Drunken- 
on Afzal Khan, and he was no longer fitted to rule, iiess of 
He left the administration of affairs in the hands of his 
brother Azim Khan, and took to hard drinking. The 
government of Azim Khan was fearfully oppressive, owing of Azim 
to the pressing want of money. Caravans were stopped and Khan, 
plundered until all trade was at a standstill. Loans and 
contributions were mercilessly exacted from the people. 

Every sign of disaffection was stamped out by murder and 
confiscation ; whilst the women and children of the offenders 
were condemned to beggary or starvation. 

In January, 1867, Sher Ali Khan made an effort for the 
recovery of his throne. He raised an army at Kandahar 
and then marched towards K^bul. Azim Khan tempted 


678 


BRITISH INDIA, 


[Part III. 


A.D. him to a premature advance by feigning to retreat; and 
1867*1868 then suddenly opened a fire from his guns, which cut up the 
Flight of from Kandahar. Sher Ali Khan managed to escape 

Sher Ali with a small body of horsemen to his son, Yakub Khan, at 
from Kan- Herdt ; but by SO doing he left Kandahar in the hands of 
dahar to his brothers. To all appearance he had been deprived of 
1867^^ his kingdom for ever, and was condemned to pass the 
remainder of his days in exile. 

Death of In October, 1867, Muhammad Afzal Khan perished of 
Afzal intemperance and disease. His death was followed by a 
Kban : ac- ^gj-ce contest between his brother Azim Khan and his" son, 
Azim ^ Abdul Rahman Khan. But the widow of Afzal Khan forced 
Khan. Abdul Rahman Khan to submit to his uncle, by pointing 
out that any rivalry between them would only serve to 
strengthen the hands of Sher Ali Khan. 

Sber Ali Azim Khan reigned as Amir of Afghanistan from October, 
Kban re- 1867, until August, 1868, when another revolution drove 
throne of^ him from the throne. Yakfib Khan marched an army from 
Afghanis- Herdt to Kandahar, and began an unexpected career of 
tant 1868. victory which ended in the restoration of his father, Sher 
All Khan, to the throne of Afghanistan. Azim Khan and 
his nephew, Abdul Rahman Khan, fled away to the north- 
ward, into Afghan-Turkistan ; but were driven out the 
following year, and compelled to seek a refuge in Persian 
territory.^ 

Policy of During the fratricidal war in Afghanistan, the advances of 
Sir John ^ Russia towards the Usbeg states of Khokand and Bokhara 
excite attention. Sir John Lawrence however 
money and was of opinion that all difficulties might be removed by a 
arms to tlic friendly understanding with Russia. He was averse to any 
Amir. change of frontier, or to any interference whatever in the 
affairs of Afghanistan. But Sher AH Khan was complaining 
and with some show of reason, that whilst he had shown his. 
attachment to the British government in a variety of ways,,^ 
lie had received but few tokens of friendship or kindness ini^ 
xeturn. Accordingly it was proposed to strengthen thei 

^ The writer was of opinion at tbe time, and freely ventilated it in 
an Indian journal, that the progress of the fratricidal war ought to have 
been stopped by the partition of Afghanistan between two or more 
chiefs ; whilst the British government assumed the paramount power, 
and threatened to interfere unless the rival parties kept the peace. 
Later events have not induced him to change that opinion. 


Chap. XXVL] IMPERIAL RULE : MAYG. 


679 


friendship between Great Britain and Afghanistan by a free a.d. 
gift of money and arms to the restored Anffr.^ i869»i87o 

Early in 1869 Sir John Lawrence was succeeded by Lord 
Mayo as Viceroy of India. He returned to England, and ment of 
•was raised to the peerage ; and lived ten years longer, doing Sir John 
all the good work that fell in his way. He died in 1879 Lawrence, 
and was buried in Westminster Abbey. Few men of modern 
times have approached him in energy and capacity, and none 
have rendered greater services to the empire of British India. 

Lord Mayo was a Viceroy of a different stamp from the Lord 
famous Indian civilian. He was naturally wanting in a 
thorough familiarity with the details of Indian administration, 
but he had a wider knowledge of humanity, and a larger ^ 
experience in European statesmanship. Courtly as well as 
dignified and imposing, there was a charm in his manner 
which ensured him a larger share of personal popularity 
than often falls to the lot of a Governor-General of India. 

Shortly after the arrival of Lord Mayo at Calcutta, pie- Confer- 
parations were made for a meeting between the new Viceroy 
and Slier Ali Khan. In March, 1869, the conference took 
place at Umballa, about a hundred and twenty miles to the Umballa, 
north-west of Delhi. It was attended with the best possible 1869. 
results. Slier Ali Khan had been chilled by the icy friend- 
ship of Sir John Lawrence, but he threw off all reserve and 
suspicion in the presence of Lord Mayo. The English 
nobleman won the heart of the Afghan, and established a 
personal influence which brightened for a while the political 
relations between the British government and the Amfr. 

But difiiculties always crop up between a civilised power Political 
like Great Britian and a semi-barbarous government like Ai^cuities. 
that of Afghanistan, whenever attempts are made on either 

1 The policy of recognising a de facto ruler, and refusing to help him in 
times of difficulty and danger, may appear to be wise and prudent from 
an English point of view, but must seem cold and selfish to oriental eyes. 

When Sher Ali Khan was in danger of his throne and life, the English 
not only refused to help him, but recognised Muhammad Afzal Khan 
as Amir of Kabul and Afghan-Turkistan. When, however, Sher Ali 
Khan recovered his territory and throne, the British government was 
willing to help him with money and arms. Such friendship, so easily 
transferred from one prince to another, (with perhaps for clecency^s sake 
an expression of pity for the prince who has been worsted, ) may be the 
outcome of masterly inactivity, but it has the disadvantage of appearing 
hollow and insincere. 


6So 


BRITISH INDIA. 


[Part III. 


A..D. side to place political relations on a footing of equality. 
Sher Ali Khan naturally scrutinised the existing treaty 
with a jealous and Jaundiced eye. It had been negotiated 
in 1855 by Sir John Lawrence with Dost Muhammad Khan. 

It bound the Amir to consider the friends and enemies of 
the British government as his friends and enemies; but it 
did not bind the British government to like conditions as 
regards the friends and enemies of the Amir. Sher Ali 
Khan declared that this was a one-sided arrangement, and 
so in truth it was ; but the British government was the pro- 
tecting power, and had the right to insist on its conditions ; 
and this was still more emphatically the case when it 
appeared as the giver of arms and money. Moreover, if the 
British government committed itself to the obligations pro- 
posed, it might have found itself compelled to interfere in 
civil broils, or take a part in foreign wars, in which it had 
no concern, and in which Sher Ali Khan might have been 
obviously in the wrong. ’ 

Concilia- Accordingly Lord Mayo tried to reassure the Amir by 
tory policy telling him that the British government regarded him as the 
of Lord rightful as well as the de facto ruler of Afghanistan; and 
Mayo. would view with severe displeasure any attempt on the part 
of his rivals to oust him from his throne. He added that 
the British government would not interfere with the internal 
affairs of Afghanistan, and would not, under any circum- 
stances, employ its troops beyond the frontier to quell civil 
dissensions or family broils. The home government sub- 
sequently directed that Sher Ali Khan should be further 
informed that the British government would still be free to 
withhold the promised help should his government become 
notoriously cruel and oppressive. This however never seems 
to have been done,2 

V The subsequent treaty of 1857 was also concluded by Sir John 
Lawrence, but was confined to arrangements consequent on the war 
which had broken out between Great Britain and Persia, and in no 
way superseded the treaty of 1855. 

^ All conditions as regards cruelty and oppression should be under- 
stood rather than expressed in dealing with foreign states. No diplo- 
matic language can prevent its being regarded as a direct insult by any 
ruler, European or Asiatic. Moreover, it is wholly unnecessary. It 
is always^ competent for a state to threaten to break off all political 
relations in the case of notorious cruelty and oppression, or to carry 
its threats into execution in the event of a persistence in such a line of 
conduct. Similar conditions are understood in all societies, whenever 
a gross outrage is committed by any one of its members. 



Chap/XXVL] imperial rule : mayo. 68i 

Lord Mayo was the first Indian Viceroy since Lord a.d. 
Dalhousie who took a special interest in the affairs of^^72-i8So 
British Burma. In 1862 Sir Arthur Phayre had been 
appointed Chief Commissioner of the united provinces of 
Arakan, Pegu and Tenasserim ; and had proceeded to 
Mandalay the same year, and concluded a friendly treaty 
with the King of Burma. In 1867 his successor, General 
Py tche, proceeded in like manner to Mandalay, and con- 
cluded a second treaty, which led to a large extension of 
trade with Upper Burma, and the establishment of a line 
of steamers to Mandalay and Bhamb. No Viceroy, however, 
had landed at Burma since the visit of Lord Dalhousie in 
1852. Accordingly when it was known in 1871 that Lord 
Mayo proposed making a trip to the province, the suscep- 
tible Burmese population were thrown into excitement by his 
expected arrival. 

The career of Lord Mayo was however destined to end Visit of 
in a tragedy. He landed at Rangoon in February 1872, Bord Mayo 
with his personal staff and a brilliant party of guests, 
and was welcomed with the acclamations of thousands. Mauimain: 
Crowds of native ladies, a sight unknown in India, were assassina- 
present at the wharf to welcome Lord and Lady Mayo with tion at 
offerings of flowers. Nearly an entire week was spent by 
Lord Mayo in receiving deputations from all classes of the ' * 
community, and in surveying the vast strides which western 
civilisation had made in that remote territory during the 
brief period of twenty years. From Rangoon he paid a 
flying visit to Maulmain, and then steamed to the Andaman 
Islands to inspect the penal settlement at Port Blair. There 
in the dusk of the evening he was suddenly stabbed to 
death by an Afghan, who had been condemned to penal 
servitude for life on account of a murder he had committed 
on the British side of the north-west frontier, and who had 
taken the opportunity of wreaking his blind vengeance on 
the most popular of modern Viceroys. 

With the death of Lord Mayo in 1872 the modern history Lord 
of India is brought to a natural close. Lord Northbrook North- 
succeeded Lord Mayo as Viceroy, but resigned the post in • 

1876, and was succeeded in his turn by Lord Lytton. 

The details of their respective administrations are as yet Lytton, 
too recent to be brought under review as matters of 1876-80. 
history. Two events however have occurred since 1872, 


6S2 


a.d. 

1872-1880 


Imperial 
Assem- 
blage at 
Delhi, 1st 
January, 
1877. 


Estrange- 
ment of 
Slier All 
Khan : 
dealings 
with 
Russia. 


Second 

Afghan 

war. 


BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

whicli may be mentioned in the present place as likely t© 
become landmarks in Indian annals. 

On the 1st of January 1877 Her Majesty Queen Victoria 
was proclaimed Empress of India in the old imperial capital 
at Delhi. The visit of His Royal Highness the Duke of 
Edinburgh to India in 1869, and the subsequent visit of 
His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales in 1875-76, had 
prepared the way for a closer association of the princes and 
people of India with the British Crown ; and the celebration 
of an Imperial Assemblage at Delhi for the proclamation of 
the Empress will prove to all future ages an epoch in the 
annals of British India. It swept away the memory of the 
sepoy revolt of 1857, and associated Delhi with the might and 
majesty of the sovereign of the British empire. At the same 
time it brought all the princes and chiefs of India into personal 
intercourse in the same camp under the shadow of the 
British sovereignty- Old feuds were forgotten ; new friendships 
were formed 3 and for the first time in history the Queen 
of the British Isles was publicly and formally installed in 
the presence of the princes and .people as the Empress 
of India. 

Meanwhile, at the very moment that Delhi was the scene of 
festivity and rejoicing,black clouds were gathering beyond the 
north-western frontier. Sher Ali Kh an had b ecome estranged 
from the British government. He had placed his eldest 
son, Yakdb Khan, in close confinement on charges of 
disloyalty and rebellion ; and he resented an attempt made 
by the British government to bring about a reconciliation. 
He considered himself ill-used in the settlement of his 
frontier on the side of Seistan with the Persian government. 
He was also mortified at the refusal of the British govern- 
ment to conclude a defensive alliance on equal terms, which 
had proved so disastrous in our dealings with Hyder Ali 
a century before.^ In an evil hour he refused to receive a 
British mission at Kdbul; whilst he made overtures to 
Russia, and received a Russian mission at his capital, at a 
time when British relations with Russia were known to be 
unsatisfactory. 

Under such circumstances Sher Ali Khan was doomed 
to share the fate which befell bis father, Dost Muhammad 
Khan, in 1839-40, ' In 1878 the British government made 
1 See aniffy page 345. 


Chap. XXVL] imperial RULE: LYTTON. 


m 


a final effort to save him by sending a mission to a.d. 
his court ; but it was driven back with threats and con- 1S78-18S0 
tumely. Accordingly the British government declared war, 
and a British force entered Afghanistan. Sher Ali Khan and death 
made a futile attempt at resistance, and then fled northward of Sher 
into Russian territory, where he died shortly afterwards. Ali Rhan, 

Yakiib Khan came to terms with the British government. ^^78-79- 
He was accepted as successor to his deceased father on the 
throne of Afghanistan j and he agreed to receive a British 
Resident, who should pennanently remain at his capital, murder, 
The treacherous attack on the Residency in September 1879 , andBritish 
and massacre of Sir Louis Cavagnari and other officers, has oycupa- 
led to the abdication of Yakdb Khan and British occupa- 
tion of Afghanistan. What the result will be is one of the 
political problems of the day.^ 

^ The probable destiny of the Afghan people may possibly be gathered 
from an historical parallel in J ewish history, which the controverted qxies- 
tion of Afghan ethnology renders none the less striking. The parallel 
is helped out by the fact which is beyond controversy ; namely, that 
in physical characteristics and national instincts the Afghans closely 
resemble, if they are not akin to, the Jews {See ante, page 121). The 
old Assyrian kings tried hard to maintain Palestine as a buffer against 
Egypt ; but they were ultimately compelled to transplant the Ten Tribes 
of Israel to the cities of the M edes ; whilst the only king of Judah who 
was actively loyal to the Crown of Assyria was the unfortunate Josiah, 
who was slain by Pharaoh Necho in the battle of Megiddo. Four 
centuries later the Greek kings of Syria endeavoured to convert Palestine 
into a similar buffer ; but after trying in vain to crush out the spirit of 
the nation by military despotism and massacre, they were compelled to 
succumb to the revolt of the Maccabees, Two centuries later the 
Romans made every effort to maintain order and law amongst the tur- 
bulent populations of Palestine ; but after the death of Herod the Great, 

— a Dost Muhammad in his way,- — the princes of his family dared not 
govern mildly lest their subjects should rebel, nor severely lest they 
should be deposed by Caesar, Their regime proved a failure. No 
rulers, except Roman procurators of the stamp of Pilate and Festus, 
could succeed in keeping the peace. In the end, the grinding tyranny 
and rapacity of procurators of the stamp of Florus drove the nation 
frantic ; and the struggle ended in the destruction of Jerusalem by 
Titus and final scattering of the Jewish nation. 

From the sixteenth century to the nineteenth the political situation 
of Afghanistan has tallied with that of Palestine. The Moghuls tried 
to make Kabul a buffer against Persia, and Persia tried to make Kan- 
dahar a buffer against the Moghul. In the eighteenth century the 
Afghans rose against their conquerors; those of Kandahar overran 
Persia, and those of Kabul and Kandahar overran Hindustan. A new 
Afghan empire was -subsequently founded by Ahmad ^ Shah Duranf, 
who bears a strange resemblance to king David; for in spite of his 


684 BRITISH INDIA. [Part III. 

a.d. predatory wars and conquests, he gave utterance to strains of psalmodv 
187S-1S80 of wMch. the following lines are a specimen : — ^ 

** I cry unto thee, O God! for I am of my sins and wickedness 
ashamed ; 

But hopeless of thy mercy, no one nath ever from thy threshold 
departed. 

Thy goodness and mercy are boundless, and I am of my evil acts 
ashamed ; 

’Tis hopeless that any good deeds of mine will avail, but thy name 
ril every refuge make. 

O Ahmad ! seek thou help from the Almighty, but not frpm pomp 
and grandeur’s aid.” f 

It will also be seen that the reign of his grandson Zeman Shah bears 
some resemblances to that of Rehoboam ; whilst the revolt of the 
Barukzais, the viziers of the Duranis, is not unlike the revolt of 
Jeroboam, the minister of Solomon. How far Afghanistan is likely 
to prove a buffer between British India and Russia, with or without 
British procurators, remains to be seen. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES OF 


INDIAN HISTORY 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES OF 
INDIAN HISTORY. 


I. HINDU INDIA. 

iScx> B.c. — 1400 B.c. Probable period of 
the Mah 4 Bharata. 

1000 „ Probable period of the Rama- 

yana. 

500 „ Probable period of Sakya 

Muni, or Gdtama Buddha. 
327 ,, Alexander invades the Punjab. 

Passage of the Jhelum. 

Defeat of Porus the Eider. 
Alexander's retreat. 

320 M Empire of Magadha (Behar). 

Chandra-guptafSandrokottos). 
Asoka ; Edicts of Asoka. 

280 „ Gr»ko-Baktrian supremacy, 

100 „ Indo-Scythian supremacy. 

56 ,, Kanishka (Kanerke). 

78 A.D.— Battle of Kahror. 

Gupta supremacy . 

319 „ Vallabhi Rajas. 

Kingdoms of Andhra and 
Pandya. 

400 „ Pilgrimage of Fah-Hian. 

640 Travels of Hiouen-Thsang. 

Empire of Kanouj : Mahd- 
raja Si'laditya. 

Buddhist-Brahman contro- 
versies. 

1001 „ Muhammadan invasion. 


11 . MUHAMMADAN INDIA. 

' ' 997 ■ A,D.”Mai|pa!dd-...of G^sni. 
locHc „ Mahmud at Peshawar. 

Turkish conquest of the Pun- 
jab. 

Twelve Turkish invasions of 
•’ Hindustan. 


IOOI A.D. 

1030 „ 

1180 „ 


1194 


1206 


1290 


1316 „ 

1325 »* 
1350 » 

1398 „ 
1400 , J 
*450 »» 
1498 

1500 „ 


1509 »» 


-Battle of Somnath. 

Death of Mahmdd. 

Afghan supremacy at Delhi : 
Muhammad . Ghori (d. 
3206). 

Mussulman advance to Ben- 
ares. 

Foundation of principalities 
in Rajpdtana. 

Dynasty of Afghan Slave- 
kings: Isi)itu,bAid-din, 

Sultan of Delhi (d. 1210). 

Dealh of Jelal-ud-dm, tCj 
last of the 'Slave-kihgs. 

Ala-ud-din, Sultan of Delhi 
(d. 1316). 

Conquest of Guzerat. 

Siege of Chitdr. 

Ti^hlak, founder of the 
'Tuglilak .Sultans pf Delhi. 

Muhammad Tughlak (d. 

1350)* 

Firuz Shah (d. 1388). 

Bahmani Sultans in the 
Dekhan. 

the Tartar invades 
Hindustan. 

Deva Rai, Maharaja of 
Narsinga. 

Lodi dynasty of Afghan 
Sultans at Delhi. 

Portuguese arrival in Mala- 
bar. 

Five Muhammadan king- 
doms in the Dekhan. 

Nanuk Guru founds the 
Sikh brotherhood in the 
Punjab. 

Albuquerque, Viceroy of 
Portuguese India (d. 1519). 


688 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES OF 


1526 A.©.-— Afghan Sultans at Delhi 
overthrown by Baber the 
Moghul (d. 1530). 
Foundation of the Moghul 
empire. 

Baber succeeded by Hu md- 

I'yh? =^556). . . 

Portuguese mission to 
Bengal. 

Turkish attack on the Portu- 
guese at Diu. 

Humayun defeated by Sher 
Khan. 

Afghan rule in Hindustan. 
Return of Humayun. 

Akbar, Padishah (d.~ 1605). 
Akbar defeats the Afghans. 
Battle of Talikota.^ 

Destruction of Chitdr. 

Moghul conquest of Ahmad- 
nagar and Berar. 

Rise of Abul Fazl. 

Rebellion of SelimQehangir). 
Formation of the East India 
Company. 

Jehangir, Padishah (d. 1627). 
Mission of Captain Hawkins 
to Agra. 

Embassy of Sir T. Roe. 
Travels of Pietro della Valle. 
Venk-tapa Naik, Raja of 
Kanara. 

Shah Jehan, Padishah 

Moghul capture of the Portu- 
guese settlement at Hdghli. 
English settlement at 
Madras. 

English settlements in Bengal 
at Hughli, Patna, and 
Dacca. 

Aurangzeb, Padishah (d. 

“ i707> 

Sivaji the Mahratta captures 
Surat. 

War between Mahrattas and 
Moghuls. 

Aurangzeb threatened by 
Persia. 

Afghan massacre of Moghuls 
in the Khaiber Pass. 
Travels of Dr. Fryer. 

Sivaji, Maharaja of the 
Mahrattas (d. 1680). 
Mahratta conquest in the 
Lower Carnatic. 

Moghul rebuffs in Raj- 
putana. 

War between the English and 
Moghuls. 

Moghul conquest of Bijapur 
andGolkonda. 

Foundation of Calcutta. 
Diud Khan besieges Madras. 
Bahadpi;-, Sha^ Padishah (d. 

, '■1712).,'’", 


1707 A.D.*" 

-§.ahl4,..:Rab> Maharaja of the 
Mahrattas (d. 1748). 

Balaji Visvanath, first 

Pefehwa (d. 1720). 

1712 „ 

Jehandar Shah, Padishah. 

1733 »» 

Farrukh Siyar, Padishah (d. 
1719). 

3735 » 

English mission from Calcutta 
to Delhi. 

3739 » 

Muhammad, Shah, Padishah 
(d. 174S). 

1720 ,, 

Baji Rao, second Peishwa 
(d. 1740). 

3736 „ 

Mahratta advance on Agra 
pd Delhi. 

Nizam-ul-mulk, Nizam of 
the Dekhan ; defeated by 
Baji Rao. 

J1738 „ 

Invasion of Nadir Shah. 

.3739 „ 

Battle of Kufnal. 


Nadir Shah enters Delhi. 

1740 „ 

Balaji Rao, third Peishwa 
(dV 1761). 

1748 „ 

Raja Ram, the puppet Mahd- 
raja of the Mahrattas, a 
state prisoner at Satara. 

Afghan invasion of India 
under Ahmad Shah Abdali. 

III. BRITISH INDIA. 

1736 A.D.* 

—Civil war in Trichinopoly. 

3739 „ 

Sarfardz Khan, Nawab of 
Bengal <d. 1742). 

1740 „ 

Mahrattas invade the Car- 
natic. 

3742 „ 

Alivardi Khan, Nawah of 
Bengal. 

Mahratta invasions of Ben- 
gal. 

3743 » 

English mission to Nizam-ul- 
mulk at Trichinopoly. 

374s » 

War between England and 
France. 

1746 „ 

Labourdonnais captures Ma- 
dras. 

3747 „ 

Rise of Ahmad Shah Durani, 
founder of the Afghan em- 
pire (d. 1773); Jemal Khan 
Barukzai. 

1748 „ 

Stringer Lawrence fails to 
take Pondicherry. 

Death of Muhammad Shah : 

Ahmad Shah, Padishah. 
Death of Nizam-ul-miilk. 
Death of Mahdraja Sahu. 
Peishwa sovereignty begins. 
First appearance of Clive, 

3749 »» 

English aggressions on Tan- 

3750 » 

Nasir Jung at Arcot; ap- 
points Muhammad Ali 
Nawab. 

Victories of Dupleix. 


1530 „ 
1538 »> 

1540 »» 

ISSS 

1565 
1567 »» 

157s » 

IS 99 >» 
» 

1608 ,, 

161S » 
1623 
3:62s » 

1627 ,, 
3S32 „ 

3639 >» 

1640 ,, 

i6j8 „ 
1664 ,, 
1666 ,, 


1673 » 
3674 » 

1677 »» 

1682 ,, 

1685 » 

3687 „ 

1689 „ 
1701 „ 

1707 .» 


INDIAN HISTORY. 


689 


-Bussy captures Jingi. 

FrencK capture of Masuli- 
patara. 

Peace between Alivardi Klian 
and the Mahrattas. 

Alom Phra the hunter founds 
a dynasty in Burma. 
Ascendancy of Dupleix. 

Clive’s expedition to Arcot. 
Siege of Arcot. 

Clive’s victories in the Car- 
natic. 

French surrender Trichi- 
nopoly. 

Clive^ goes to England. 

Janoji Bhonsla succeeds 
Rhughoji Bhonsla as Raja 
of Berar. 

Anglo-French treaty at Pon- 
dicherry. 

Removal of Dupleix. 

Return of Clive. 

Destruction of Gheriah by 
Watson and CHve. 
Suraj-ud-daula, Nawab of 
Bengal. 

Suraj-ud-daula captures Cal- 
cutta. 

The Black Hole. 

CHve and Watson recapture 
Calcutta. 

English capture of Chander-. 
nagore. 

Battle of Plassy. 

Mir Jafir, Nawab of Bengal. 
Mahrattas claim chout for 
B engal and B ehar. 

Ahmad Shah AbdalL at 
Delhi; drives out Ghazi- 
ud-din. 

Bussy *s war against the 
Hindu Poligars ; self- 
sacrifice of Bobili Rajpdts. 
Bussy captures Vizagapa- 
tam. 

Advance of the Shahzada, 
eldest son of Ahmad Shah 
Padishah, towards Behar: 
defeated by CHve, 

Daily at Pondicherry. 

Daily captures Fort St. 
David. 

Forde's successes in the 
Northern Gircars. 

Siege of Madras by Dally. 
Clive governor of the Eng- 
lish settlements in Bengal. 
Alamghir, Padishah, mur- ^ 
dered at Delhi by Ghazi- 
ud-din. 

Second invasion of Ahmad 
Shah Abdali. 

Dally raises the siege of 
Madras. 

Battle of Wandiwash. 

Coote besieges Pondicherry. 


—Clive departs for England; 
succeeded by Hoi well 
Madhu Rao, fourth Mah- 
ratta Peishwa (d. 1772). 
Nizam AH, Nizam of the 
Dekhan. 

Coote captures Pondicherry. 
Battle of Paniput. 

Ahmad Shah Abdali ap- 
points Jewan Bakh (son of 
the Shahzada) deputy 
Padishah. 

Regency of Najib-ud-daula 

(d. 1770)- 

Return of the Shahzada to 
Behar: proclaimed Padi- 
shah under the name of 
ShahAlam. 

Shuja-ud-daula, Nawab of 
Oude (d. 1775), appointed 
Vizier to Shah Alara. 
Vansittart, governor at Cal- 
cutta. 

Deposition of Mir Jafir. 

Mir Kasim, Nawab of Ben- 
gal ; defeats the Nawab 
Vizier of Oude. 

Installation of the Great 
Moghul at Patna. 

Disputes about private trade. 
Warren Hastings in the Cal- 
cutta council. 

General abolition of duties 
by Mir Kasim. 

Patna captured by the 
English, and recaptured 
by the Nawab’.s troops. 
Capture of Cossimbazar by 
the Nawab’ s troops. 

Mir Jafir proclaimed Nawab. 
English capture Monghyr. 
Massacre of English at 
Patna. 

English storm Patna. 

Delhi threatened^hy the Jdts. 
The Nawab Vizier repulsed 
by the English at Patna. 
Hector Munro stops a sepoy 
mutiny. 

Battle of Buxar. 

Rise of Shitab Rai. 
Surrender of the Nawab 
Vizier. 

Suraj Mai, the Jdt hero, 
slain at Delhi. 

Death of Mir Jafir. 

Governor Spencer sells 
Bengal and Behar to 
Muhammad Reza Khan. 
Return of CHve to India; 
foundation of the . double 
government. 

English treaty with Nizam 
AH. 

Final departure Of CHve. 
Verelst, governor of Bengal. 

" Y'' Y 




600 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES OF 


1767 A. D.““Rise of Hyder Ali of Mysore. 

Hyder Ali and Nixam, Ali 
invade the Gamatic. 

Death of Mulhar Rao 
Holkar; accession of 
Ailah Bai (d. i795)» 

Tukajji Holi^ (d. i797-) 
Last invasion of Ahmad Shah 
Abdali. 

Ghorka conquest of Nipal : 
Prithi Narain, the Ghorka 
heio (d. 1771). 

1768 „ Second English treaty with 

NixamAli, 

Hostile advance of Hyder 
Ali against the English. 

1769 „ English treaty with Hyder 

Ali at Madras. 

Cartier, governor of Bengal. 
Mahratta aggressions in 
Hindustan. 

1770 „ Famine in Bengal. 

1771 „ Mahadaji Sindia restores 

Shah Alam to the throne 
ofDelhi. 

177a „ Warren Hastings, governor of 

Bengal. 

Narain Rao, fifth Peishwa, 

1773 » Warren Hastings holds a 

secret conference with 
Shuja-ud-daula at Be- 
nares. 

Narain Rao murdered. 
Rughonath Rao, sixth 
Peishwa. 

Rughoji Bhonsla, Raja of 
Berar. ^ 

Tanjore made ^ over to 
Muhammad Ali. 

Tirnth Shah on the throne 
of Kandahar <d. 1793).; 
Payendah Khan Barukxai. 

1774 „ Rohillawar. 

Warren Hastings, first 
Governor-General. 

The Calcutta Council ; 
Francis, Ciavering, Mon- 
son, and Barwell. 

Creation of a Supreme Court 
of Judicature at Calcutta. 
Revolution at Poona. 

1775 „ Asof-ud-daula, Nawah Vizier 

of Oude (d. 1797). 

Charge of corruption against 
Warren Hastings, 
Execution of Nund-komar. 
Treaty between the English 
at Bombay and Rugho- 
nath Rao. 

Rebellion of Cheit Singh, 
Raja of Benares. 

Run Bahadur, Maharaja of 
Nipal. , 

1776 „ Treaty of Purundhur. 

Tanjore restored to the Raja 
byLordPigot. 


1778 A.D.— Rumbold, governor of 

Madras. 

English . capture of Pondi- 
cherry. 

Bombay expedition to Poona, 
1778., 

1779 „ Convention of Wurgaum. 

First Mahratta war. 

Bhodau Phra, King of 
Burma (d. 1819). 

1780 ,, English capture of Gwalior. 

Whitehill, governor of 

Madras. 

Hyder Ali invades the 

Carnatic. 

Battle of Porto Novo. 

Runjeet Singh, Viceroy of 
Lahore. 

1781 ,, Lord Macartney, governor 

of Madras. 

War between English and 
Dutch ; capture of Pulicat 
and Sadras. 

17S2 „ Close of the first Mahratta 

war. 

Nana Farnavese ratifies the 
Treaty of Salbai. 

Madhu Rao II., seventh 
Peishwa (d. 1795). 

Death of Hyder Ah. 

1784 ,, Treaty of Mangalore. 

Mr. Pitt’s Bill ; the Board of 
Control. 

1785 „ Warren Hastings leaves 

India. 

M aepherson, Mr. , provisional 
Governor-General. 

1786 ,, Lord Cornwallis, Governor- 

General. 

1787 ,, Tippu Sultan attacks Tra- 

vancore. 

1788 „ Gholain Kadir at Delhi. 

1790 ,, Mysore war, 

1792 „ Submission of Tippu Sultan, 

Mahadaji Sindia at Poona. 
Chinese invasion of Nipal. 
Ghorka treaty with the Eng- 
lish. 

Permanent land settlement 
_ in Bengal. 

2:793 »> Sir John Shore (Lord Teign- 

mouth), Governor-General. 
Zemdn Shah succeeds Timur 
Shah at Kandahar. 

1794 „ Mahadaji Sindia succeeded 

by Daulat Rao Sindia. 

179s ,, Battle of Kurdla. 

Umdut-ul-Umra, Nawab of 
Arcot (d. 1801), 

Baji Rao II., eighth Peishwa 

(d. 1853)- 

Revolution at Khatmandu. 
Threatened'invasion of Zeman 
Shah. 

3:797 ,, Sa^dut Ali, Nawab Vizier of 
Oude. 



m 


1797 A.D.‘ 

1798 „ 


1799 »> 


iSoo 


iSoi ,, 


1802 ,, 


1803 


3804 


180s „ 


iScb ,, 
x8o7 ,, 


INDIAN HISTORY. 691 


-Rise of Jaswant Rao Holkar. 
Lord Moraington (Marquis 
of Wellesley), Governor- 
General. ^ 

English alliance with Nizam 
All against Tippu. 

Last Mysore war. 

Storming of Seringapatam. 
Death of Tippu. 

Purnea, minister at Mysore 
(d. 1811). 

Buchanan’s travels inMysore. 
Malcolm’s mission to Persia. 
Death of Nana Farnavese. 
Pandey conspiracy at Khat- 
mandu : flight of Run 
Bahadur. 

Mahmud, Shah of Afghan- 
istan (d. 1829). 

Assumption 01 the govern- 
ment of the Carnatic.^ 
Risings of the Ghilzais in 
Kabul ; suppressed hy 
Futih Khan. 

Baji Rao and Sindia de- 
feated by Jaswant Rao 
Holkar. 

Treaty of Bassein. 

Mission of Captain Knox to 
Khatmandu. 

Baji Rao restored to Poona. 
Second Mahratta war. 

Battles of Assaye and 
Argaum. 

Battles of Alighur and 
Delhi. 

Revolution at Khatmandu. 
Moghul kings of Delhi be- 
come the pensioners of the 
British government. 

Shah Shuja, Shah of Af- 
ghanistan. 

War between the English and 
Jaswant Rao Holkar. 

Col, Monson's retreat. 
Return of Run Bahadur to 
Khatmandu. 

Downfall of the Pandeys. 
Murder of Run Bahadur. 
Massacre at Khatmandu of 
the enemies of the Thapas. 
Ascendency of Ehim Sein 
Thapa. 

Lake defeats Holkar and 
besieges Bhurtpore. 

Lord Cornwallis, Governor- 
General a second time. 

Sir George Barlow, Gover- 
nor-General, 

Submission of Jaswant Rao 
Holkar. 

Mutiny at Vellore. 

Lord Minto, Govemor.Gene- 
ral. 

Runjeet Singh’s aggressions 
on the Cis-Sutlej states. 


1808 A.D. — Metcalfe’s mission to Ru.o- 
jeet Singh." 

3809 „ Restoration of Mahmud 

Shah to the throne of 

Kabul by the Barukzais. 

1810 „ British occupation of the 

Mauritius and J ava. 

1811 „ Mulhar Rao Holkar suc- 

ceeds to the throne of 

Indore. 

Depredations of Amir Khan 
and of the Pmclharies. 
Lingaraja, ruler of Coorg, 
(d. 3S20). 

Krishnaraj assumes the go- 
vernment of Mysore. 

1813 ,, Lord Moira (Marquis of 

Hastings), Governor-Gene- 
ral. 

Ghorka aggressions on Brit- 
ish territory. 

Nipalese occupation of Brit- 
ish districts. 

Ghorka slaughter of British 
police. 

1814 „ Nipal war. 

1815 „ The Gaekwar of Baroda 

sends Gungadhur Shastri 
to Poona. 

Murder of Gungadhur 
Shastri. 

Imprisonment of Trimbukji 
Dainglia. 

1816 „ Treaty of SegowHe. 

Pindhari raids on British ter- 
tories. 

Quarrels between Persia and 
Afghanistan respecting 
Herdt. 

Escape of Trimbukji Dain.«' 
glia. 

1817 „ Treaty of Poona. 

Pindhari War. 

Baji Rao repulsed by the 
English at Khirki. 

Flight of the Peishwa from 
Poona. 

Battle of Sitabuldf. 

Battle of Mehidpore. 

1818 „ Defence of Korygaum. 

Extinction of the Peishwa. 
Settlement of the Holkar 
state. 

Resuscitation of the Raj of 
Satara. 

Early Burmese history. 
Portuguese adventurers. 
Byeen-noung conquers Pegu. 
Siege and capture of Marta- 
ban by Byeen-noung. 

1820 „ Metcalfe, Resident at Hyder- 
abad, condemns the bank 
of Palmer and Co. 

Chikka Vira Raja succeeds 
Lingaraja at Coorg. 



Y ^ 


6g2 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES OF 


1893 A.i>.~-Mr. Adam, provisional 
Governor-General. 

Lord Amherst, Governor- 
General. 

1824 „ First Burmese war: British 

expedition to^ Rangoon. 

,, Phagyi-dau, King of Burma. 

1825 British advance to Prome. 
Outbreak at Bhurtpore. 

1826 ,, Treaty of Yandabo. 

Crawfurd^s mission to Ava. 
Capture of Bhurtpore. 

Dost Muhammad" Khan, 
Amir of Kabul. 

1827 ,, Daulat Rao Sindia succeeded 

by Jankoji Rao Sindia 
(d. 1843). 

1828 „ Lord William Bentinck, 

Governor-General. 

1833 „ Rebellion in Mysore: de- 

position of Krishnaraj 
by the British govern- 
ment, 

1832 „ Disturbances in Jaipur. 

1833 » Civil wars stopped at Gwalior 

and Indore by British in- 
tervention. 

Hari Rao Holkar on the 
throne of Indore. 

Renewal of the East India 
Company's charter. 

1834 ,, The Maharaja of Jaipur 

poisoned. 

British campaign in Coorg. 
Annexation of Coorg. 

1S35 „ Murder of Mr. Blake in 

Jaipur. 

Sir Charles Metcalfe, pro- 
visional Governor-General. 

1836 „ Lord Auckland, Governor- 

General. 

1837 „ The Shah of Persia marches 

against Herat. 

Siege of Herat. 

Revolution at Ava. 
Tharawadi, king of Burma. 
Fall of Ehxm Sein Thapa at 
Khatmandu. 

1S38 „ The Shah of Persia raises the 
siege of Herdt. 

Lord Auckland declares war 
against Afghanistan. 

British advance to Quetta. 
1839 ,, British capture of Kandahar, 
Ghazni, and Kabul, 
Russian expedition to Khiva. 
Death of Runjeet Singh. 
Tragedies at Khatmandu. 
Death of Bhim Sein Thapa. 
Kharak, Mahdrajapf Lahore, 
(d. 1840). 

Dethronement of the Raja 
of Satara. , 

1S40 ,, British occupation of Kabul. 

The British Residency ex- 
pelled from Ava. 


1540 A.D. — Lord Auckland remonstrates 

with the Maharaja of 
Nipal. 

Nao Nihal Singh, Maharaja 
of Lahore. 

1541 ,, Withdrawal of Major Todd, 

the British Resident, 
from Herat, 

Insurrection at Kabul : 
murder of Sir Alexander 
Burnes. 

General reconciliation at 
Khatmandu. 

Dhian Singh places Sher 
Singh on the throne of 
Lahore. 

1842 „ Destruction of the British 

army in the Khaiber Pass. 
Sale’s defence of Jellalabad. 
Lord Ellenborough, Gover- 
nor-General. 

Pollock’s advance to Jellala- 
bad. 

British advance on Kabul. 
Battle of Tezeen. 

Murder of Stoddart and 
Conolly at Bokhara. 
Disturbances at Khatmandu. 

1843 „ Jyaji Rao Sindia, Maharaja 

of Gwalior. 

Disturbances at Gwalior. 
Battles of Maharajpore and 
Punniar, 

Matabar Singh overthrows 
the Pandeys at Khat- 
mandu. 

Assassination of Dhidn Singh 
and Sher Singh at Lahore ; 
DhuHp Singh, Maharaja. 

1844 ,, Settlement ot Gwalior affairs. 

Irregular installation of 
Tukaji Rao liolkar at 
Indore. 

Lord Hardinge, Governor- 
General. 

Crisis at Lahore. 

1845 „ Pagdn Meng, king of Burma. 

Murder of Matabar Singh. 
Sikh army of the Khalsa 
invades British territory ; 
first Sikh war. 

Battles of Mqodkee and 
Ferozeshahar. 

1846 „ Massacre at Khatmandu. ^ 

Jung Bahadur, prime 
minister. 

Battle of Sobradn. 

Close of the first Sikh war. 
Jamu and Kashmir sold to 
Gholab Singh./ 

Temporary British occupa- 
tion of the Punjab. 

1848 „ Lord Daliiousie, Governor 

General. 

Disaffection cf Mdlraj, 
Viceroy of Multan. 


INDIAN HISTORY. 


693 


1 84S A D. —Treachery and murder at 
Multan. 

Successes of Herbert Ed- 
wardes. 

Second Sikh war. 

Revolt of Sher Singh. 

The Sikhs joined by 
Afghans. 

Lapse of Satara to the 
British government. 

1849 » Battle of Chillianwallah. 

Battle of Guzerat. 

Annexation of the Punjab. 

1851 „ Mission of Commodore 
Lambert to Rangoon. 

Second Burmese War- 

Meng-don Meng, king of 
Burma. 

Annexation of Pegu. 

1853 „ Sir John Lawrence, Chief 
Commissioner of the 
Punja.b. 

Annexation of Nagpore. 

Cession of Berar to the 
British government. 

tSsg „ Outbreak of hill-tribesj Koles 
and Santals. 

English alliance with Dost 
Muhammad Khan. 

1856 „ Annexation of Oude. 

Lord Canning, Governor- 
General. 

Persian war. 

Capture of Bushire and' 
battle of Mohamrah. 

-057 ,, Sepoy mutiny. 

Mutiny at Barrackpore. 

March 29th Outbreak of Mungal Pandy. 

May 3rd Explosion at Lukhnow. 

,, loth Mutiny at Meerut. 

„ nth The rebels at Delhi. 

,, 30th Mutiny at Lukhnow. 

June 4th, Mutiny at Jhansi. 

Mutiny at Cawnpore. 

,, 6th Siege of Cawnpore by Nana 
Sabib. 

,, 27th The massacre on the Ganges. 

July ist Coronation of Nana Sahib 
as Peishwa. 

7th. Advance of Havelock to- 
wards Cawnpore. 

,, igth Massacre of women and 
children at Cawnpore. 

„ ,, Battle of Cawnpore. 

„ 17th Havelock’s advance to 

Bithoor. 

General insurrection in Oude. 

Defence of the Residency 
at Lukhnow ; death of Sir 
Henry Lawrence. 

Havelock’s victory at 

Bithoor. 

Barnard’s advance to Delhi. 

Sept. 14th Storming of Delhi. 

2 1 St Arrest of the king ; the tv/o 
princes shot. 


Sept. 25th Relief of the Residency at 
Lukhnow by Havelock and 
Outram. 

Nov. 23rd Second relief by Sir Colin 
Campbell. 

„ 24th Death of Havelock. 

Defeat of the Gwalior rebels. 

1858 ,, Trial and transportation of 
Bahadur Shah. 

Lord Clyde’s campaign in 
Oude and Rohilkund. 

Outram captures Lukhnow. 

Sir Hugh Rose’s campaign 
in Central India. 

Sindia defeated by the 
Gwalior rebels. 

Tantia Topi and the Gwalior 
rebels routed by Sir Hugh 
Rose. 

1858 ,, The Queen’s proclamation. 

Hindustani fanatics driven 
out of Sitana.^ 

1859 „ Trial and execution of Tantia 

Topi. 

End of the Oude rebellion. 

Lord Canning’s durbar at 
Agra. 

1862 „ Lord Elgin, Viceroy. 

Sir Arthur Phayre, Chief 
Commissioner of British 
Burma, concludes a treaty 
with the king of Burma. 

1863 The Sitana campaign. 

Sir William Denison, pro- 
visional Viceroy. 

The Bhutan mission. 

Death of Dost Muhammad 
Khan._ 

Sher All Kh.an recognised 
by the British govern- 
ment. 

1864 ,, Sir John Lawrence, Viceroy, 

Bhutan war. 

Sher Ali treacherously im- 
prison.s his brother, Afzal 
Khan. 

1866 „ Flight of Sher AH to Kan- 

dahar : Afzal Khan pro- 
claimed Amir. 

Partition of Afghanistan. 

Sir John Lawrence's recogni- 
tion of Afzal Khan and 
Sher Ali Khan. 

1867 ,, Sher AH defeated by Azfm 

Khan; his flight from 
Kandahar to Herdt. 

Death of Afzal Khan: 
accession of Azim Khan. 

General Fytche, Chief Com- 
missionerof British Bunna, 
concludes a treaty with the 
king of Burma 

1868 „ Sher AH recovers the throne 

of Afghanistan. 

' 1S69 ,, Lord Mayo, Viceroy. 

The Umballa conference. 


694 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES OF INDIAN HISTORY. 


1869' A.D.— Visit of H.R.H. the Duke of 
Edinburgh to India. 

1872 ,, Lord Mayo visits Rangoon ; 

assassinated at Port Blair. 
Lord Northbrook, Viceroy. 
x87S is Visit of H.R.H. the Prince 

of Wales to India. 

1876 ,, Lord Lytton, Viceroy. 

1877 The Imperial Assemblage at 

Delhi on the ist of January 
1877: proclamation of 

Her Majesty Queen Vic- 
toria as Empress of India. 


1877 A. D.— Death of Jung Bahadur. 

1878 „ Sher All's ^ rejection of a 

British mission. 
Declaration of war against 
Afghanistan. 

1879 ,, Death of Sher AH. 

Accession of Yakub Khan. 
Attack on the British Resi- 
dency at Kdbui ; massacre 
of the English mission. 
British _ occupation of Af- 
ghanistan. 






INDEX. 


A. 

A’avengars, a sect of worshippers of 
Vishnu in Southern India, 41 1 ; their 
distinctive creed, z/ 5 . 

Abdalis, the legitimate Afghans, as 
opposed to the Ghilzals, or illegitimate 
branch, 542. See also Duranis and 
Barukzais 

Abdulla Khan, the elder brother of 
the t-wo Saiyids. who enthroned 
Farrukh Siyar at Delhi, 208; hostile 
intrigues of Farrukh Siyar, 208, 209 ; 
revolution at Delhi, 211 ; assassination 
of his younger brother, 212; defeat 
and fall, f A See also Saiyids. 

Abdul Rahman Khan, son of Afzal 
Khan, helps to place his father on 
the throne of Kabul, 677; his rivalry 
with his uncle Azim Khan, 67S ; flight 
to Persian territory, ti). ^ 

Abul Fazl, the favourite and minister 
of Akbar, 135 ; engages Akbar in 
religious controversies, zA; destroys 
the authority and power of the Ulaind, 
136 ; proclaims Akbar to be the “ Lord 
of the period,** who is to bring about 
the Muhammadan millennium, ,137; 
assassinated, ij^o. 

Adam, Mr., provisional Governor-General 
of India, 49S; sends an obnoxious 
editor of a public journal to England, 
z'A ; perished at sea, 499 

Adham Khan, revolts against Akbar in 
Malwa, 129 ; stabs the minister to 
death at Agra, iL; executed by Abkar, 
z'A 

Adoption, rite of, its religious signi- 
ficance, 614 ; its political bearings, 615 ; 
restricted by Lord Dalhousie, 616; 
conceded by Lord Canning, 666 

Adye, Major, at Cawnpore, 660, note; 
his narrative of the Sitana campaign, 
:668, note 

Afghanistan, description of, 540 ; high 
road to India, S41 


Afghans, converted to Islam but rebel 
against the Arab domination, 75 ; 
found a dynasty at Ghor and drive the 
Turks out of the Punjab and Plindu- 
stan, 77; dynasty of the slave kings, 
79, 80 ; apparently of Jewish origin, 
121; known as Patans, 122; establish 
a dominion in Hindustan under the 
Lodi dynasty, z'A ; bad name and 
passion for revenge, 123; conquered 
by Baber the Moghul, 124 : drive 
Humdyun out of Bengal, 126; rule 
in Hindustan under Sher Khan, 127 ; 
obsolete claims to Hindustan, zA; 
intermittent wars of Akbar, 128; 
treachery and disaffection of Afghan 
officers,^ 129 ; crushed by the re- 
suscitation of the Rajpdts, 130; revolt 
under a suppo.sed son of Aurangzeh, 
174; treacherously massacred ^at 
Peshawar, 173; throw off the Persian 
yoke and conquer Ispahan, 223; 
e.stablish an empire in Central Asia 
under Ahmad Shah Abdali, 228; 
treacherous mercenaries in the service 
of Alivardi Khan, 267; revenge, zA; 
invasion and plunder of Hindustan 
under Ahmad Shah Abdali, aSo ; found 
a principality in Rohilkund, z'A; 
supreme at Delhi, 289; mas.sacre the 
Mahrattas at Paniput, 290, 338; 
threatened invasion of Hindustan 
under Zemdn Shah in the days of 
Lord Wellesley, 429; Elphinstone’s 
mission to Kabul sent by Lord 
Minto, 454, note; advance of Russia 
in Central Asia, 539 ; Afghan do- 
minion to the south of the Oxus, 
340 ; character of the Afghan people, 
541; old contentions between Abdalis 
and Ghilzais, 542; later rivalries be- 
tween Duranis and Barukzais, ib . ; 
modem history of the Afghans, 542 ; 
election and coronation of Ahmad Shah 
Duranf, 543: hereditaiy ministry. of 
the Barukzais, zA; rise of the Kuzzii- 


698 


INDEX. 



taslies, ih.', foundation of an Afghan 
empire, ih. ; reign of Timdr Shah, 544 ; 
disaffection in Balkh, ib. ; Zeman Shah 
placed on the throne by Payendah 
Khan, chief of the Barukaais, 545 ; 
disaffection of the Sirdars, ib. ; transfer 
of the Punjab to the rule of Runjeet 
Singh, 546 ; oppression of the Baruk- 
zais, ib.\ plots and massacres at^ 
Kandahar, ib.\ rise of Futih Khan, 
the Barukzai Vizier, $47 ; Zemdn Shah 
dethroned and blinded, ib. ; quarrels 
between the Sunnis and Shiahs, ib.; 
slaughter of the Kuzzilbashes, ib.; 
Shah Shuja Diirani seizes the throne 
at Kdbul, 548; dethroned by Futih 
Khan Baruhzaj and escapes to British 
territory, ib. ; rise of Dost Muhammad 
Khan, 549.; cruel death of Futih 
Khan, 550 ; Durani puppets and 
Barukzai rulers, ib.; Dost Muhammad 
Khan Amir of Kdbul, Persian 
siege of Herat, 552; refusal of Lord 
Auckland to interfere between Dost 
Muhammad Khan and Runjeet Singh, 
553 j Russian mission at . Kabul, ib ; 
first Afghan war, 554 ; British occupa- 
tion of Afghanistan, 1839-41, 555, 556; 
insurrection at Kabul and murder of 
Sir Alexander Bumes, 557; negotiations 
with rebel leaders, 338 ; murder of Sir 
William Macnaghten, 559 ; destruction 
of the British army in the Khaiber, 
ib.; advance of the avenging army 
under Pollock, 560; murder of Shah 
Shuja, 561 ; siege of Jellalabad raised 
by Akbar Khan, ib. ; Pollock’s victory 
at Te2een,,s62 ; reoccupation of Kibul, 
ib.; return of avenpjngarmy to Hindu- 
stan, 563; hostility of the Afghans 
during the second Sikh war, 603; 
treaties of 1855 and 1857 with Dost 
Muhammad Khan, 627, 675 ; death of 
Dost Muhammad and recognition of 
Sher All Khan, 676 ; fratricidal wars, 
676, 678 ; policy of Sir John Lawrence, 
678 ; Lord Mayo’s conference with 
Sher Ali Khan at Umballa, ^ 679 ; 
political difficulties, fA; conciliatory 
policy of Lord Mayo, 680 ; estrange- 
ment of Sher All Khan, 682: dealings 
with Russia, ib. ; mission of 1878 
repulsed, 683 ; massacre of Cavagnari’s 
mission and British occupation, ib.; 
probable destiny of tbe Afghan people 
as foreshadowed by Jewish history, 
b^%note 

Afghan-Turkistan, suzerainty established 
by Dost Muhammad Khan, 678; 
geographical meaning of the term, 
078, note 

Afzal Khanj eldest son of Dost Muham- 
mad Khan, 676; treacherously im- 
prisoned by Sher Ali Khan, ih. J Amir 
of Kabul and Afghan Turkistan, 677 ; 
his death, 678 

Agnew, Mr. Vans, accompanies Khan 


Singh to Mffltan, 601 ; his murder, 

ib. 

Agni, god of fire, 40; subject to Ravana, 
ib.; testifies^ to the purity of Sita, 42, 
43 ; Vaidik idea of, 61 
Agra, sacked by Shah Jehan, xsx ; 
imperial road to Lahore, 184 ; condition 
in 1785 described, 387 ; the stronghold 
of Sindia, 397 ; captured by Lake, 438 
Abadis, Moghul officers, 133. 

Ahmad Shah Abdali, the Afghan 
conqueror, 228 ; interference in Delhi 
affairs, 2S1 ; intrigues with the king of 
Delhi, 289 ; enters Delhi, 290 ; last 
invasion of Hindustan, 347; election 
and coronation as Ahmad Shah Ddrani, 
543 ; his glorious reign, 543, 544; a 
composer of psalms, 683, note 
Ahmadnagar, kingdom of, in the Dekkan, 
93 ; conquered' by Akbar, 140 ; revolt 
of Malik Amber the Abyssinian, 144 ; 
suppressed by Jehangir, 149 
Ailah Bai, daughter-in-law of Mulhar 
Rao Holkar, her administration of 
Indore, 343, 431 
Aix-la-Chapelle, treaty of, 244 
Ajmir, Roe’s journey to, 145 ; imperial 
durbar at, 145, 146 
Akdlxs or Sikh zealots, 589 
Akbar, son of Humayun, 127 *, the real 
founder of the Moghul empire, ib.\ 
contemporary of Queen Elizabeth, ib. ; 
becomes Padishah, 128 ; defeat of the 
Afghans, ib.\ refuses to 'slay Hemu, 
ib. ; discards Bairam Khan, z 5 .; wars 
and conquests, 128, 129 j his policy of 
equality of race and religion, 130 ; his 
policy towards the Rajput princes, 130, 
131 ; intermarriages with 'Rajptits, ib,\ 
employs Rajpiats against the Afghans, 
132 5 personal characteristics of, 134 ; 
outwardly a Muhammadan, 134, 135 ; 
religious collisions and controversies, 
i3S» 136 5 appears as a religious arbiter, 
136 ; his apostacy, ib.; professes Clirist- 
lanity, ib.\ founds a new religion known 
as the Divine Faith, 137; his ordi- 
nances, ; _his_ cruelty, ib.; daily life, 
137, 138 ; division of lands, 138 ; con- 
quest of Kdbul and Kashmir, 139 ; 
embassy to the Sultans of the Dekhan, 
ih.\ conquest of Ahmadnagar and Berar, 
140; death, ib. 

Akbar, son of Aurangzeb, 178 ; his 
rebellion, ib.; the forged letter, X79; 
flight, 179, 203 

Akbar Khan, eldest son of Dost 
Muhammad Khan, negotiates with 
Macnaghten, 558 ; his murderous 
treachery, 559 ; massacre in the 
Khaiber Pass, ib.; forced to raise the 
siege of Jellalabad. 560; ruler of 
Kabul, s6r; negotiations with Pollock, 
ib.; defeated at Tezeen. 562 
Akhoond of Swat, his religious character, 
669 ; his behaviour in the Sitana cam- 
paign, 670 


INDEX- 


AlamgWr, a puippet Padishah of Delhi, 
280, 281 ; intrigues with Ahmad Shah 
Abdali, 280, 337 ; murdered, ih. 
AM-ud-din, Sultan of Delhi, story of his 
early career, 80 ; governor of Karra, 
ih. ; plunders the Buddhist temples at 
Bhilsa, ih. ; Viceroy of Oude, ih. ; ex- 
pedition against the Mahratta Raja of 
Deoghur, 80, 81; march into the 
Dekhan, 8t ; capture of Deoghur, ih . ; 
assassination of his uncle, 82 ; pro- 
claimed Sultan of Delhi, ih, ; whole- 
sale scattering of money, ih. \ conquest 
of Guzerat, ih. ; siege of Chitdr, 83 ; 
stern measures of suppression at Delhi, 
84; massacre of Moghuls, ib.\ first 
Muhammadan conqueror in the Dek- 
han and Peninsula, ih. plunder of 
Hindu temples in the south, 83; his 
death, ih. 

Albuquerque, Alfonso de, Portuguese 
Viceroy in India, founds Goa and 
Malacca, 104; death, 104, 105 
Alexander the Great, invades the Punjab, 
47 ; passage of the Jhelurn and defeat 
of Porus the elder, ih. ; builds a flotilla 
on the Jhelumj 48 ; dealings with Porus 
the younger, ih. ; compelled to retreat 
©/(it the Jheium and Indus, ih.\ harassed 
by the Brahmans, ; his vengeance, 
49 ; murder of Philip, his lieutenant, 
at Taxila, ib.\ his death, ih.\ his 
dealings with Sandrokottos, the 
Hindu Chandra-gupta, 501 
All Bahadur, his mixed birth, Mahratta 
and Muhammadan, 391 ; sent by Nana 
Farnavese to help Sihdja in Hindustan, 
ib. ; associated with Himmut Bahadur, 
ih. ; his recall to Poona demanded by 
Sindia, 398 

Alighiir, tiake’s victory at, 437 
Alivardi Khan,_ Nawab of Bengal, 
Behar, and Orissa, his early life, 264 ; 
his treachery, ih. ; story of the baskets 
of human heads, 265 ; proclaimed 
Nawab, 266; treacherous assassina- 
tion of Mahrattas, 267; pays tribute 
to Mahrattas, 268 ; character and 
private life, 268, 269; alarm at the 
French, 269 ; his death, 270 ; described 
by Colonel Mill as a usurper, 289 noie 
Allahabad, the ancient Praydga, 33 ; the 
“ field of happiness,” 57; Clive's 
negotiations atj with Shah Alam and 
the Nawab Vizier of Oude, 311, 312 
Allard, ' General, in the service of 
Runjeet Singh, 590 

Alompra the hunter, drives the Talain 
kings of Pegu out of Ava, 513 ; con- 
quers Pegu and establishes a port at 
Rangoon, ih. ; his real name, Alom 
Phra, ih. note 

Alumbagh, garden of, in the suburbs of 
Lukhnow, Havelock defeats the rebels, 
658 ; buried there, 660 
Alvarez Cabral, his expedition to India, 
103; violence towards the Moors, ih. ; 


699 


cannonades Calicut, ih. ; alliance with 
the Raja of Cochin, 103, 104 
Alves, Major, his narrow escape at 
Jaipur, 529 

Amar Singh, of Nipal, deprecates a war 
with England, 473 ; surrenders at 
Maloun, 475 ; advises a renewal of 
the war, ih. 

Amar Singh, Rajaof Tanjore, dethroned 
by Madras government, 422 ; sus- 
pected bribery of Tanjore pundits, 
423 ; pensioned, ih* 

Amarapura, a Burmese capital, 514, 572 
Amboor, defeat of Anwar-ud-di'n at, 246 
Amherst, Lord, Governor-General of 
India, 498 ; forced into a war with 
Burma, 517 ; countermands the pro- 
ceedings of Ochterlony at Bhurtpore, 
520, 521 ; retrieves his error, 521 ; re- 
turns to England, ih. ; founds the 
sanatarium at Simla, ih. 

Amildare,^ or governors of provinces, 
corruption of, 413 
Amirs, Moghul nobles, 133 
Amir jumla, rebel minister of Golkonda, 
his close alliance with Aurangzeb, 
158 ; defeats Shuja, the rebel son of 
Aurangzeb, x6i 

Amir Khan, the Afghan freebooter, 
^interference in Indore, 454 ; his early 
career, 455 ; aggressions in Nagpore, 
ih. ; interference in Raj pd tana be- 
tween Jaipur and Jodhpur, 456 ; in- 
famous proposal for ending the quarrel, 
ih. ; attitude during the Pindhart war, 
482; his treaty with England, 484; 
founder of the Tonk dynasty, ih. 
Amyatt, Mr., his factious opposition to 
Vansittart, 297 ; sent on a mission to 
Monghyr, 298 ; treacherously mur- 
dered, 300 

Ananda Bai, wife of Rughonath Rao, 
her part in the murder of Narain Rao 
Peishwa, 361 

Anandpal, son of Jaipal of Lahore, 75 ; 
league with the Rajpdt princes of 
Hindustan, ih, ; defeated by Mahmdd 
of Ghazni at Peshawar, 76 
Anderson, Lieut,, accompanies Khan 
Singh to Mdltan, 601 ; his murder, ih. 
Anderson, Mr., sent as Resident to 
Mahadaji Sindia's camp, 385, 387 
Andhra, ancient Hindu empire, 55 
Angrias, pirates of Gheria, rise of, 259, 
336; surrender to Clive and Watson, 
ih. ; escape from Gheria, ih. 

Anson, General, Commander-in-chief at 
the outbreak of the Sepoy nautinies, 
653, note 

Anwar-ud-dln appointed Nawab of the 
Carnatic by Nizam-ul-mulk, 241 ; for- 
bids the English to make war on the 
French, 242 ,* enraged at the duplicity 
of Dupleix, ih. ; defeat of his army by 
the French, 243 ; defeated and slain hy 
the Mahrattas at Ambooir, 246 
Appa Sahib succeeds Rughoji Bhonsla 


700 


INDEX. 


asE.ajaof Nagpore, 489: his treachery 
towards the English, , ih ; appointed 
commander-in-chief hy the Peishwa, 
489, 490 ; warned by Mr. Jenkins, 490 ; 
the battle of Sitabuldi, 490, 491 ; double 
dealings, 491; arrested for niurder, 
ib. ; flight, ; takes refuge with the 
Raja of Jodhpur, ih, ; correspondence 
with the Raja of Satara, 617 
Apsaras, celestial nymphs from Indra's 
heaven in Swarga, 38 
Arabs conquer all Asia up to the Indus 
and Oxus, 75 > Persian, Turkish, and 
Afghan revolt against their domination, 
ib. ; Arab invasion of Sinde, ib. 
Arakan, geographical position, 500; 
conquered by Bhodau Phra, 514; 
ceded to the British government, 510 
Arcot, court and capital of the Nawabs 
of the Carnatic, 235; usurpation of 
Mortiz All, 240 ; settlement of affairs 
by Nizam-ul-mulk, ib. ; capture and 
defence of Arcot by Clive, 253 ; visited 
by Buchanan, 412 ; titular N awabs of, 
424. Se£ also Carnatic 
Argaum, battle of, 437 : defeat of Sindia 
and the Bhonsla Raja by Colonel 
■Wellesley, ib. 

Arjuna, son of Pandu by Kunti, 4 ; his 
skill with the bow, 5 ; his splendid 
archery at the exhibition of arms, 7 ; 
triumph at the Swayamvara of Drau- 
padi, II ; leads away Draupadi as his 
bride, 12 ; his exile, 13 ; marries 
Subhadra and returns to Hastindpur, 
ib. ; at the court of Virata, 16; the 
dancing-master turned warrior, iS j 
discovered by the Kauravas, ib. ; slays 
Bhishma, 20 ; and Kama, 21 
Armenians in Madras, 191 
Aryan colonies in the neighbourhood of 
Hastindpur, 2 ; the Aryan immigrants 
from High Asia, ib. : ^treatment of the 
aborigines, ib.; frontier near Allaha- 
bad, 8 ; two castes of, 11, relics 
amongst the hill tribes, 60 ; worship of 
genii or spirits, 61 
Asia, Central, history of, 539 
Asof Jah, Nizam-ul-mulk 
Asof Khan, brother-in-law of Jehangir, 
142 ; plots with Shah Jehan to seize 
tne imperial treasures at Agra, 151 ; 
instals Buldki on the throne at Delhi, 
152 

Asof-ud-daula, Nawab-Vizier of Oude, 
357 ; claims his father’s treasures _as 
state property, 358 ; negotiations with 
Warren Hastings, 376 ; tortures the 
servants of the two Begums, ib.; cor- 
rupt dealings with Warren Hastings, 
382, ; his death, 403 

Asoka, Maharaja of Magadha, resembles 
Sandrokottos, 51 ; his reign and cha- 
racter, 52 ; a convert to Buddhism, ib. ; 
edicts of, ib. ; sends Buddhist missions 
to foreign nations, 55 
Assam, conquered by the Burmese, 3171 


ceded to the British government after 
the first Burmese war, 519 ; tea eulti- 
vation introduced by Lord William 
Bentinck, 537 

Assaye, victory of General Wellesley at, 
43 ' 5 , 437 

Astrologers at Delhi, description of, 164 

Asuras and Rdkshasas, demons and can- 
nibals to the south and east of Allaha- 
bad, 8 

Aswamedha, or horse sacrifice in honour 
of Indra and the Sun, 24, 26 

Aswatthama, son of Drona, 5; his re- 
venge, 21, 22; the omen of the crows, 
22 ; slaughters Dhrishta-dyumna and 
the sons of Draupadi, ib. 

Auckland, Lord, Governor-General of 
India, 53S ; refuses to interfere between 
Dost Muhammad Khan and Runjeet 
Singh, 553 ; declares war' against Dost 
Muhammad Khan for the restoration 
of Shah Shuja, 554 ; anger at the 
withdrawal of Major Todd from Herat, 
555 ; rupture of political relations with 
Ava, S72, 573 ; policy towards Nipal, 


Aurangabad, founded by Aurangzeb, 
156 

Aurangzeb, son of Shah Jehan, 157 ; a 
Sunni fanatic, 158 ; . "Viceroy of the 
Moghul Delfhan, ib. ; ambitious pro- 
jects, zb.; bait for Mur^d, 159; victory 
at Ujain, zb., 160 ; defeat of Dara, ib. ; 
captivity of his father, Shah Jehan, 
ib. ; juin of Murdd, 161 ; installed as 
Padishah, ib. fears and anxieties, 
162 ; religious trimming, ib . ; unaniiable 
character, 163 ; mahgns lois tutor, ib. ; 
his capital at Delhi, 163-165 ; alliance 
with Sivaji the Mahratta, 167 ; appoints 
Shaista Khan to be Viceroy of the Mo- 
ghulDekhan,i6S; suspicious of the Baja 
of Marwar, ib. ; suspected complicity 

. in the death of Shah Jehan, 169 ; in 
Kashmir, z'b. ; fails to form a navy, z'b. ; 
threatened by Persia, 170 ; return to 
Delhi, ib. ; intrigues against Sivaji, 
ib. ; imposing durbar, i^i ; composure 
at the outbreak of Sivaji, ib. ; reasons 
for his craft, 172 ; war against Sivaji, 
ib.; the ' sham rebellion, 172, 173; 
renders future Tebellion impossible, 
173; prohibits history, ib.; the Kdbul 
revolt, 174, 175 ; treachery and mas- 
sacre, I7S ; projected conversion of 
the.Hindus to Islam, 176 ; policy, 177 ; 
destmction of idolatry in Moghul 
India, ib. forced impost of the Jezya, 
ib. ; operations in Rajpiitana, 177, 178; 
compromise with Marwar, 178 ; de- 
mands on the Rana: of Udaipur re- 
jected., ib. ; protracted wars, ib. ; 
rebellion^ of Akbar, 178, 179; retreat 
from Rajpiitana, 179 ; resolves to live 
in camp, 180, desultory wars. Z( 5 . ; in- 
trigues against Akbar foiled, ib. ; boot- 
less operations against the Mahrattas, 


INDEX. 


701 


t 




180, 181 ; conquest of Bijipur and Bahmani empire in the Dekhan, 91; 

Golkonda, ib. ; revival of Hindu na- dismembered into the five kingdoms of 

tionaiity, ib,% able administration, Ahmadnagar, Berar, Bider, Bijdpur, 

181, 182; punishment of heinous cri- and Golkonda, 93 

minals, 182; collection of Jezya at Bairam Khan, regent and minister of 
Surat, 183 ; Hindu revolt in Bengal Akbar, 128 ; kills the Hindu Hemu, 

against his religious persecutions, 159 ; ih . ; discarded by Akbar, ib . ; assassi- 

excitement at his death, 202; his dying nated, zA 

fears, ib. ; his persecution of the Sikhs, Baiza Bai, widow of Daulat Rao Sindia, 
204 ; execution of Guru Govind, ib. her ambitious designs on the throne of 

Ava, or Burma proper, 500 ; capital of Gwalior, 527 ; refusal of Lord William 

the kingdom, 514 ; English advance Bentinck to interfere, ib. ‘, forced to 

on, ‘during first Burmese war, 519; retire in favour of Jankoji Rao Sindia, 

mission of Crawfurd, ib. ; ferment at 528 her able administration, 566 

during the first Afghan war, 571 ; poli- Baj-bai, curious capture of, 273 note 
tical relations with the British govern- Baji Rao, second Peishwa, rules the 
menfc under Phagyi-dau and Thara- Mahratta empire from 1720 to 1740, as 

wadi, 572; insurrection of PagdnMeng, minister of ^Maharaja Sahu, 217, 332, 

573 ; second Burmese war, 611 ; settle- note; dealings with Nizam-ul-mulk 
ment by Lord Dalbousie, 612 and the Moghul^ Padishah of Delhi, 

Avitable, General, in the service of 219 ; extorts cessions of territory and 

Runjeet Singh, 590, 592, note. tribute from Muhammad Shah, 219, 

Ayodhyd, or Oude, Aryan kingdom of, 220 ; advances on Agra and Delhi, 

2 ; Raj of, 8 ; the scene of the Rdmd- 220 ; repulses by Saadut Ali Khan or 

yana, 28 ; known as Kosala, ih. ; re- Oude. ib. ; his dealings with Nizam- 

joicingsat the expected installation of ul-mulk, 221 — 223 ; his death, 228 

Rdma, 30; conquered by the Mahd- Baji Rao, son of Rughonath Kao, eighth 
raja of Magadha, 46, 47 ; Raja of and last Peishwa, his early struggles 

engages Nala as his charioteer, 72 against Nana Farnavese, 401 ; intrigues 

Azam Shah, second son of Aurangzeb, with Daulat Rao Sindia, 402; permits 

178, 203 ; defeated and slain by his Sindia to plunder Poona, ib. ; trea- 

elder brother, ih. cherous designs against Sindia, 403 ; 

Azim Khan, son of Dost Muhammad forced reconciliation with Nana Farna- 

Khan, and brother of Afzal Khan, vese, 405 ; refuses to engage in a sub- 

captures Kdbul, 677; his oppressive sidiary alliance with the British govern- 

government, ib. ; defeats Sher Ali, ment, 427 ; intrigues against Nana Far- 

677, 67S, succeeds Afzal Khan as navese, 431: cruelties at Poona, 432; 

Amir of Afghanistan, 678 ; deposed, defeated by Jfaswant Rao Holkar, w . ; 

ib. ; his subsequent fate, ib. flight into British territory, 432 ; signs 

the treaty of Bassein proposed by Lord 
Wellesley, 433 ; reduced to the condi- 
_ tion of a feudatory of the British 

•“* government, ib. ; restored by the 

British to the throne of Poona, ih. ; 
Baber, his invasion of India, 88; the his duplicity and treachery, ih. ; in- 
founder of the Moghul empire, 124 ; trigues against the British government 

descent and early liife, ib. ; character, during the administration of Lord 

ib. ; conquers the Afghans of Delhi, Hastings, 478 ; underhand breaches of 

ib. ; advances to Agra, 124, 125 ; de- treaty, ib. ; strange reception of Gun- 

feats the Rajputs under the Ranaof gadhur Shastri, the minister from the 

Chitdr, 125; his death, ib.\ a bad Gaekwar of Baroda, 479; murder of 

Muhammadan, ih. the minister, ib. ; implication of Baji 

Bahadur Shah, eldest son of Aurangzeb, Rao and Trimbukji Dainglia, 480 ; 

succeeds to the throne of Delhi, 203 ; imprisonment and escape of 'I'rirabukji, 

letters to Mr. Thomas Pitt, governor ib. ; fresh intrigues, 481 ; threats of 

of Madras, ib. ; revolt of the Sikhs, Mr. Elphinstone, the British Resident, 

204 ; settlement with the Mahrattas, ib. ; treaty of Poona, ib. ; desperate 

205 ; death, 207. See also Shah Alam. designs, 4S6 ; duplicity, ib.; outwits 
Bahadur Shah, last titular king of Delhi, Sir John Malcolm, 487; treacherous 
626 ; dealings with the British govern- movements, 488; repulsed by the 
ment, 636, 627 ; makes common cause British at Khirki, 488, 489; flight 
with the rebel sepoys, 636, 637 ; held from Poona, ; appoints Appa Sahib 

responsible for the massacre of Euro- of Nagpore his commander-in-chief, 

peans at Delhi, 638 ; flight to the tomb 489 ; disgraceful repulse at Korygaiim, 

of Humdyun, 657 ; arrested by Hodson, 493 flight, 494 ; final settlement, 49s J 

ib. ; sent as a state prisoner to Ran- death, 620 ’ 

goon, 66 X ; his death, z 5 . Bakhtiyar, 79 ; captures Bihar, ziS'. ; and 


702 


INDEX. 


Nuddea, 79, 80 ; Viceroy of Bihar and 
Bengal, 80 

Bala Hissar, the “palace of kings at 
Kabul, surrendered to Ahmad Shah 
Abdali by the Kuxzilbashes, 543 ; re- 
moval of the British garrison, 557 
Balaji Rao, third Mahratta Peishwa, 
1740-61, schemes to gain the sove- 
reignty, 228-332,* cruel treatment of 
Sukwar Bai, widow of Maharaja Sahu, 
3331 behaviour towards Tara Bai, tb,\ 
removes the capital to Poona, 333, 
334 ; invasion of the Carnatic and 
Dekhan, 334 ; recalled to Satara, ib. ; 
counterplots against Tara Bai, 335 ; 
aggressions and outrages in the 
Dekhan and Carnatic, ih.\ intrigues 
with the Moghul Court at Delhi, ib , ; 
general reconciliation with the Gaek- 
war and Tara Bai, 336 ; relations with 
Bombay, ih.\ the capture of Gheria, 
ib , ; his wrath agmnst the English, ib , ; 
his administration, 337 ; death, 339 
Balaji Visvanath, first Mahratta Peishwa, 
332, note 

Bah, Raja of monkeys, 40 ; slain by 
Rama, 41 

Balkh, disaffection in, 544 ; its situation, 
ib., note 

Bandu Guru leads the Sikhs to ven- 
geance, 205 ; his martyrdom, 2 ti 
B angalore, captured by Lord Cornwallis, 
394; visited by Buchanan, 412; its 
foundation and history, 412, 413 
Banghel, Raja of, his marriage with the 
queen of Olaza, 116 ; annexation of by 
Venk-tapa Naik, 116 
Banians, or Bunniahs, corresponding to 
the Vaisyas, 59, note ; their attempt to 
ransom Thugs, 182 

Bapoji Sindia, a treacherous ally of the 
English, 442 

Barace, the modern Baroche, an ancient 
Malabar port, 99, 100 
Bari Doab, construction of the canal of, 
dog, note 

Barlow, Sir George, Governor-General, 
449 ; his character, ib. ; his political 
apostasy, ib.; mistaken concessions, 
450 ; annulment of protective treaties 
with Rajput states, ib. ; vain remon- 
strances with Nipal, 472 
Barnard, Sir Henry, advance to Delhi 
of, 653, 654 ; his death, ib. 

Baroche, a fort at the mouth of Nerbudda 
river, the ancient Barace, 99, 100, 
note ; ceded to the English by Rugho- 
nath Rao, 362; refusal of the Poonah 
council of regency to sanction the 
cession, 363 ; given back to Mahadaji 
Sindia by Warren Hastings with other 
cessions, 377, 435, note; fears of Lord 
Wellesley respecting a French landing, 
435 - . ■ 

Baroda, the Gaekwar of, becomes a feu- 
datory, 439. See Gaekwar 
Barrackpore, or ‘ ‘ Chanuk,” early English 


settlement at, 199 ; panic at, 629, 630 ; 
incendiary fires, 632; mutiny, ib.; 
outbreak of Mungal Pandy, 632, 633 ; 
previous mutiny during the first Bur- 
mese war, 639 

Barukzais, an Afghan tribe, an offshoot 
of the Abdalis, 542 ; plot at Kandahar 
against Zeman Shah, 546; slaughter of 
the conspirators, ib.; vain attempts to 
set up a Ddranf puppet as sovereign of 
Afghanistan, 550 ; struggles against 
the Duranfs after the British retreat 
from Kabul, 561. See also Dost 
Muhammad Khan 

Barwell, Mr., a Company'’ s civil servant 
appointed member of council, 356 ; sides 
with Warren Hastings against Claver- 
ing and Francis, 367 ; goes to England, 
368 ; loses twenty thousand pounds at 
whist to Francis, 389 
Basalut Jung, son of Nizam-ul-mulk, 
335, note; deahngs with Governor 
Rumbold respecting Guntoor, 371, 373 
Bassein, near Bombay, Portuguese fort 
there, 305 ; anxiously desired by the 
East India Company, 344, 345 ; ceded 
to Bombay by Rughonath Rao, 362 ; 
restored to the Mahrattas, 363 
Bassein, treaty of, concluded with Baji 
Rao Peishwa, 433 ; objections to the 
treaty, ib. 

Bassein, in Burma, captured by the 
English, 611 

Bayiey, Mr. Butterworth, provisional 
Governor-General, 522, note 
Behar or Bihar, 261, note : invaded by 
the Nawab Vizier of Oude and Shah 
Alam, 303 

Begums, the Oude, 358 ; preposterous 
claims to the state treasures of Oude, 
ib.\ torturing of their servants with the 
cognisance of Warren Hastings, 376 
Benares, Raja of, conquered by Bhfshma, 
3 ; old name of Attock, ib.; Bulwunt 
Singh, Raja of, 305*. acquisition of, 
earned out by Philip Francis in oppo- 
sition to Warren blastings, 358 ; Cheit 
Singh, Raja of,_ pressed for money 
by Warren Hastings, 374, 375 ; insur* 
rection at Benares against Warren 
Hastings; Cheit Singh 

Benfield, Paul, his • fabricated claims 
on Muhammad Ali, Nawab of the 
Carnatic. 369 ; his subsequent career, 
•^^1, note ; denounced by Burke, ib,; 
appearance of his wife in London, ib. 
Bengal, conquered by Baktiydr in the 
reign of Kdtub-ud-dfn, 79 ; flighty of 
the Raja of Nuddea, z< 5 . ; old capital 
at Gour, So ; Portuguese mission to, in 
the sixteenth century, 105 ; horrible 
succession of tyrants, ib.; conquest of 
Sher Khan the Afghan, 127 ; English 
settlements in Bengal, 197 ; Mr. Job 
Charnock, governor, ib.; fortifications 
and cannon prohibited by the Moghuls, 
ih. ; English declare war against the 


INDEX, 


703 


Moghul Nawah, 198 ; flight of the 
English to Madras, 199 ; foundation 
of Calcutta, ib,', memories of Job 
Charnock, Hindu rebellion against 
the persecutions of Aurangzeb, z^.; 
notices of Bengal by Captain Hamilton, 
200 ; refractory Rajas between Mur- 
shedabad and Patna, 200, 264 ; political 
isolation of the Nawabs of Bengal, 
Behar, and Orissa, 216 ; up-countr3r 
factories, 262 ; rise of Murshed Kuu 
Khan, ib.', harsh treatment of Hindus, 
263 ; rise of Alivardi Khan, 264 ; story 
of the baskets of human heads, 265 ; 
the Seth family insulted by Nawab 
Sarfardz Khan, ib,', destmction of 
Sarfardz Khan, and proclamation of Ali- 
vardi Khan as Nawab, 266,; Mahratta 
invasions, 266, 267 ; treacherous assas- 
sinations, ib.\ Mahratta revenge, z’ 5 .; 
domestic life of the Nawab of Bengal, 
268^; hostility of his son, Suraj-ud- 
daula, 269 ; the young Nawab marches 
an army against Calcutta, 270 ; tragedy 
of the Black Hole, 271 ; alarm of the 
Nawab, 273; vacillations, 274; plottings 
of Mir Jafir and the Seths against 
Suraj-ud-daula, 274 ; conspiracjr joined 
hy Clive, 275 ; treachery of Omichund, 
ib,; battle of Plassy, ib,; Mir Jafir in- 
stalled Nawab, 276 ; cessions to the 
English, ib.; incapacity of Mir Jafir, 
277; general dependence on Clive, zb.; 
revolution of political ideas, 278 ; dis- 
affection of Hindu grandees, ib,; 
English blamed for non-interference, 
2791 Mabrattas demand chout, ib.; 
territorial claims of the Shahzada, ib. ; 
his defeat and flight, 282 ; Clive ap- 
pointed Governor of the English settle- 
ments, 2S7 ; succeeded by Holwell 
and Vansittart, ib.; necessity for a per- 
manent European force, 288 ; Clive’'s 
scheme for the acquisition of Bengal by 
the British nation, /A; similar proposals 
of Colonel James Mill, 288, mie ; offer 
of the Dewani of Bengal, Behar, and 
Orissa to Clive, ib.; objections of Mr. 
Pitt, 289 ; dealings of Vansittart with 
Mfr Jam, 291 ; treaty with Mir Kasim, 
292 ; Vansittart refuses a bribe, ib.; 
peaceful change of Nawabs, 293 ; in- 
stallation of Shah Alain at Patna as the 
Great Moghul, zA; offer of the Dewani 
to Vansittart, 294 ; suspicions of Mir 
Kasim, ib.\ secret preparations for war, 
29s ; , quarrel about private trade, ib.; 
collision between the English and the 
Nawab's officers, 296 ; violence of 
the English at the up-country fac- 
tories, 298: capture of Patna, 299 ; 
recovery of Patna by the Nawab’s 
people, ib.; flight and surrender of 
the English, ib.; elation of the 
Nawab, 300 ; murder of Amyatt, ib.i 
Mir Jafir proclaimed Nawab, 301; 
advance of an English army to Mon- 


ghyr, fA; massacre of the English at 
Patna, 302 ; flight of Mir Kasim into 
Oude, ib.; battle of Buxar, 304 ; de^th 
of Mfr Jafir, 306; corrupt sale of 
Bengal and Behar to his illegitimate 
son, 307; return of Lord Clive to Cal- 
cutta, 308 • his wrath at the sale, 309 ; 
introduces a system of double govern- 
ment, zA; English, sovereignty veiled 
by Moghul forms, ib.; office of Dewan 
of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa vested in 
the East India Company, 311 ; political 
results, 312 ; golden prospects,?^.; Clive 
succeeded by Verelst, 315 ; financial 
crisis, 318 ; evils of the double govern- 
ment, 319 ; protection of a vicious 
system of native government, ib. ; char- 
acter of the Zemindars, 320 ; oppressive 
treatment of the Ryots, ib.; deputy 
Nawabs, ib.; aggravation of evils 
under the double government, 321 ; 
mock pageantry at Murshedabad, 322 ; * 
Bengal drained of silver, ib.; Verelst's 
experiences of native adininistration, 
ib.; appointment of English siipra- 
visors and committees, 323 ; closer 
relation between the English and 
natives, ib. p native administration of 
justice, ib.; Mr. George Vansittart 
gulled by Raja Shitab Rai at Patna, 
324; results of the collision between 
Europeans and Hindus, 323 ; general 
corruption in Bengal, 327 ; _ native 
opinion turned against the English, ib.; 
horrible famine, 328 ; Warren Hastings 
appointed Governor, ib. ; reforms in the 
revenue administration, 349 ; judicial 
reforms, 350 ; charges against the 
deputy Nawabs, ib.; transfer of the 
capital from Murshedabad to Calcutta^ 
351; flight of Shah Alam to Delhi 
severs the English from the Great 
Moghul, ib.; tribute for Bengal and 
Behar withheld^ by the English, 352 J 
question of equity, ib,; reorganisation 
of Bengal under a Governor-General, 
3SS ; creation of a Supreme Court at 
, Calcutta, 3S<5 ; Philip Francis member 
of council, ib.; factious opposition to 
Hastings, 337 ; trial and execution of 
N und-komar, 359 • quarrel between 
Bengal and Bombay respecting the 
Mahratta war, 363 ; struggle between 
Hastings and Clavering for the post of 
Governor-General, 367; failure of the 
land settlement by four years leases in 
Bengal, ib.; return of Philip Francis 
to Europe, 368 ; interference in Madras 
affairs, 372 ; spirited proceedings of 
Hastings, 374; empty treasury, ib,; 
return of Hastings to Europe, 381 ; 
permanent land settlement by Lord 
Cornwallis, 389 

Bentinck, Lord William, Governor of 
Madras, recalled in consequence of 
the mutiny at Vellore, 452; tardy 
redress, 4535 appointed Governor- 


INDEX. 


General, I Hs successful^ domestic 
administration, 522, 523 ; political rela- 
tions with Mahrattas and Rajputs, 523 ; 
Mis political administration, 526 ; his 
forced interference in Gwalior -affairs, 
527, 528 ; his interference in Indore 
affairs, 52S ; declines to interfere in 
Bundelkund affairs, 529 ; or in Jaipur 
affairs, io. ; threatens the king of Oude, 
530 ; annexes Coorg, 534 *, his vacilla- 
tions with regard to Mysore, 536; 
embarks for England, 537 ; successful 
administration, 537, 538 
Berar, Muhammadan kingdom of in the 
' northern Dekhan, 93 ; conquered by 
Akhar, 140; Berar and Nagpore formed 
into a feudatory Mahratta kingdom by 
the Bhonsia Raja, 331 ; plundered by 
the Mahratta Peishwa, 341 ; ceded to 
the English, 439 ; made over to Nizam 
AH, ib. ; restoration demanded by 
• Rughoji Bhonsia, 451; ceded^ to the 
British government by the Nizam for 
the support of the Nizam's contingent, 
622. Bhonsia and Nagpore 
Berhampore, sepoy mutiny at, 632 
Bernier, account of a false astrologer at 
Delhi, 164 

Bharadars, the Ghorka, 464 ; council of, 
at Khatmandu, 473, 474 ; 582 
Bharadwija, his hermitage at Pray^ga, 
34 ; entertains Rama, ii. ; wonderful 
miracle, 38, note 

Bharata, hero ancestor of Santanu, 2 ; 
all India called the land of Bharata, 
ib. ; the Maha Bharata, ih, 

Bharata, son of Dasaratha by Kaikeyf, 
29; sent to Giri-vraja, ib. ; possible 
representative of a Buddhist faction, 
ib. note; installed as Yuva-raja, 30; 
returns to Ayodhyd, 35 ; celebrates 
funeral of Dasaratha, 35,36 ; performs 
the Sriddha, 36 ; refuses the Raj of 
Ayodhyd, 39 ; marches to Chitra-kdta 
to seek Rd,ma, 57; passage of the 
Ganges, zb. ; meeting with Rdma, 38 ; 
second return, 39 

Bharata, son of Dushyanta and Sakdn- 
tala, 69, 70 

Bhlls or Bheels, occupied the hills and 
jungles to the south, 2: an existing 
type of so-called aborigines, 60 ; their 
superstition, 6 ; legend of ^ the ^ Bhfl 
prince and Drona, zb,; Sivaji's alliance 
with them, 169 

Bhilsa, Buddhist temples plundered by 
Ala-ud-dfn, 80. 

Bhiraa, son of Kunti, 4 ; the second of 
the Pandavas, 5; jealousy of Dury- 
odhana, zb. ; his rivalry with Dury- 
odhana at the exhibition of arms, 7 ; 
slays Hidiinba and marries Hidimbf, 
9 ; slays the cannibal Vaka, z'b. ; vows 
revenge against Duryodhana and 
Duhsasana, 15 ; serves as cook at the 
court of Virata, 16-17; slays Jimdtaand 
Kichaka, z'b. ; slays Duryodhana by a 


foul blow, 21 ; slays Duhsdsana and 
fulfils his vow, 21 

Bhim Sein Thapa of Nipal accompanies 
Run Bahadur to Benares, 468 ; his 
return to Nipal, 470 ; the prime minister 
of Run Bahadur, z'b. ; orders a 
massacre at Khatmandu, 471; his 
relations with Run Bahadur’s chief 
queen, z'b. ; summons a council of 
Bharadars at Khatmandu, 473 ; ad- 
vises war, 473, 474; sues for peace, 
475 ; renewal of war, z'b.; concludes 
the treaty of Segowlie, 475, 476 ; 
premier and paramour, 575 ; provokes 
the elder queen, zb. ; dealings with 
the Resident, 576 ; his fall, z'b. ; released 
from prison, 577 ; pensioned, z'b. ; his 
condemnation, 578 ; his doom, 578, 579 
Bhishma, son of Santanu, resigns all 
claim to the Raj of Hastinapur, 2 ; the 
dreadful vow, 3 ; the faithful guardian, 
z'b. ; proposes the division of the Raj 
of Hastinapur between the Pdndavas 
and Kauravas, 12 ; slain by Arjuna, 
20 ; reappears m the Ganges, 27 
Bhodau Phra, king of Burma, reign of, 
S13, 514; conquests and cruelties, 
514 ; pride and ignorance, 517 
Bhonsia family, rise of, 218, 219 
Bhonsia, Rughoji, founds the feudatory 
kingdom of Berar and Nagpore under 
the suzerainty of Mahl.raja Sahu and 
the Peishwas, 331 ; his kinship to 
Sivaji, 333 ; suspicious of the desip^is of 
Balaji Rao Peishwa and the legitimacy 
of Raja Ram, z'b. ; his death, 340 
Bhonsia, Janoji, succeeds Rughoji, claims 
chout for Bengal and Behar from Mir 
Jafir, 279; Clive inclined to yield, 

I 344 j . refusal of the Court of 

Directors, zb.; negotiations with Nizam 
All for getting the regency at Poona, 
341 ; engages to desert Nizam AH, 
ib. ; treacherous slaughter of half the 
Nizam’s army,^ 342 ; strange recon- 
ciliation, ib. ; his death, 361, note 
Bhonsia, Mudaji, brother of Janoji, 
usurps the throne of Berar, 361, note ; 
betrays the hostile confederacy of 
Hyder AH, Nizam AH, _ and the 
Malirattas to Warren Hastings, and 
renews the demand for chout, 373 ; his 
neutrality secured, 374; his death, 433 
note 

Bhonsia, Rughoji, the Second, succeeds 
to the throne of Berar, |j^33, note ; joins 
in the war against Nizam AH, 401 ; 
stupefaction at the treaty of Bassein, 
434 ; anxious for the help of Jaswant 
Rao Holkar, ib. ; feeble operations 
in the field against Colonel Wellesley, 
436; defeated at Assaye,' 2(5. ; his flight, 
437 ; cedes Cuttack and Berar to the 
British government, 439; demands their 
restoration, 451 ; his death, 489 
Bhonsia, Appa Sahib. See Appa Sahib, 
and Nagpore 


INDEX. 


705 


Bhopal, Pindhari chiefs settled in, 485 ; 
loyalty of the Begum during the sepoy 
mutiny, 652, 

Bhowani, the goddess, 166, note 
Bhurtpore, Jat principahty at, 345, 346; 
feudatory to the British government, 
439 ; the Raja throws off his allegi- 
ance, 443 ; the fortress besieged by 
Lake, ib. ; the Raja frightened into 
submission, 444 ; outbreak in, 520; 
growing danger, 521; capture of the 
fortress by Lord Combermere, ih. 
Bhutan, 46x5 mission to, 671; country 
described, ib. \ the people, ih . ; corrupt 
Buddhism, ih . ; Dharma and Deva 
Rajas, 672; Penlows, jfungpens, and 
Zingaffs, ' ib.\ constitutional element, 
ib.\ border aggressions, ib. ; historical 
importance of the mission, 673; civil 
war, ib.\ dealings with England, 673, 
674 ; failure of the mission, 674, 675 ; 
war with England, 675 
Bi'der, the ancient Vidarbha, 70, note; 
one of the five Muhammadan kingdoms 
of the Dekhan, 93 

Bihar, or Vihdra, the land of Buddhist 
monasteries, anciently called Magad- 
ha, 47 ; captured by IJakhtiyar, 79, 80. 
See Behar ‘ 

EUjapur, one of the five Muhammjadan 
kingdoms of the Dekhan, 93 ; aljiance 
of the Sultan of with Ram Rai, 96 ; 
flight of the Bijdpur army 167 ; con- 
^quered by Aurangxeb, 181 
Bithoor, Nana Sahib, Raja of, 643. See 
Nana Sahib 

Blackburne, Major, Resident at Tan j ore, 
421, note ; investigation of dispute 
between the Tondiman and Sivaganga 
Rajas, ib. 

Black Hole, tragedy of at Calcutta, 271, 
273 

Blake, Mr., murdered at Jaipur, 529 
Board of Control, created in 1784, 3S0; 
its constitution, ih. note ; its orders 
with reference to the Carnatic, 381 
Bobili Raja, feud with - the Raja of 
Vizianagram, 283 ; self-sacrifice of 
Raj puts, fZi. 

Bogle, his mission to Thibet, 465, note 
iBjkhara, an Usbeg kingdom, 539 ; fate of 
Stoddart and Conolly at, 563, 564 ; 
Russian advance to. 678 
Bombay, Portuguese fort at, 105, note', 
ceded to the English by the Portuguese, 
193 ; gardens and terraces turned into 
ramparts, ih.’, its situation, 330; 
relations with Poona, 360 ; negotia- 
tions with Rughonath Rao for the 
cession of Salsette aiid Bassein, 362 ; 
condemned by the Bengal govern- 
ment, 363 : sends an expedition to 
Poona, 365; convention of Wurgaum, 
ib. 

Bonairs, their behaviour in the Sitana 
campaign, .669, '670. ^ ■ 

Boscawen, Admiral, 243 ; raises the siege 


of Pondicherry, ih.; his return to Eng- 
land, 251. 

Bowring, Sir Lewin, Chief Commissioner 
of Mysore, his account of the Coorg 
Raja, S3 2, note 
Brahma, worship of, 63 
Brahmans, priests and sages, ii ; sur- 
prise at seeing a Brahman contend at 
a Swayamvara, ih., note; hatred of 
Buddhists, 9; the first of the four great 
castes, 13, 59 ; Brahman envoy at the 
court of Hastinapur, 19 ; persecuted by 
the Rakshasas, 39; excite the wrath .of 
Alexander the Great, 48, 49 ; rise and 
growth of their power, 65 ; Purohitas, 
Gurus and Swamis, ih. ; modem Brah- 
manism, 68, 90 ; Brahman element in 
Mahratta constitution, 206 ; their .sects 
in Southern India, 409 ; distincdo’a 
between spiritual and secular, Vaidikas 
and Lokikas, 41X, 412; officials of 
Tippu, 413 ; corrupt and oppressive, 
414 ; satires against, 417 ; Dubois' story 
of the four Brahmans, 417-419 
Brinjarries or carriers (eee "Manaris) 
engaged by Cornwallis, 39sj 
Bristow, Mr-, supersedes Sliddleton as 
Resident at Lukhnow, 357 ; imp ditic 
interference in the question of the 
Glide ^ treasures, 358 ; supported by 
Francis, ih. 

Erodie, Serjeant, his heroism during the 
Vellore mutiny, 452 

Brydon, Dr., his escape from the mas- 
sacre in the Khaiber Pass, 559 
Buchanan, Dr., sent by Lord Wellesley 
from Madras to Malabar, 407,^408; 
journey through Mysore, 408 ; sights 
and experiences, 408-415 
Buddhism, Kanishka, a liberal patron of, 
53; missionaries sent out by Asoka, 
55 ; Buddhist pilgrims from (Dhina, 
ih. ; Buddhism, a revolt against the 
Brahmanical sy.stem of Mann, 67, 68 ; 
doctrine of deliverance in annihilation, 
68 ; transplanted from Hindustan 
itito Thibet, 461, 462 ; rival sects of the 
red and yellow, 462, note; cheerful 
form of Buddhi.sm in Burma, 501, 502 ; 
corrupt form prevailing in Bhutan, 671 
Eiidge-hudge. See Baj-baj 
Biihler's, Professor, Introduction to the 
Vikramdnkakivvya, 69, 70, 7 ioies 
Bulaki, .son of Khturu, 151; declared 
successor to the throne by Jehangir, 
ih. ; his short reign, 152 ; his fate, 153 
Bulwunt Singh, Raja of Benares, de- 
tached from the cause of Shuja-ud- 
daula, Nawab Vizier of Oude, 305; 
father of Cheit Singh, 375 
Bundelkund, ceded by the Peishwa t-i 
the British government, 453 : turbulence 
and anarchy suppressed'byL .rd Minto. 
ib.; evils of non-intervention, case of 
Sumpthur, 528 

Bnndula, the Burmese general, invades 
, the countries between Burraa and 

z z 


7o6 


INDEX. 


Bengal, 517; repulsed at Rangoon, 
518 ; his earthworks at Donabew, zb . ; 
death, ih. 

Burdwan, ceded to the English by Mir 
Kasim, 292, 294 

Burhanpur, Sir Thomas Roe at, 144, 14'; 
Burke’s denunciation of Benfield and 
Dundas, 381, note; his charges against 
Hastings, 382 

Burma, geography of, 500; its inhabitants 
described, 501 ; their life and manners, 
ib. ; Buddhist institutions, 501 , 502; mar- 
riage institutions, 503; devastating wars, 
ib.', Portuguese adventurers, 503, 504 ; 
a Burmese hero, 504 ; his career, 504- 
51 1 ; public life of the kings, 514 J^the 
administration a network of officialism, 

515 ; origin of the war with England, 

516 ; pride and ignorance of the court, 
ib. \ violence and insolence of officials, 
ib. ; hostile incursions, 517 ; flight of 
the soldiery at the approach of the 
English, ib. ; the army repulsed at 
Rangoon, 518 ; the panic at Donabew, 
zb. ; the treaty of Yandabo, 519 *, second 
war with England, 6ir ; capture of 
Rangoon, Bassein, and Prome, ib.; 
annexation of Pegu, 612 

Burma, British, formation of, 612; its 
prosperity, /<5.; visit of Lord Mayo, 681 
Burnes, Sir Alexander, at Kabul, 557 ; 
his defence against the Afghan out- 
break at Kabul, ib, ; his murder, 558 
Burney, Colonel, Resident at Ava, 572 ; 
withdrawal, ib. 

Bushire captured by the English, 627 
Bussy, M., captures Jinji, 248 ; accom- 
panies Muzaffir Jung, 250' proclaims 
Salabut Jung Nizam of the Dekhan, 
251 : his rupture with Saldbut Jung, 
259 : marches to Hyderabad, 259, 260 ; 
letter to Alivardi Khan, 269; ms wars 
against the Hindu Poligars, 282 ; sides 
with the Raja of Vizianagram against 
the Bobili Raja, 283; his successes 
against the English 284 ; contrast with 
Clive, ib. ; recalled by Lally, 285 ; 
reluctant obedience, ib. 

Buxar, battle of, 304 

Byadeit, or privy council of the Burmese, 

' 5x5 '■ 

Byeen-noung, a Burmese hero, 504 ; 
conquest of Pegu, ib. ; siege of Marta- 
ban, 504, SOS ; plunder and sack 
of Martaban, 507, ^08 ; his terrible 
vengeance on the ladies of Martaban, 
507-509; he invades Siam, 5x0; re- 
called to Pegu, ib. ; assassinated, 511 ; 
career of his foster-brother, 510-512 ; 
himself a type of Burmese conquerors^ 

513 

D 

CfVCHAR, English acquisition of, 537 
Casar Frederic, his visit to Vijayanagar, 
97 


Calcutta, foundation of the Enf^lish' 
settlement at, 199 ; fortifications round 
the factory, 200 ; social life of the Eng- 
lish in the beginning of the eighteenth 
century, ib. ; garrison of Fort William, 
ib. ; English mission to Delhi, 210; 
government, 261; French and Dutch 
neighbours at Chandernagore and 
Chinsura, ib.; up-country factories, 
262 ; experiences of Muhammadan 
rule, 264; the Mahratta ditch, 267; 
hostility of the young Nawab, Suraj- 
ud-daula, 269 ; attack on Calcutta, 
270 ; inefficient defence of the English, 
271 ; surrender of Fort William, ib. ; 
tragedy of the Black Hole, ib.; in- 
difference of Asiatics, 272 ; recapture 
of Calcutta by Clive and Watson, ib. ; 
decisive battle of Plassy, 275 ; wild 
joy of the inhabitants of Calcutta, z5. ; 
collision with Mir Kasim, 295 ; stormy 
councils, 296 ; deputation of Amyatt 
and Hay to Monghyr, 298 ; murder 
of Amyatt, 300 ; Mir Jafir proclaimed 
Nawab at Calcutta, 301 ; massacre 
of a hundred and fifty Englishmen at 
Patna, 302 ; corrupt proceedings of the 
Calcutta council at Murshedabad, 306, 
307; Lord Clive appointed governor, 
308 : introduces a double government, 
31 1 ; political outlook of Calcutta in 
the eighteenth century, 329, 330 ; re- 
lations with Delhi, 347 ; transier of the 
capital of Bengal from Murshedabad to 
Calcutta, 351 

Calicut, court of the Zamorln, or 
suzerain of Malabar,^ ^101 ; audience 
of Vasco de Gama in the palace, 
102 ; hostility of the Muhammadan 
merchants, z^. ; massacre of Portuguese 
by the Nairs. 103 ; Portuguese mission, 
to the Zamorin, 117 ; description of the 
city and bazars, 118 ; Della Valle’s 
audience with the Zamorin, 119; scanty 
costume of ladies and courtiers, itg, 120 

Calliaud, General, expedition to the 
Northern ^ Circars, 315 ; treaty with 
Nizam AH, ib. 

Campbell, Sir Colin (Lord Clyde), Com- 
mander-in-Chief, 658; his relief of 
Lukhnow, 659 *, defeats the Gwalior 
rebels at Cawnpore, 661 ; his campaign 
in Oude and Rohilkund, zd 

Cannanore, port of, 100 

Canning, Lord, Governor-General of 
India, 625 ; dealings with the Delhi 
family, 626 ; undisturbed by the 
rumours forerunning the mutiny, 62S ; 
sympathies with the sepoys, 639; 
vigorous measures, z'b. ; his durbar at 
Agra, 666; departure and death, ib. 

Canning, Capt. , his mission to Ava, 516 

Caravanserais in Moghul India, 185 

Camac, Major, defeats the army of Shah 
Alam and the Nawab Vizier, 293 ; in- 
stals Shah Alam as the Great Moghul 
in the English factory at Patna, Z(&, 


INDEX. 


707 


Carnac, Sir James, liis dealings with the 
Raja 'of Satara, 617 

Carnatic, governed by a Nawab nomin- 
ated by the Nizam of the Dekhan, 
subject to the confirmation of Cbe 
Great Moghul, 232^; geographical 
boundaries, 233 ; politically divided by 
the river Koleroon, zb. ; Moghul Car- 
natic and Hindu Carnatic, zb. ; Rajas 
and Poiigars. ib.\ Moghul rule more 
oppressive than the Hindu, ib. ; 
ravages of the Mahrattas in the 
Upper Carnatic, 234 ; succession of 
Nawabs, 235 : revolution in the Hindu 
Carnatic, zb. ; old wars between 
Trichinopoly and Tanjore, ib. ; Trichi- 
nopoly seized by Chunder Sahib, 236; 
Mahratta invasion, ; takes posses- 
sion of Trichinopoly, 237; succes- 
sion of Subder Ali as Nawab, ib . ; 
wrath of the Nizam, ib. ; perplexities 
of the Nawab, 238: assassination of 
Subder Ali, 239 ; settlement of affairs 
by Nizam-ul-mulk, 240 ; murder of tlie 
boy Nawab at a wedding-feast, 241; 
Anwar-ud-dln appointed Nawab, 242 ; 
war between England and France, ib. ; 
defeat of the Nawab’s army by the 
French, 243 ; peace between England 
and France, ib. ; restoration of Madras 
to the English, ib. ; struggle between 
two rival Nawabs, 245 ; English and 
French take opposite sides, zb. ; defeat 
and death of Anwar-ud-di'n at Amboor, 
246 ; contest between Muhammad Ali 
and Chunder Sahib, ib. ; interference of 
Nasir Jung, Nizam of the Dekhan, 
248 ; brilliant success of the French, 
250 ; bewilderment ^of the English, 
251 ; crisis at Trichinopoly, 252 ; 
Clive’s defence of Arcot, 233 ; triumph 
of the English and Muhammad Ali, 
ass ; peace between the English and 
French, 258 ; invasion of Hyder Ali 
and Nizam AH, 317 ; invasion of Balaji 
Rao Peishwa, 334 ; later invasions of 
Hyder Ali, 372 ; disasters of the Eng- 
lish, 373. 374 ; corrupt dealings of the 
English at Madras with the Nawab, 
Muhammad Ali. 368 ; claims of Paul 
Benfield, 369 ; Macartney’s assump- 
tion of the revenue, 378 ; miscellaneous 
adventurers, 380, note ; revenues re- 
stored to the Nawab, 381; settlement 
of the Nawah’s debts, ib, ; invasion 
ofTippu, 39-}; Carnatic brought under 
British administration by Lord Wel- 
lesley, 420 ; necessity for the transfer, 
423 ; treacherous correspondence of 
the Nawab with Tippu of My.sore, 
424; final settlement by Lord Dal - 
housie, 620 

Cartier, governor of Bengal, 318 
Carumnassa river, 262, note ; boundary 
of British territory in Bengal laid down 
by Lord Clive. 314 
Castes, division into four 13, 59 


Catherine IT. of Russia, Russian aggres- 
sion in i^ersia during the reign of, 

if-^o.noie ^ 

Catholic missionaries, denunciations of 
^cruelties of Hindu Rajas, 234, note 
Cawnpore, its history. 642 ; its garrisc-n, 
ib. ; the place ^of refuge, 643 ; mutiny 
at, 644; besieged by Nana Sahib, 
645 ; massacre in the boats, 646 ; im- 
prisonment of women and children, 
647 ; massacre of women and children, 
648; defeatof Nana Sahib, 649; entry 
of Havelock, ib . ; occupied by the 
Gwalior rebels, 660; their defeat, 
661 

Chakrantikam, ceremony of, 415, 416 
Chambal river, 160, 203 ; boundary be- 
tween Malwa and Rajputana, 264, 



conduct of the Sitana campaign, 
668-670 

Chandernagore, founded by the French, 
200, 261 ; captured by Clive and 
Watson, 274 ; restored to France, 309. 
note 

Chandra-gupta. See Sandrokottos^ 

Chandu Lai at the head of the Nizam’s 
administration, 496; the sham loan, 
497; resigns office, 622 , , , 

Charioteers, exercised political influence 
in ancient Hindu courts, 19. note 

Chamock, Job, governor of English set- 
tlements in Bengal, 197 ; arrested and 
scourged, 198 ; return to Calcutta, 
199 ; the patriarch of Bengal, ib. 

Cheit Singh, jRaja of Benares, 374; his 
political^ status, 375 ; heavy demands 
of Hastings, zb . ; submission and re- 
bellion, ib . ; flight and deposition, ib. \ 
one of the charges against Hastings, 
382 

Chetu, a Pindhari leader, 458 ; killed by 
a tiger, 485 

Chilianwallah, the battle of, 603 

Chinsura, founded by the Dutch, 200, 
261 

Chitdr, old Rajpfit kingdom under the 
Rana, or Rajpdt suzerain, conquered 
by Ala-ud-din,83 ; self-sacrifice of the 
Rajpdtsat, ib.\ hostility of the Rana 
to Bdber, 124 ; defeated, ib. ; invaded 
by_ the Sultan of Guzerat, 126 ; head- 
ship of the Rajpdt league, 130, 131 ; 
obstinate resistance to Akbar, 132; 
destruction of the city, ib. \ Sir 
Thomas Roe’s visit to the ruins, 145 

Chittagong, Portuguese mission to, 105 ; 
ceded to the English by Mir Kasim, 
292 

Choultries, description of, |o8 

Chout collected by Sivaji, 175. See 
Mahrattas 

Chunder Sahib, son-in-law of Dost Ali, 
Nawab of the Carnatic, 235 ; gulls the 
R 4 ni of Trichinopoly, 236 ; imprisoned 
eight yearn at Satara by the Mah- 
Z Z 2 


7o8 


INDEX. 


rattas, 237, 238 ; liberated by the help 
of Dupleix, 244; proclaimed Nawab 
of the Carnatic, 245 ; joins Muzaffir 
Jung, a claimant for the throne of 
Hyderabad, 246 ; delays at Tanjore, 
237 ; fliglit to Pondicherry, 248; un- 
expected success, 250 ; surrender and 
murder, 254. z 55 , ^ .. 

Glavering, General, a member of council 
at Calcutta, 356; contest with Warren 
Hastings for the post of Governor- 
General, 367 ; his death, 

Clive, Robert, wins his first laurels at 
Pondicherry, 244 ; his_ early career, 
zi. ; realises the situation at Trichi- 
nopoly, 252 ; his plans, 252, 253 ; his 
expedition to Arcot, 253 ; defence at 
Arcot, 253, 254 ; his career of conquest, 
254 ; leaves for England, 257 ; return 
to Bombay, 259 ; captures Gheriah 
with Watson, z^, ; goes to Madras, zi.; 
recaptures Calcutta with Watson, 272, 
273 ; his anxiety for peace, 274 ; joins 
the conspiracy against Suraj-ud-daula, 
27s ; deceives Omichund with a sham 
treaty, zA ; wins the battle of Plassy, 
zl. ; creates Mir Jafir Nawab, 276 ; 
his jaghlr, ; his “jackass,** 277, 
278 ; his relations with the Moghul 
court at Delhi, 281,282; contrast 10 
Bussy, 284 ; sends Colonel Forde to 
the Northern Circars, 285 ; appointed 
governor of Bengal, 287 ; his depar- 
ture for England, z<5.^ ; convinced of 
the necessity of garrisoning Bengal. 
28S ; his scheme for the acquisition of 
Bengal, rejected by William Pitt, 

; his return to India, 306, 308 ; 
contemplated policy, 308. 309; his 
wrath with Governor Spencer at 
Calcutta, 309; his negotiations at 
Murshedabad and Patna, 309 ; his 
p..licyas regard.s the Great Moghul, 
310; his restoration of Oude to the 
Nawab Vizier, zi. ; his settlement wLih 
Shah Alam at Allahabad, 310, 31 1; 
ills office of Dewan,_ 311 ; results of 
his policy, 311, 312 ; his external policy, 
313; his misgivings about the Mah- 
rattas, z*^. ; his breach with Nizam Ali, 
314 ; obtains a firmdn from Shah Alam 
*for the Northern Circars, zi. ; a Mo- 
ghul Peishwa, 315; thwarted by 
Madras. z 6 . ; leaves India for Eng- 
land, 315 ; failure ^ of his political 
system. 318, 319 ; his double govern- 
ment and its results, 319-322 
Clyde, Lord. Stv Campbell,? Sir Colin 
Cochin, ancient Cothinara, famous for 
pepper, 100, note ; alliance with Por- 
tuguese, 103, 104; feud with the 
Zasnorin of Calicut, 118, 120 
Combermere, L^rd, captures Bhurtpore, 
521, .■ 

Company. See -East India 
Conjeveram, or Kanchi-puram, visited by 
Buchanan, 409 ; its streets and houses. 


ib. ; the temple, ih . ; head-quarters of 
Ramanuja Acharya, 411, 

Conolly, Captain, his fate at Bokhara. 

563, 564 . . 

Cooper, Mr. , military executions carried 
out by, 65^, 

Coorg, de.scnption of the country, 530 ; its 
isolation, 530 ‘. warlike population, ib.', 
religious origin of the Raj, 531 ; 
aggressions of Hyder All, ib.', and 
of Tippu, ib.', non-intervention of the 
Erhish,_z’^.; mistaken interference in the 
succession, 532; madness of the Vira 
Raja, ih.', Chikka Vira Raja declares 
war against England, 533 ; valour of 
the Coorgs, ib.', their preference for 
British rule,_ 533, 534 * annexation, 
534; stipulation concerning cows, z^., 
note 

Coote, General Sir Eyre, defeats Lally 
at Wandiwash, 2S6; siege and capture 
of Pondicherry, 286, 287 

Coimwallis, Lord, Governor-General of 
India, 388 ; introduces social reforms 
in Calcutta, 3S9; permanent land 
settlement with the Bengal Zemindars, 
ib.', judicial and administrative re- 
forms, 390 ; war against Tippu, Sultan 
of Mysore, 393 ; d^ealings with N izam 
Ali and the Mahrattas, 394 ; rebuffed 
by Mahadaji Sindia, ib.', capture of 
Seringapatam, 395; attempts to esta- 
blish a balance oLpower in India, 396, 
397; departure for England, 399: 
treaty with the Nawab of the Carnatm, 
423 ; returns to India as Governor- 
General in succession to Lord Welles* 

' iey, 444 ; hi.s extreme views, 44S ; his 
death, 44S, 449 

Cory at, Torn, his meeting with Roe at 
Chitdr, 145 ; his travels, ib. 

Cotton, General Sir Sydney, drives 
Hindustani fanatics out of Sitana, 668 

Cox, Captain, hi.s mission to Ava, 516 

Crawfurd, Mr. John, his mission to Ava, 
SXQ 

Currie, Sir Frederic, Re.sident at Lahore, 
600; accepts the resignation of Mulraj, 
601 

Cuttack ceded to the English, 439 


D. 

Dabui., Portuguese fort at, 105 
Dada Khasji, aspires to be premier of 
Gwalior, 567 ; his elevation by Tara 
Bai, 568 ; submission to the British 
government, ih. 

Dacca, inland English factory at. 262 , 
court of appeal at, 390 
Dalhousie, Lord, Governor-General, 600; 
resolves on the conquest of the Sikhs, 
602, 603; anne.xes the Punjab, 605; 
his genias, 606 : administrative culture, 
ib . ; creation of a government m the 


INDEX. 


709 


Punjab, 606, 60S ; defence of the 
frontier westward of the Indus, 608, 
6og ; reduces the land revenue, 609; 
dealings with Burma, 610, 61 1 ; an- 
nexes Pegu, 612 ; general energy and 
capacity, 612, 613 ; sup;pression of 
barbarous usages in native states, 
613 ; political dictum that no right- 
ful opportunity should be lost of ac- 
quiring native territory, 614 ; refuses 
to allow the right of adoption to cover 
a claim to the heirship of a prindp»ality 
in the case of dependent states, 6x6; 
case of^ the Raja of Satara, 617 ; 
recognition of the adopted son of the 
Kerauli Raja, 618 ; annexation cf 
Nagpore, 619, 620 ; dealings with the- 
Carnatic ana Tanjore families, 620^; 
dealings with Hyderabad and acquisi- 
tion of Berar, 621, 622 ,■ annexation of 
Glide, 623 ; deals with the Santals 
as Bentinck dealt with the Koles, 624 ; 
succeeded by Lord Canning, 625 ; 
agreement with the Moghul family 
at Delhi, 626 

Damaji Gaekwar, dynasty of, 331 ; es- 
pouses the cause of Tara Bai, 334; 
imprisoned by Balaji Rao, 335, 336 ; 
joins Rughonath Rao, 341 
Damayanti, St'e Nala 
Dandaka, wilderness of, 34 
Dara, eldest son of Shah Jehan, X57 ; 
thwarts the projects of Aurangzeb, 
158 ; defeated by Aurangzeb and 
Murad, 160 ; escape to the Punjab, 
zd. ; his second defeat, 161 assassina- 
tion, /S. • 

Dasaratha, Mahdraja of Ayodbya, 29 ; 
his four sons cajoled by Kaikeyi, 
30 ; his death, 34 ; funeral rites of, 
35 * 3*5 

Daud Khan, 196; besieges Madras, zA; 
Viceroy of Guzerat, 209 ; collision wath 
Husain AH Khan, /A; death', 

De Boigne, General, in the service of 
Mahadaji Sindia, 386, 397; his return 
to Europe, 434 
De Gingen, Captain, 231 
Dekhari, conquests of Ala-ud-dfn, 8r, 84; 
Sultans of {see Bahmani Sultans), 91 ; 
division of the liahmani empire into 
five Muhammadan kingdoms, 93 ; Ak- 
bar's embassy to, 139; its failure, zA; 
state of affairs in the time of Aurang- 
zeb, 165 ; struggle for the throne of 
the Nizam, 245 ; acquisition by the 
Trench of the Northern Circars, 282 ; 
dealings of Bussy with BobiU and 
Vizianagram, 283; Lord Clive obtains 
the Northern Circars, 285, 286, 314 ; 
Mahratta invasions, 334. See Manrat- 
tas<3t«4f Nizam 

Delhi, the Raja of, present at the 
Sway am vara of the princess of 
Kanoiij, 78: capture of the city by 
the Afghans, z/ 5 .; rise of the Sultans 
of, 79 ; fatal removal of the capital 


to Deqghur in the Dekhan, 86 ; 
revolutions at the death of JehangiT, 
152; sack of, by Nadir Shah’s soldiery, 
225 ; distractions between 1748 and 
1758, history of, 279 ; struggles between 
the Afghans and Mahrattas at, 289 ; 
recovery of Delhi by the Mahrattas, 
337: secret ^negotiations of_ Ahmad 
Shah Abdali with Alamghlr, 338 ; 
expulsion of the Mahrattas under 
Rughonath Rao and re-establishnient 
of Afghan supremacy, z'< 5 .; progress of 
affairs during the regency of Najib-ud 
daula, 345, 346 ; relati .ns with 

Calcutta, 347 ; plots and assassinations 
under the Anrir of Amirs, 385 ; ascend- 
ency of Mahadaji Sind.a, zAp horrible 
excesses of Gholam Kadir, 391 ; 
General Lake’s victory at, 437 ; 
audience with Shah Alain, z'A; treat- 
ment of the Moghul family by Lord 
Daihousie, 626; tidings of the Sepoy 
mutiny at Meerut, 636 ; approach of 
the mutineers, zA; its defence by 
Brigadier Graves, 637; explosion cf 
the magazine, z'A; tragedies in the 
palace, 638 ; flight of Europeans, z 7 /.; 
the head-centre of revolt, 652; de- 
scription of the defences, 654 ; the 
gates, zi>.; the Ridge, 654, 655; the 
old suburbs, 655 ; preparations f:tr 
assault, 656 ; final assault, z'A; fighting 
inside the town, 656, 657 ; re-occupation, 
657 ; the Imperial Assemblage, 682 

Delia Valle, his travels in India, 109 ; 
his account of the festival in honour 
of Hanuman, 41, zzeife; his de.scripticn 
cf the war dances in the Dekhan, 
92; description of Goa, log, 
accompanies the Portuguese mission 
to Venk-tapa Naik, king of Ikkeri, 1 1.1, 
114; goes to Mangalore, 115 ; meeting 
with the queen of Olaza, 115, 1x6; 
visits the king of the Ydgis, 117; 
visits the city and bazar of Calicut, 
1 1 8, itg; audience with the Eamoria 
and the Malabar princesses, j 19, 120; 
departure from Calicut, 120 

Denison, Sir William, provisional Viceroy 
after the death of Lord Elgin, 670; 
orders the advance of the Bhutan 
mission, 673 ; his recognition of Sher 
Ali Khan, 676 

Deoghur, capital of a Mahratta kingdom 
in the Dekhan, captured by Ald-ud- 
din, 81 ; removal of the Muhammadan 
capital from Delhi by Muhammad 
Tughlak, 86 ; identified with the 
ancient Tagara, 100, zKp/f* 

Deva Rai, assassination of his son, 92 *. 
submits to the Sultan of the Dekhan, 
zA; marriage of his daughter, 93; 
unpropitious parting with the Siiltan of 
the Dekhan, zA; defeats the Sultan, 
zA: his death, ^4 

Deva or Deb Rajas in Bhutan, historical 
significance of the term, 672 


710 


INDEX. 


Devicotta in Tanjore, 244; ceded to 
the English, ib. 

Dewal Sevi, the Rajpdt princess of 
Guzerat, her strange adventures, 82, 83 

Dewan, or accountant-general, 2x4, 215 ; 
explanation of the term in reference 
to the Dewani of Bengal, 28S, 294, 
311 

Dhaliinkote, Jungpen of, his conduct 
towards the Bhutan mission, 673, 
674 

Dharma Rajas in Bhutan, religious 
significance of the term, 671, 672 _ 

Dhian Singh, brother of Gholab Singh 
of Jamu, prime minister at_ Lahore, 
591 ; dismissed by Kharak Singh and 
murders his successor, ib.\ suspected 
of murdering the young Mahdraja 
by the fall of an archway, 591 ; check- 
mated by the queen-regent, ib.\ places 
Sher Singh on the throne, 592; 
murdered, ib. 

Dhrishta-dyumna, the brother of Drau- 
padi, II ; slays Drona, 21; slain by 
Aswatthama, 22 ; reappears in the 
Ganges, 27 ^ 

Dhritarashtra, the blind grandson of 
Santanu, married to Gandhari, 3 ; sup- 
planted by his brother Pandu on 
account of his blindness, 4; becomes 
Maharaja of Hastinipur, ib,\ Hs sons 
called the Kauravas, ih . ; appoints 
Yudhishthira, eldest son of Pandu, to 
be Yuva-raja, 8 ; his vacillations, ib.', 
sends the Pdndavas to Virandvata, 
and appoints his son Duryodhana to 
be Yuva-raja, sends his charioteer 
on a mission to the P^ndavas, 19 ; 
affecting submision to the Pdndavas, 
23; retires with G 4 ndh 4 ri to the banks 
of the Ganges, ib. 

Dhullp Singh, infant son of Runjeet 
Singh, Maharaja of Lahore, 593 ; 
becomes a pensioner of the British 
government, 605 

Dhundu Punt. Nana Sahib 
Diego Suarez, his extraordinary career 
in Burma, 512 ; murdered by the mob 
of Pegu, 513 

Digarchi, seat of the Teshu Lama, 462 ; 
temples of, plundered by the Ghorkas, 

46s . . 

Dinkur Rao, minister of Sindia, his 
conduct during the Sepoy mutiny, 662 
Dill, Portuguese fort at, 105 ; repulse, of 
the Turks at, by the Portuguese, io6 ^ 
Doab, grant of the revenue to Mahadaji 
Sindia, 397 ; its position, ib. 

Donabew, on the river Irawadi, Bun- 
dula’s stand at, 518 ; panic of the Bur- 
mese, ib. 

Dost AH, Nawab of the Carnatic. 233 ; 
withholds the tribute to the Nizam, 
ih . ; appoints Chunder Sahib Dewan, 
ib . , note ; interferes in Trinchinopoly, 
236 ; defeated and slain by the Mah- 
rattas, 237 


Dost Muhammad Khan, first appearance 
of, 549 plunders the ladies ‘of their 
jewels in the zenana at Herat, ib. ; 
takes possession of Kabul, 550 ; pro- 
clainied Amir, 551 ; his critical position, 
ib. ; his anxiety to recover Peshawar, 
553 : applies for help to England and 
Russia, ib. ; flight into Bokhara, 554 ; 
surrender, 555; an English prisoner, 
ib. ; joins the Sikhs during the second 
Sikh war, 643 ; takes Peshawar and 
besieges Attock, ib. ; driven out of 
Peshawar, 605 ; contends with Persia 
for Herat, 627 ; helped by England, 
ib. ; his death, 675 ; a faithful ally and 
successful ruler, 676 ; his treaty with 
Sir John Lawrence, 680 ; objections 
of Sher Ali Khan, ih. 

Douglas, Captain, commandant of the 
palace guards at Delhi, killed in the 
Sepoy mutiny, 638 

Doveton, Major, his futile mission to 
Tippu, 406 

Drake, Mr., governor of Calcutta, 270; 
demands of Suraj-ud-daula, ib. \ escape 
from Calcutta, 271 

Draupadx, daughter of the Raja of 
Panchila, 10; her Swayamvara, 10, 
II ; rebuffs Kama, ii ; won byArjuna, 
ib. ; her marriage, 12 ; gambled away 
by Yudhishthira, 14; her vow, ib. ; 
becomes a lady's maid in the palace at 
Virata, 17 ; her Gandharva lovers, zb. ; 
saved from burning by Bhima, 18 ; 
her peril in the camp of the Kauravas, 
22 ; her grief at the slaughter of her 
sons, 23 ; the funeral rites, 

Drona, the tutor of the Kauravas and 
the_ Pandavas, 4 ; his feud with the 
Raja of Panchala, 5 ; marries a daugh- 
ter of the house and educates the 
young princes at Hastinapur, ib. ; his 
fame as a teacher of archery, ib. ; re- 
fuses to instmct the Bhil prince, ib. ; 
worship of his image, ib.i his treat- 
ment of the BMl prince, 6; stops the 
combat between Duryodhana and 
Bhima at the exhibition of arms, 7; 
divides the Raj of Panchdia with 
Drupada, 8 ; slays Drupada in the 
war of the Mahd Bhdrata, 21 ; slain by 
Dhrishta-dyumna, ib.; re-appears in 
the Ganges. 26 ; difference of his exile 
from that of Rdma, 32, note 
Drupada, Raja of Panchala, 5; his feud 
with Drona, ib. ; defeated by Drona, 
8 ; celebrates the Swayamvara of his 
daughter Draupadi, ic; sends an 
envoy in behalf of the Pdndavas to 
Hastindpur, 19 ; slain by Drona, 20 
Dubois, Abb^, his description of a feud 
between the right and left hands, 
4x5, note ; reproduces the story of the 
four Brahmans, 417 

Duhsasana, treatment of Draupadi, 15 ; 
slain by Bhima. 21 

Dundas (Lord Melville) first president of 


INDEX. 


7ir 


the Board of Control, 380, noU ; de- 
nounced by Burke, 381, note 
Dupleix, governor of Pondicherry, 242 ; 
his alarm at the English fleet, ib. ; 
deceives the Nawab of the Carnatic as 
regards Madras, ih. ; secures the 
release of Chunder Sahib from the 
Mahrattas, 245 ; schemes to make 
Chunder Sahib Nawab of the Carnatic 
in order to drive out the English, ib. ; 
larger scheme regarding the Dekhan, 
246; reception of Chunder Sahib and 
Muzaffir Jung at Pondicherry, ib . ; 
worried by the delay at Tanjore, 247 ; 
checkmated by the invasion of Nasir 
Jung, 248 ; successful campaigns, il. ; 
cleverness of his wife, 249; sudden 
rcvolutiorx^at the death of Nasir Jung, 
250; rejoicings at Pondicherry, ib.\ 
appointed governor for the Great 
Moghul of all the countries to the 
south ^ of the Kistna, ib. ; sudden 
establishment of French ascendency 
in India, 251; misrepresentations as 
regards the English, 256 ; arrogates 
all the powers of a Nawab of the 
Carmatic, 257; refuses peace unless 
the English recognise his claims, ib . ; 
sacrificed by the French government 
in Europe, 258 ; despair and death, zb. 
Dupleix, Madame, her mixed parentage, 
249; her knowledge of native languages 
and correspondence with native courts, 
ib. ; known as Jan Begum, ib., note 
Durand, _ Sir Flenry, at the storming of 
Ghazni, 55^, note political agent at 
Bhopal during the mutiny, 652, noU 
Dilrani, modern name for the Abdalis, 
542, note; dynasty of, founded by 
Ahmad Shah Abdali, 543 
Dfirani Shahs, and Baruhzai Viziers, 
548 ; expulsion of Shah Shuja, the 
Durani, 550; elevation of Dost Mu- 
hammad Khan, the Barukzai, 551 ; 
restoration of Shah Shuja carried out 
by the English, 354 ; its failm;e, 558 ; 
murder of 'Shah Shuja, 560 ; civil war 
at Kabul between Barukzais and 
Diiranis, 561 

Durbar, council of elders under the Raja, 

I ; hall of audieiw of Akbar, 138; 
Roe’s audience with Jehangir at 
Ajmir, 145, 146 ; wine-drinkers flogged 
at, 148 ; description of, at Delhi, 165 ; 
Sivaji at the durbar of Aurangzeb, 
171 

Dfirgd. See K£U . 

Ddrjan Sdl, of Bhurtpore, usurps the 
throne, 520 ; kept as a state prisoner, 

S2S 

Duryodhana, the eldest of the Kauravas, 
5 ; rivalry with Bhima at the exhibition 
of arms, 7 ; appointed Vuva-raja, 8 ; 
challenges Yudhishthira to a gambling 
match, 14; wins the Raj and wife of 
the Pdndavas, ib. ; mortally W'ounded 
by a foul blow from Bhima, 21; his 


death, 23 ; re-appears in the Ganges, 

27 

Dushyanta marries SakdntaEi in Kdli- 
dasa*s drama 69 ; _ my thical father of 
Bharata, 70 ; his body-guard of 
Tartar women, 161, note 
Dustuck, or “ permits ” of the East India 
Company, 295; sale of dustucks by 
the Company's servants, 296 
Dutch at Pulicat and Sadras, 231, 232 : 
war with the English, 378, note 


E. 

East India Company, formation of, 142; 
checked by a Board of Coptrol, 380 ; 
charter renewed in 1833, its results, 
537 ; government of India transferred 
to the Crown, 666 

Edinburgh, visit to India of H.R.H. 
the Duke of, 682 

Edwardes, Lieutenant Herbert, success- 
ful operations against Multan, 602 ; 
deserted by Sher Singh, left in 
charge of Multanj 604 

Egypt, Sultan of, interference with the 
Portuguese, 104 

Ekachakra, the modern Arrah, resting- 
place of the Pdndavas, 9 

Elgin, Lord, Viceroy of India, 666; 
sanctions a mission to Bhutan, 672; 
his death, 670 

Ellenborough, Lord, ^ Governor-General 
of India, 559; hesitates whether the 
English armies in Afghanistan should 
retreat or advance, 561, 562 ; bombast 
and parade, 563; conquest of Sinde, 
565 ; change of policy respecting Sindia 
and Holkar, 566 ; causes a regent of 
Gwalior to be appointed, 567, 568 ; 
wrath at the action of Tara Bai, 568 ; 
reduces Gwalior to tranquillity, 568, 
569 ; his contemplated measures against 
Indore, 569 : his recall, ib. 

Ellis, Mr., cliief of the Patna factopr, 
298 ; violent conduct in connection with 
the private trade controversy, ib.; peri- 
lous position at Patna, 299 ; capture of 
Patna, ib.; flight and .surrender, 299, 
300; perishes in the massacre, 302 

Elphinstone, Mr., his mission to Kfibul, 
454, S48 ; British Resident at Poona, 
480; investigates the murder of Gunga- 
dhur Shastri,/A; discovers the intrigues 
of the Peishwa and his minister, Trim- 
hukji Dainglia, 481 rebukes and 
threatens Baji Rao Peishwa, ib.; con- 
cludes the treaty of Poona, ib.; his 
scepticism of the professions of Baji 
Rao to Sir John Malcolm, 487 ; con- 
firmed, 488 ; preparations for defence 
against the Peishwa, ib.; removes from 
the Residency to Khirki, ib-; destruc- 
tion of his library, 489 

Elphinstone, General, succeeds Sir John 


712 


INDEX. 


Keane in command of tlie army at 
Kabul, 557 ; his vacillation, 558 ^ 

Eudemos, appointed by Alexander the 
Great in the room of Philm at laxila, 
49 ; murders Porus, ib.\ driven out of 
the Punjab by Sandrokottos, 50 


E. 

Fah Hian, pilgrimage of, SS : residence 

at Pataliputra, - 

rai2-uUah Khan, of Rohilkund, son of 
Hafiz Khan, 355 ; trefy with the 
Nawab Vizier of Oude, tb. 

Fakirs among the Sikhs, S09 , . 

Faria y Sousa, the Portuguese historian, 

Famikh Siyar placed by the two Saiylds 
on the throne of Delhi, _ 207; incessant 
intrigues against the Saiyids, 208, 209 , 
duplicity respecting the Vice-royalty of 
the Dekhan, 209 ; connection with Dr. 
Hamilton, 210; tragic death, 21 1 
Ferozeshahar, the assault ot, 596 
Firuz Shah, Sultan of Delhi, 87.; burns a 
Brahman alive, zA ^ ^ 

Firuz, governor of Herat, 549 , _ .^ends 
for aid to Kabul, ib.\ taken prisoner, 

Fitzgerald, Captain, his brilliant charge 
at Sitabuldi, 490, 491 
Foot-posts in India, 188 , . . ^ 

Forbes, Mr., his primitive administration 
in Guzerat, 366, 3^7 : 
restoration of Guzerat districts to Mah- 

Forde, Colonel, defeats the French under 
Coiiflans and recovers the ^ Enghsh 

factories, 2S5 ; negotiations with ^bala- 

hut Jung, 286 ; drives the French out 

of the Northern Circars, 23. 

Fort St. David, English settlement at, 
232, 243 ; captured by Lally, 283 
Fort St. George, origin of, 191 ; streets 
and houses, 192 ; English merchants ox, 
propitiate Sivaji, 176; unsuccessful 
Sege by Lally, 2S6. See Madras. 

Fort William, garrison at, 200. See t.at- 

FoS dars of districts, 190 ; their authority, 
z3. ; at, liughli, 261 \ . 

Fra Joan, the pirate priest in Burma, 

Franas, Philip, appointed a member of 
the council at Calcutta, 35^ > author 01 
the Letters of Junius, 23. ; his sus- 
picions of the integrity of Warren 
Hastings, 357? hostile measures, 2_3, ; 
ability, ib. ; factious opposition, tb. ; 
interference, zb. ; acqj^uisition of Be- 
nares, 358 ; sanctions the mterferen.ee ct 
Bristow in Oude affairs, 23.; his charges 
against Hastings, 359,; outwitted by 
Hastings, 359» 3^0 ; the crisis at Cal- 
cutta, 367; plan of permanent land 
settlement in Bengal, zb. ; duel with 


Hastings, 368; departure from India, 

2b.; excites national indignatkn 
against Hastings, 3S24 end, 383 

Fraser, Mr., Commissioner of Delhi, 
killed at the outbreak of the mutiny, 

638 

French, their settlement at Pondicherry, 

232 : capture Madras, 242 ; defeat the 
Nawab’s army, 243: war with the 
English, tb. ; ascendency in India of, 
25 t 1 besiege Arcot, 253, 254; capitu- 
late at Trichinopoly, 255 ; acquire the 
Northern Circars, 257; provisional 
treaty with the English, 258 ; loss of 
Chandernagore, 274? helpless condition 
in Hindustan, 282 ; desperate condition 
under Lally, 285 (See Lally) ; disasters 
in the Carnatic, 286 ; loss of military 
power in the Carnatic, 287 ; intrigues 
at Poona, 364 ; agent at Poona, 3S7 ; 
French battalion in the service of 
Nizam Ali, 400 ; their conduct at the 
battle of Kurdla, 401 ; national hatred 
of the English, 404 ; Tippu an ally, 
z3. ; Nizam All’s French battalions 
disbanded, 405 ; French successes in 
the eastern waters, 457 (See I^erron 
and De Boigne) , . . - 

Fryer, Dr., 190; his description of 
Masullpatam, z'3. ; of Madras, 19^1, 
192; crossing the surf, 1,92; Fort St. 
George, z'3. ; description of Bombay, 
193 j of Surat, 193* ^94 » return to 
Bombay, 194 : adventures at Joonere, 
2 *3. ; visit to Karwar, igs ; leaves India, 

Fu§h Khan, Barnkzai, sen of Payendah 
Khan, of Kdbui, 54S ; dethrones Ze- 
man Shah; 547 5 ^eal sovereign rf 
Afghanistan, tb. ; puts clown the Ghil- 
zais, zb. ; dismissed by Shah Shuja. 

548 ; deposes Shah Shuja and sets up 
Mahmud Shah, zb. ; seizes Herat, 

549 ; blinded, zb. ; cruelly murdered at 

Ghazni. 55° . 

Futtehgurfi, mutiny at, 647; massacre 
of the fugitives at Cawnpore, z'A 
Futtehpore, Havelock’s defeat of muti- 
neers and Mahrattas at, 648 _ ^ 

Fytche, General, Chief-Commissioner of 
British Burma, his work on Burmav 
519, note; his treaty with the king of 
Burma, 681 

■' o. 

Ga-ekwarof Baroda, rise of the family 
of, 218, 331 ; interference at Satara m 
behalf of Tara Bai, 334 ; treacherously 
imprisoned at Poona, 33s V released, 
336: dealings with Baji 470 ; 

murder of his minister, Gungadhur, 

GakSrs!’hil?tribe of, desperate slaughter 
in the army of Mahmiid of Ghazni, 76 ; 
assassinate Muhammad Ghori, 79 ^ 
Gdndhara country, z, note ; Gandarians 


INDEX. 


713 



mentioned by Herodotus, id. ; Gandhari 
marries the blind prince of Hastinapur, 

3 ; her conduct towards her blind hus- 
band, id. ‘y attends^ the exhibition of 
arras, 6; retires with her husband, 
Dhritarashtra, to the banks of the 
Ganges, 23 

Gandharvas, or ghosts, Draupadi’s lovers, 
17 ; present at the feast of jBharadwaja, 
38 ; a hill tribe famous for its beautiful 
women, 38, 

Ganesh, god of good luck, 64 ; worship 
of, 

Ganges, worship of by Sita, 33 
Garvock, General, his campaign against 
the tribes of the Mahabun mountains, 
670 

Gayatri, or invocation of the sun, 416, 
note 

George II., Balaji Rao Peishwa sends 
angry letters to, 336 __ ■ 

Georgia, Russian agression in, 430, note 
Ghats, the western, too 
Ghazi-ud-din, a representative ^of die 
Sunni's, ^ 279 ; appointed Vizier at 
Delhi, id. ; dethrones Ahmad Shah, 
a8o ; places Alaraghir on the throne, 
zd. ; removed by Ahmad Shah Abdali, 
id. ; subverts^ the Afghan power, 28 1, 
33s ; a hereditary__Sunni, id., note; in- 
trigues with Balaji Rao, 333 ; proceed- 
ings at Delhi, 337 ; puts Alamghir to 
death, 33S ; flight and perpetual exile, 
id. 

Ghazni, the court of Mahmdd, 75. See 
Mahmud 

Gheriah, capital of the piratical A ngrias, 
239 ; expedition against, under Clive 
and Watson, 336 ; conduct of the Mah- 
rattas, id, 

Ghilzais, children of a concubine, opposed 
to the Abdalis, §42; driven 10 the 
mountains, id.; risings checked by 
Futih Khan, 54J ; massacre the 
English in the Khaiber Pass, 559 
Ghor, Afghan fortress of, 77 ; re-appear- 
ance of the name in Gour, 540, zzote 
Ghorkas, AVu Nipal 
Gholab Singh, the Jamu Raja, 591 ; his 
negotiations with Sir Henry Hardinge, 
597 ; buys Kashmir and Jamu,_ 598 ; 
recognised as Maharaja, ; his re- 
bellious subjects, 399 ^ 

Gholam Husain AH, his description of 
Shitab Rai, 324, 325 

Gholam Kadir, horrible outrages com’ 
mined at Delhi by, 391 ; his fi.ght, 
capture, and death, 392 
Gillespie, General, prompt action at the 
Vellore mutiny, 432; death in the 
first Ghorka campaign, 474 
Giri-vraja, identical w*th Rajagriha, 29, 
zzote 

Goa, founded by Albuquerque, 104 ; 
Viceroy of, sends a mission to Bengal, 
103; in the sixteenth century, 106-1 1 ; 
the exchange, 107 ; social life at, id. ; 


great commercial wealth, loS ; expenui- 
ture in Goa, id. ; government, civil and 
ecclesiastical, 108-9 ; visit of Della 
Valle, 109; inhabitants, id.; religious 
shows, 109, no ; ecclesiastical in- 
fluences in, no, ixi 

Goddai'd, Colonel, sent by Warren 
Hastings from Calcutta through 
Central India to the Mahratta 
country, 365 ; his movements after 
the convention at Wurgaum, zb. ; 
operations in the first Mahratta war, 
sbd 

Godwin, General, his expedition to Ran- 
goon in the second Burmese war, 61 1 
Golkonda, a Muhammadan kingdom in 
the Dekhan, 93 ; alliance of the Sultan 
with Ram Rai of Vijayanagar, 96; 
Conquered by Aurangzeb, iSi ; yearly 
rent to, paid by the English at Madras, 
J91, 192 

Gomastas, or native agents, outrageous 
procecdngs in Bengal, 296 
Gough, Sir Hugh, takes the field against 
Gwalior, 568 ; wins the battle of 
Maharajpore, 569 ; battle of Mood kee, 
596 ; postpones operations against the 
rebellion of Mdlraj in Multan, 603 ; 
commands the English army at Ram- 
nuggur and Chilianwallah, 603, 604 ; 
wins the battle of Guzerat, 604 
Gour, Afghan capital of Bengal,^ 80 ; 
perhaps named from the Afghan 
stronghold of Ghor, 122, note 
Graeko-Baktrian kings in Central Asia, 
53 

Graves, Brigadier, at Delhi during the 
mutiny, 636, 637 ; forced flight, 638 
Greathed, Brigadier, pursues the rebel 
sepoys from Delhi, 657 
Guggun Singh, paramour cf the ^ueen 
of Nipal, reported prime mover in the 
murder of Matiibar Singh, 585; a 
member of the Chountria ministry, 
id. ; threatened by the heir-apparent, 
586 ; murdered, id. 

Guha, the Bhll Raja, entertains Rama, 
33; his entertainment of Bharata, 37 
Gundlacama river, the real northern 
boundary of the Carnatic, 233, note 
Gungadhur Shastri, Brahman minister of 
the Gaekwar of Baroda, his misKicm 
to Poona, 479 ; his strange recepiioa, 
id. ; his murder, id. 

Guntoor Circar, 313, note; rented to the 
English by Basalut Jung, 37 1 ; and to 
Muhammad Ali by the English, 372 ; 
restored to the Nizam by Warren 
Hastings, 374 

Guptas, succeed to the dynasty of Ka- 
mshka, 53 ; possibly cnildren of the 
Graeko-Baktrians, id. ; join the Rajputs 
against the lado-Scythians 54 ; victory 
at Kahror id. ; their disappearance, id. 
Guru Govind, or Tugh Bahadur, 204; 
his work among the Sikhs, 587 ; his 
execution, id. 




INDEX. 


Gurus, religious teackers among the 
Brahmans, 6$ ; Hindu saints, 187 *, 
their ceremonies of initiation and con- 
firmation, 415, 416 ; their money de- 
mands, 416 ; and visitations, ib . ; satires 
against them, 417 ; Gurus among the 
Sikhs, $88 

Guxerat, conquered by Ala-ud-din, 82 ; 
Sultan of, calls in the Turks against 
the Portuguese, 106 ; defeat of the 
Turks, /A; Sultan of, invades Chitdr, 
126; driven out by Humayun, ib.\ 
Jehangir’s description o£,i49 ; Gaekwar 
of, a Mahratta feudatory, 331; primi- 
tive administration of Mr. Forbes, 366, 
367 I districts made over to Mahadaji 
Sindia, 377 

Guzerat, defeat of the Sikhs at the battle 
of, 604 

Gwalior, the capital of Sindia, 364, 
note ; captured by Captain Popham, 
366 ; non-intervention policy of Lord 
William Bentinck, 527 ; civil war 
stopped by intervention, 328; the go- 
vernment remodelled by Lord EHen- 
borough, appointment of a council 
of regency, 569 ; reduction of the army 
and formation of a Gwalior contingent, 
ib.\ revolt of the contingent, 660; 
defeat of the rebels, 661. See Sindia 
and Tantia Topi 

Gymnosophists, or naked philosophers, 
49 

H. 

Hafiz Khan, the Kohilla Afghan ruler, 
his dealings with the Mahrattas, 352 ; 
demands of Shuja-ud-daula, the Naw- 
ab Vizier of Oude, 353 ; interference 
of Warren Hastings, 354; defeat and 
death of, 355 

Hailey bury, establishment of the College 
at, 443 

Haji Ahmad, the favourite of Shuja 
Khan, 264 ; jealousy of Mustafa Khan 
the Afghan, 267; horrible death at 
Patna, ib. 

Hamilton, Captain, his description of 
Calcutta, 200 ; social life of the English, 
ib.\ refractory Rajas in Bengal, ib. 

Hamilton, Dr., accompanies the English 
mhsion from Calcutta to Delhi, 210; 
heals the disease of Farrukh Siyar, 
the Moghul king at Delhi, ib.; his 
death at Calcutta, ib, note. 

Hanuman, the monkey hero, 41 ; helps 
Rama against Rdvana, zA ; mission to 
Sitd, ib , ; worshipped as a god, ib. note ^ ; 
his burning tail, 41, 42 ; dramatic 
representation of, 42, zzWe ,* his temple 
on the western Ghats, 112 

Hardinge, Sir Henry, Governor- General 
of India, 570; unprepared for the Sikh 
invasion, 595; present at the _ bat tie of 
Moodkee, 596 ; his negotiations with 


Gholab Singh, Raja of Jamu, 307; 
raised to the peerage, 598; sells Kashmir 
to Gholao Singh, ib. ; refuses to -create 
a subsidiary force, or to keep British 
troops in the Punjab, ib. ; bis com- 
promise with the Lahore durbar, 599 ; 
appointment of a British Resident at 
Lahore and council of regency, ib. ; 
miscellaneous measures, 600; returns 
to _ England, z'^, 

Hari Pant, commander of the Mahratta 
contingent, 39s ; his grasping demands 
upon Lord Cornwallis, ib. 

Hartley, Captain, accompanies the 
Bombay expedition to Poona, 363 ; 
repulses the ■ Mahrattas, ib. ; protests 
against the convention of Wiirgaum, 

Harris, General, commands the British 
army in the last war against Tippu, 
Sultan of Mysore, 406 

Hastinapur, city of, where situated, 1 ; 
extent ^of Raj unknown, 2 ; occupied 
by Rajpfits, ib. ; to all appearance an 
Aryan colony, ib. ; reign of Mahdraja 
Santanu, 2^. ; succession of Pdndu the 
pale, 4; of Dhritarashtra the blmd, ib.; 
of Yudhishthira, 23; mythical presence 
of Krishna, 35 

Hastings, ^ Warren, his simplicity and 
moderation, 284 note; sides with 
Vansittart in condemning the claim of 
the Company’s servants to trade in 
Bengal duty free, 296 ; duel with a 
member of the Calcutta council, 298 ; 
appointed governor of. Bengal, 328; 
confused history of his government, 
349; his previous career, z A ; his re- 
forms^ in the revenue administration, 
349 ; in the judicial, 330 ; refuses to 
restore Muhammad Reza Khan to the 
post of deputy Nawab, ib.; his dealings 
with the Nawab Vizier of Oude, 353, 
334 ; lays^ himself open to the charge 
of corruption, 354 ; not to blame for the 
Rohilla atrocities, ib. ; appoints Mr. 
Middleton Resident at Lukhnow, 355 ; 
appointed Governor-General of India, 
355, 356 ; three new members of council 
sent out from England, 356; violent 
and vindictive opposition of Phili.p 
Francis, 357 ; out-voted ib. ; condemns 
the interference of Bristow, the suc- 
cessor of Middleton at Lukhnow, 358 ; 
accused by Nund-komar, 359 ; declines 
to meet the charges, ib. ; action against 
Nund-komar, ib.; arrest and e.xecution 
of Nund-komar for forgery, 360 ; war 
with the Mahrattas, 363 ; secures a 
majority in the Calcutta council, ib.; 
sends Goddard across India from Cal- 
cutta to the Mahratta country, 365 ; 
resigns^ the post of Governor-General 
and withdraws his resignation, 367 ; 
duel with Francis, 368 ; discovers the 
hostile confederacy of'Hyder AK, the 
N izam , and the Mahra ttas against : the 


INDEX. 


715 


British government in India, 373 ; Ms 
spirited proceedings, 374 ; empty trea- 
sury, ib ; dealings with Cheit Singh, 
Raja of Benares, 35?5^; narrow escape 
at Benares, ib.'. Suspicious negotiations 
with Asof-ud-daula, Nawab Vi2ier of 
Oude, 376 ; his return to Europe, 383 ; 
impeachment and acquittal, ib.', review 
of the charges, and note', sends 
missions to Thibet, 465, note 
Hastings, Marquis of, Governor-General 
of India under the title of Lord Moira, 
459 r his conversion from a policy of 
non-intervention as laid down by the 
home authorities to that of a para- 
mount power as laid down by Lord 
V/ellesIey, ib.', remonstrances with the 
Ghorka rulers of Nipal, 472 ; recovers 
British districts from the^ Nipalese, 
473; plans a campaign against Nipal, 
474 ; receives the title of Marquis _of 
Hastings, 475 ; treaty of ^Segowlie, 
476; resolves on the extinction of the 
Bindharies, 477 ; provoked at the in- 
trigues of Baji Rao Peishwa, 4S1 ; his 
preparations against the Pindharies, 
482; resolves on disarming the predat my 

K irs — Sindia, Holkar, and Amir 
n, 483 ; negotiations with Sindia, 
ib.‘, ignores Sindia’s tmachery, 4S4 ; 
breaks up the Pindhari system, 485 ; 
thwarted by Baji Rao Peishwa, the 
Raja of Berari and the army of Plolkar, 
4S6 ; constructs a new imperial system, 
492, 493 ; resolves on the extinction of 
the dominion of the Peishwas, 494;^ 
final decision, 495 ; his settlement of 
liolkar’s state, ib.’, success of his 
policy, 495, 496 ; education of the 
natives, 496 ; dealings with the Nizam, 
ib. ; sanctions the proceedings of Palmer 
and Co., 497; his error, 49^; leaves 
India, ib.; reproached by the Directors, 
ib.; resuscitation of the Rajaof Satara 
as a feudatory but not as a sovereign, 
495, 616 

PIdveiock, General, joins Colonel Neill 
at Allahabad, _ 64S; his early career 
and characteristics, ib.; his advance 
on Cawnpore, ib.; defeats Nana Sahib 
at Cawnpore, 649; enters the sta- 
tion, ib.; departure for Lukhnow, z/>.; 
fails to relieve Lucknow, 451 ; his 
victory at Bithoor, ib. ; return to Cawn- 
pore, ib,; joined by Sir James Outram, 
658; advances to Lukhnow, zA; relieves 
the garrison, 659 ; his death and bunal, 
660 / ^ , 

Hawkins, Captain, his mission to 
Jehanglr, 143 ; forced return from 
Agra, ib. 

Hay's and Amyatt's deputation to 
Monghyr, 298 ; kept as a hostage, 
299 ; perishes in the massacre at Patna, 
302 ' 

Hearsey, General, expostulates with the 
sepoys at Barrackpore respecting the 


greased cartridges, 632 ; suppresses the 
mutiny of Mungal Pandy, 633 

Heath, commander of an English fleet 
in India, 198 ; his ill-judged naval 
operations against the Moghuls, 198, 

HeEer, Bishop, his translation of a 
Mahratta ballad, 480 

Hemu, Hindu ministp of an Afghan 
sovereign, 127; killed by Bairam 
Khan, 128 

Herdt conquered by Ahmad Shah 
Duranl, 543; a bone of contention 
between Afghanistan and Persia, 549 
and x£>U; seized by Futih Khan, ib.; 
a bone of contention between Great 
Britain and Russia, 551 ; description 
of the fortress, ib., note; besieged by 
Persia, 55a; complications at,^ 555; 
withdrawal of the English Envoy, 
ib.; difficulties between England^and 
Persia respecting, 627; Yakitb Khan 
governor, 677 

Herbert, Captain, defends Attock against 
the Afghans, 603 

Hidimba, a cannibal Asura, slain by 
Bhima, 9; his sister, Hidimbi, marries 
Bhfma, ih . — an allegorical fiction ex- 
pressing hostility against the Buddhists, 
ib., note 

Hill-tribes, non-Hindus, 60 

tlimmut Bahadur, a military Guru, 391, 
note; associated with Alt Bahadur, 
ib.; deserts to the English, ib. 

Hir-’iis, their religion, 54 ; popular 
deities, 64 

Hindu literature, < 58 - 73 ; its constituents 
(non-historical), 68, 69 ; Hindu revolt 
at Delhi against Islam, S3, 86 ; rebel- 
lion in Bengal against the persecutions 
of Aurangzeb, 199 

Hindu Rao, house of, at Delhi, 655 ; a 
forgotten celebnty, ib., note 

Hiouen-Thsang, a Buddhist monk from 
China, 56 ; his pilgrimage to India, 
ib,; his description of the people of 
India, z'^. ; memories of the Maha- 
Bhdrata, ib.; present at the great 
festival of imperial almsgiving at Alla- 
habad, 57; residence in the huge 
monastery at Nalanda, ib. 

Hira Singh succeeds his father DhiSn 
Singh as minister at Lahore, 393 ; places 
Dhulip Singh, infant son of Runjeet 
Singh, on the throne of Lahore, 593 ; 
murdered, ib, 

Hislop, Sir Thomas, commands the 
Madras army in the Pindhari war, 
482 ; pursuit of the Pindharies, 492 

Hiot-dau, or supreme council of the 
Burmese, $15 

Hodgson, Mr., Resident at Khatmandu, 
576 ; his entanglement, z^. 

Hodson, Captain, arrests the Moghul 
king of Delhi, Bahadur Shah, 657 ; 
shoots the two princes, ib. 

Holcombe, Captain, voyage to Patna, 



7i6 


INDEX, 


264 ; tHe baskets of human heads, 
'265 , 

Holkar, Mulhar Rao the First, founder 
of the family 218, 511, 343 ; his death, 
343 ; his widow, Allah Bai, ib. 

Holkar, Tukaji Rao the First, commands 
the army of Ailah Bai, 343; sent to 
Sindia by Nana Farnavese, 391 ; 
Sindia demands his recall, 398: de- 
feated by De Boigne, 399 ; his death, 
43 ^': 

Hoikar, Jaswant Rao, an illegitimate 
son of 'I'likaji Rao the First, 431 ; his 
early predatory exploits, Z( 5 ,; defeats 
Sindia and the Peishwa in the battle 
of Poona, 432 ; sets up another Peish- 
wa. 433 ; invited by Daulat Rao 
Sindia and the Bhonsla Raja^ of 
N agpore to join them in a war against 
the Enp:lish, 434 ; _ craftiness of his 
proceedings, ib,\ his position outside 
the pale of Wellesley’s political 
system, 439 ; objections of the Eng- 
lish to a protective alliance, 439, 
440; his predatory instincts, 440; his 
plundering ravages in Malwa and 
Raj putana, ib. ; his alarm at the victories 
of the English, ib. ; rebuffed by General 
Lake, 440 ; arrogant demands and 
threats, 441 ; campaign of Lake in 
Rajpdtana, ih.\ retreat of Monson, 
442 ; Holkar’s advance to Muttra, 
Delhi, and Bhurtpore, 443 ; defeated 
by General Lake. 443, 444 ; unfortunate 
policy of Sir George Barlow, 449 ; 
arrogant pretensions of Jaswant Rao 
Holkar, 449, 430 ; driven mad by 
brandy, 454; interference of Amir 
Khan, the Afghan, 455 ; his death, 457 
Holkar, Mulhar Rao the Second, 
adopted by the widow of Jaswant 
l^ao, 457 ; regency of the widow, ib. ; 
sympathises with the Pindharies, 482 ; 
the government at^ the mercy of the 
army, 485 ; beginning of hostilities, 
486 ; murder of the queen-mother by 
the soldiery. 492 ; defeat of the army 
of Holkar by Sir John Malcolm at 
Mehidpore, ih. ; settlement of the 
government of Indore by Lord Ha-st- 
ings, 495 ; death of Mulhar' Rao 
Holkar the Second, 528 
Holkar, Hari Rao, claims to succeed 
Mulhar Rao on the throne of Indore, 
528 ; recognised by Lord William 
Bentinck, ib. ; his death, 569 
Holkar, Tukaji Rao the Second, ir 
regular installation of, 569 ; the present 
Maharaja of Indore, 2 A naU 
Holwell, Mr. J..Z., voyage to Patna, 
264 ; the baskets of human heads, 265 ; 
present at Calcutta during the siege, 
271; summoned before Suraj-ud-daula, 
ib. ’ survives the tragedy of the , Black 
Hole, 272 ; succeeds CUye as governor 
of the English settlements in Bengal, 
2S7 


Home, Lieutenant, blows up the Kashmir 
gate at Delhi, 656 
Honahwar. 6',?^ Onore 
liughli, English factory at, 197 ; re- 
moved to Calcutta, 199 ; headquarters 
of the Moghul Foujdar, 261 ; captured 
by Clive and Watson, 272; curious 
detail in the capture of, 273, noie 
Humayun, son of Baber, succeeds to 
the throne of Hindustan, 125 ; a bad 
Muhammadan, , ib. ; gulled by Slier 
Khan the Afghan, 125, 126; inter- 
ference in Rajput affairs, 126 ; gift of 
the bracelet, ib. ; defeated by Sher 
Khan and flies into Persia, zA; fifteen 
years’ exile, 127 ; return to Delhi, ib. ; 
death, ib. 

Husain Ali Khan, the younger Saiyid, 
helps to place Farrukh Siyar on the 
throne _ of ^ Delhi, 208; exposed to 
hostile intrigues of Farrukh Siyar, ib.’, 
expedition to Jaipur, 209 ; appointed 
Viceroy of the Dekhan, ib. ; defeats 
Daud Khan, ib, j marches to Delhi 
with an army of Mahrattas, 211; 
assassinated, 212 
Hyderabad. See Nizam 
Hyder Ali, aNaik in the service of the 
Raja of Mysore, 254; excites the 
jealousy of the English by his leanings 
towards the French, 315 ; his rise to 
power, 316; becomes ^master of the 
Raj of Mysore, ib. ; joined by Nizam 
Ali, 317 ; ‘invasion of the Carnatic, ib.; 
the confederates defeated, ib. plot 
and counterplot, ib. noie ; successes, 
318 ; treaty at Madras, ib. ; a natural 
enemy of the Mahrattas, 340—342, 
noie ; awkward diplomatic relations 
with the English, 345 ; ^becomes the 
most formidable power in the penin- 
sula, 370 ; his wrath against the Eng- 
lish, 370, 371 ; reception of Swartz, 
the missionary, ib. ; invades the Car- 
natic, 372, 373 ; hostile confederacy 
with the Mahrattas and Nizam Ali, 
3^3 ; his army, ib. note ; defeated by 
Sir Eyre Coote. 374; death of, 377 ; 
character and home life, z’< 5 . ; fall of 
his dynasty, 407 ; alive to the value 
of Pariahs, 411, note ; the founder of 
Bangalore, 412 ; aggressions on Goorg, 

. '531 ' 


^ I 

Ikkeri, capital of Venk-tapa Naik, 111, 
112; visited by Della Valle, 112-114 
Tmpey, Sir Elijah, Chief Justice in Ben- 
gal, 359; trial and condemnation of 
N und-komar, ib . ; a j udicial murder, 
360" ' ■ 

India under the Rajas, x; Greek and 
Roman kncwiedge of, 54, 55 ; con- 
dition in the seventh century, 58 ; 
religious revolutions, ib. 


INDEX, 


717 


Indore, the capital of Holkar, 364, mU ; 
fjundation of, 431; mutiny at, 652 ; 
contemplated annexation by Lord 
Elienborough, 566. Holkar 

Indo-Scythian kings in India, 52, 53 ; 
defeated by the Kajpdts and Guptas, 
54 ' 

Indra, Vaidik personification of the 
firmament, 62 

Indra-prastha (Delhi), founded by the 
Pandayas, 13 

Indus, river, ^ corssed by Alexander the 
Great, 47 ; invokedas Saraswati in the 
Vaidik hymns, 64 

Ira wadi, the river and valley of, 500 


J. . 

Jag AT Seth, the great banker of Mur- 
•shedabad, 263 ; his family insulted by 
Sarfaraz Khan, 266 ; joins in a Hindu 
and’ Moghul ]plot for the destruction 
of Sarfaraz Khan and elevation of 
Alivardi Khan, z A ; joins with Mir 
Jafir at Pkissy in the conspiracy 
against Suraj-ud-daula, 274, 275 
Jaghir, an estate given in lieu of a 
salary, 1^8, 139 

Jains,:. religion of, 8g, 90; conversion of 
Jain Rajas to Brahmanism, zA 
Jaipal, Raja of the Punjab, 73 ; de- 
feated by Mahmfid of Ghazni, zA; 
death and suicide, 

Jaipur, Jai Singh, Raja of, his sub- 
mission to Akbar, 13 1; vacillates 
during the wars between the sens 
of Shah Jehan, 159; deceived by 
Aitrangzeb, lyo ; his son a hostage at 
Delhi, 172 ; plans the escape of Sivaji, 
z'A 

Jaipur, Aurangzeb collects Jezya in, 178 ; 
submission tol'kirrukh Siyar, 209 ; con- 
tributions levied by^ Jaswant Rao Hol- 
kar, 450; the protective treaty with Eng- 
land annulled, zA ; quarrels with Jodh- 
pur, 45s, 456 ; war and anarchy under 
the policy of non-intervention, 523 ; 
type of a dissolute Hindu Rdnk^^/A ; 
forced interference of the British 
government, z'A ; council of Thakurs, 
a failure, 526 ; infatuation of Bentinck, 
death of the Rani, and poisoning of 
the Maharaja, 529 ; murder of Mr. 
Blake, /A 

Jamu Rajas at the court of Lahore, 590, 
391 ; Jamu and Kashmir bought by 
Gholab Singh, 598 
Janoji Bhonsia. Bhonsla 
Jaswant Singh, Raja of Marwar, 
marries a daughter of Shah Jehan, 
159 ; fury of his queen on his flight 
from the battle of Ujain, 160 ; accom- 
panies Shaista Khan in the war against 
Sivaji the Mahratta, 168 ; suspected of 
treacherous dealings with Sivaji, /A 
Jats, PLnduised Scythians, threaten 


Delhi, 345; found a principality at 
Bhurtpore in Hindustan, zA; Suraj 
Mai, the Jat hero of the eighteenth 
century, 346 ; wars amongst his sons, 
zA; contributions levied by the Mah- 
rattas, 347 / 

Java, Lord Mmto’'s expedition to, 457; 
captured by the English and restored 
to the Dutch, z'A 

Jehanauad, the new city of Delhi built 
by Shah Jehan, 155 

Jehandar Shah succeeds to the throne of 
Delhi, 207 ; a low drunkard under the 
tutelage of Zulfikar Khan, _z/5.; de- 
feated and slain by Farrukh Siyar and 
the two Saiyids, 2 g8 

Jehangir, or Selim, son of Akbar, ^ 140; 
rebels against his father, z"^. ; implicated 
in the assassination of Abul Fazl, ,and 
poisoning of his father, z'A; his vices, 
141;^ revenge on his son Khuzrti, zA; 
horrible execution of the followers 
of Khuzru, 142; infaPiated by Niir 
Mahal, the ‘‘light of the harem,’* 
z'A ; his reception of Captain Haw- 
kins, 143 ; of Sir IJiomas Roe, 
145, 146 ; becomes suspicious of the 
Khan Khanan, 146 ; shameless at- 
tempts at poisoning, 147; drinking 
bout on his birthday,^ z’A ; punishment 
of wine-di'inkers, 148 ; imperial progress 
from Ajmi'r towards the Dckhari, z'A; 
wonders of his camp, 149; return to 
Guzerat and Delhi, z'A; description of 
Guzerat, &c., 149, 150 ; head-quarters 
at Lahore, 150 ; his four sons, /A ; re- 
ported death, ^ 151 ; defeat of Shah 
Jehan at Delhi, 152 ; capture of Je- 
hangir by the Rajpiits, z’A; sudden 
death, z'A; nominates Bulaki, son of 
Khuzru, to succeed him as Padishah, 

Jews, parallelism between their history 
and that of the Afghans, 683, wU 
Jeypore, Jaipur ^ 

Jezya, a religious capitation tax imposed 
by Aurangzeb, 177 ; attempts t > collect 
it in liajpiitana, 178; collected by 
Aurangzeb at Surat, ^94 
Jhansi lapses to the British government, 
620, zz£?U; mutiny at, 641’, 642 ; u-each- 
erous massacre of Europeans hy the 
Ram, 642 ; death of the Rata in male 
attire, 663 

Jharokha, or public window of Akbar, 
138 ; at Delhi, 165^ 

Jhota Ram, the Jain banker at Jaipur, 
the paramour of the Rdni, 525 ; de- 
ludes Lord William Bentinck, 529 ; 
suspected of poisoning the Maharaja, 
z'A; forced to resign the post of minis- 
ter, z'A; implicated in the murder of 
^Mr. Blake, z'A 

Jinjeera, Abyssinians of, >330; their 
hereditaiy chiefs, or Seedees, protect 
Mecca pilgrims against pirates, zA 
Jinji or Gingee, fortress of, in tile Carnatic, 


7i8 index. 


a bone of contention between Zulfikar 
Khan and Ram Raja, 196; captured 
by Bussy, 2485 and note ; surrendered 
by the French, S87 

jirgah, or council of elders amongst the 
mountain tribes of the Sulaiman moun- 
tains, 667 

Jodhpore, Rajput kingdom of. See Mar- 
war ' 

Johur, Rajput rite of, performed at 
Chitdr, 83. 12O 

Joonere, a Mahratta fortress, the birth- 
place of Sivaji, i6s, 166 ; visited by 
Dr. Fryer, 194, 193 

Jullunder Doab, in the Punjab, taken 
over by the British government after 
the first Sikh war, 598 

Jung Bahadur, the famous Ghorka chief 
at Khatmandu, excites the spite of the 
heir-apparent of Nipal, 581 ; boasts 
of the murder of Matabar Singh, 585 ; 
becomes military minister at Khat- 
mandu, zd., note; all-pow'erful in Ni- 
pal, 586 ; subsequent career, id. 

Jungpens of Bhutan, 672 


K. 

KjCbul, conquered by Akbar, 130 ; naas- 
sacre of a Moghul army in the Khaiber 
Pass, 174 ; mysterious outbreak under 
' the missing brother of Aurangzeb, id.; 
captured by Nadir Shah, 222 ; its sur- 
render by the Kuzzilbashes to Ahmad 
Shah Abdali, 543 ; taken by Dost Mu- 
hammad Khan, 550 ; invaded by the 
English in the first Afghan war, 554; 
British occupation of, 35 ^ ; insurrection 
at, 557, 558 ; distractions in, 560 ; 
second British occupation tinder Pol- 
lock, 562.; reception of a British missi-.n 
refused by Sher Alt Khan, 682; and 
repulsed, 683; treacherous attack on 
the British Residency, id. 

Kahror, battle of, 54 
Kaikeyi, youngest queen of Dasaratha, 
29 ; her wrath at the installation of 
Rama as Yuva-raja, 30; cajoles 
Dasaratha, id. 

Kajar, reigning dynasty of Shahs of 
Persia, quarrels with the Zend party, 
429 ; triumph of, 429, 430 
Kalars, the caste ot, 60; included in the 
people of Marawar, 421, note 
Kali (Pgirvati), her place in the worship 
of the Turanians, 60 ; worshipped by 
the Brahmans as a divine mother, 65 ; 
the mythical founder of the right and 
left *** hands,*’ 41:4 
Kalidasa, author of Sakunktila, 69 
Kama, Hindu god of love, 64 
Kam Baksh,' youngest son of Aurangzeb, 
a Christian Sultan, 203 ,' death in battle, 
id. 

Kampilya, the city of Drupada, 10 ; the 
modern Kampil, 


Kamran Mirza, son of Mahmiid Shah, 
Amir of Kabul, his jealousy of the 
minister, Futih Khan, 549 ; blinds 
Futih Khan with hot needles, 550 ; 

, murder of Futih Khan, zA; flight of 
Kamran to Herat, id.', becomes ruler 
of Herat, 552; his treacherous plots, 
id.\ his ingratitude towards the English, 
5SS 

Kanara, kingdom^ of, 100 : the country of 
Venk-tapa _Naik, itt ; a type of a 
Hindu Raj in Southern India, xi2 ; 
Raja of, Venk-tapa. 

Kandahar captured by Nadir Shah, 222 ; 
plots of the Barukzais at, 546 ; mas- 
sacre, ib.\ captured by the English, 
554 

Kanishka, or Kanerke, founder of the 
latest dynasty of Indo-Scythian kings, 
53 ; brought Persian worship of the 
Sun into India, id. ; liberal patron of 
Buddhists, id. 

Kanouj on the Ganges, Aryan king- 
dom of, 2 ; the ancient Panchala, 
S; empire of, 56; Maharaja of, lord 
aramount of the RajpiJts, 77 ; cele- 
rates the Swayamvara of his daughter, 
77, 78 ; invites the Afghans to capture 
Delhi, 78; overthrown by Muhammad 
Ghori, z'(5. ; rebellion in, 130 
Kapila, Raj of, associated with the early 
life of Sdkya Muni, 45 
Kama, a friend of Duryodhana, 7 ; his 
ignoble birth as the son of a charioteer, 
id. ; challenges Arjuna at the exhibition 
of arms, id, ; is made a Raja by Dury- 
odhana, id. ; rebuffed by the Pandavas, 
id. ; bends the bow at the Swayamvara 
' of Draupadi, ii ; rebuffed by Draupadi, 
id. ; killed by Arjuna, 21 ; re-appears 
in the Ganges, 27 
Karnata, old empire of, 176, note 
Karraj Ali-ud-din governor of, 80 ; as- 
sassination of Jelal-ud-din, 82 
Kartakeia, god of war, 64 
Karwar, an English factory to the south 
of Goa, 19s; visited by Fryer, ib.\ 
Sivaji’s governmental 195 
Kashmir, conquered by Akbar, 139 ; 
attempts of Aurangzeb to form a navy 
on the lake, 169 ; conquered by Ahmad 
Shah Durani, 543 ; bought from the 
English by Gholab Singh, 598 ; re- 
bellion, 599 

Kassimbazar, inland English factory at, 
262; captured by Nawab Suraj-ud- 
daula, 270 ; by Mir Kasim, 300 
Kathsei, revolt against Alexander, 48 ; 
customs of, 49 ^ 

Kauravas, rival kinsmen of the Pdnda-* 
vas, I ; jealousy of the Pdndavas, 5 ; 
instructed inarms by Drona, com- 
pass the destruction of the Pandavas 
at Varanavata, 9 ; plot against the 
Pdndavas with Sdkuni, ' 14 ; the gamb- 
ling match, ih. \ invade Virata, 18; 
discover Arjuna, ib.\ slaughtered by 


INDEX. 


719 


the Pdndavas in the war of the Maha 
Bharata, 21 

Kausalya, eldest wife of Dasaratha and 
mother of 'Rama, 29 ; her anger at the 
exile of her son, 31 ; her vain re- 
monstrances, ib. 

Kaveri river, kept asunder from the 
Koleroon by an embankment, 235 ; 
delta of the two rivers xn Tanjore, tb, 
Kazi, or Muhammadan judge appointed 
to aid the Nawab. 189 
Keane, Sir John, commands the army 
for the occupation of Kdbul, 554 
Kerauli, a Rajput principality, notices of, 
617 ; question of adoption, 618 ; con- 
ceded by the Court of Du-ectors, ib. 
Khaiber Pass, massacre of the Moghul 
army in, 174; destructionof the British 
array in, 559 

Khalifs, the successors of Muhammad, 
74; Khalifs of Damascus and Bagdad, 
75 

Khalsa, or holy brotherhood of the Sikhs, 
5S7, and note; condition under Run- 
jeet Singh, 589, 590; growing dis- 
orders, 59a ; governed by councils of 
live, ib. ; final overthrow of the Khdisa 
army, 604 ; its soldiers under British 
command, 605. Sikhs 

Khdndava-prastha, an uncleared jungle 
round Delhi, 12; occupied by Nagas, 
13 ; Raj of under the Pdndavas, ib. 
Khan Jehan, the Afghan general of 
Shah Jehan, 154 _ ^ 

Khan Khanan, his intrigues in the reign 
of Jahangir, 144; suspicions respect- 
ing, 146; attempts of Jehangir to 
oison him, 147 

arak Singh, eldest son of Runjeet 
Singh, succeeds his father as Ma- 
hiiraja at Lahore, S91J takes fright at 
the murder of his minister, ih . ; his 
death, ib. 

Khatmandu, revolution at, 466, 467 ; 
mission of Kirkpatrick, 466 ; misSion 
of Knox, 469; revolution at, 470; 
massacre, 4^1 ; ferment during the 
Kabul war, ib. \ council of Bharadars 
at, 473, 474; frequent revolutions at, 
574» 575 ; ministerial complications at, 
576, 577 ; political compromise, 577; 
tragedies, 579 ; a new ministry, 585 ; 
horrible massacre, 586^ 

Khirki, assaults of Baji Rao Peishwa, 
repulsed by the English, 488, 489 
Khiva, an XJsbeg kingdom, 539 ; Russian 
expedition to, 554, 555 
Khokand on the Jaxartes inherited by 
Baber, 124 ; an Usbeg kingdom, 5391 
Russian aavance to, 678 
Khurim, a Pindhari leader, 458 : throws 
himself on the mercy of the English, 
4SS 

Khuzra, eldest son of Jehangir, 141; 
favoured by his grandfather, Akbar, 
ib . ; excites the jealousy of his father, 
Jehangir, ih.\ breaks out in revolt, 


ih. ; its failure, ib. ; horrible revenge 
of Jehangir,^ 142 ; his reconciliation 
with Jehangir, 149 ; his assassination 
by Shah Jehan, 151 

Kichika, brother of the queen of Virata, 

17 ; falls in love with Draupadi, ; 
slain by Bhimz, ib. ; his brothers try 
to burn Draupadi with his remains, 

18 

Kinloch, Captain, futile expedition 
against the Ghorkas of Nipal, 464 
Kinnaras, singers in the heaven of ludra, 
present at the feast of Bharadwdja, 38 
Kirkpatrick, Colonel, his mission to 
Nipal, 466 

Knox, Captain, his mission to Khat- 
mandu, 469 ,* its falure, 470 
Kolhapore, a Mahratta principality, 
331; family of the Rajas of, ib, note; 
intrigues of Nizam Ah, 341 
Koleroon river, dividing the Moghul 
Carnatic from the Hindu, 233 
Koh-i-Baba, mountain system in Af- 
ghanistan, 540 ; includes the rock 
fortress of Zohak, the demon king, 
ib., note 

Koles of Bengal, outbreak suppressed, 
624 

Konkan, kingdom of, 100 ; Mahrattas ofj 
ifis 

Korj'gaum, glorious defence of, 493 
Kosala, Raj of, 28. note 
Kotwal, office of, in towns, 145, i8g ; 
criminal jurisdiction, 189, 190 ; office 
at Calcutta, 261 

Krishnaraj, Raja of Mysore. See 
Mysore 

Krories, revenue officials, introduced by 
Todar Mai, 139 ; their, rapacity and 
oppression, ib. 

Kshatriyas, the military caste in India, 
II, 13 ; all who die in battle go to the 
heaven of Indra at Swarga, 27, note ; 
one of the four great castes, .59 
Krishna, the incarnation of Vishnu. 24, 
62 ; part played by him in the Mahil 
Bharata, zA ; supernatural appearance, 
ib . expounds to Arjuna the doctrine 
of metempsychosis, ib, 

Krishna Rai, Mahdraja of Nar.singa, 
91 ; vengeance against the Sultan of 
the Dekhan, 91, 92 

Kubraj Pandey, in favour at Khatmandu, 
s8i ; his false step, 381, 582 ; his fall, 
382 

Kulbarga, capital city of the Bahmani 
Sultans, 91 

Kimti,_ one of the wives of Pandii, 4; 
her contest with Madri as to Sati, ib. ; 
her sons, ib. 

Kurdla, battle of, 401 
Kusa, son of Rama and Sitd, 43 
Kutub-ud-dfn, Viceroy of M ubammad 
Ghori, 79 ; Sultan 01 Delhi, first of the 
slave-kings, z^. , builds the Kdtub 
Minar, zA; his death, 80 
Kuru-kshetra, the plain of, the scene of 


720 


INDEX. 


the war of the Mahd Bh^rata, 20; 
exaggeration and grandeur in the de- 
scription of the battle, 25, a6 
Kuvera, god of wealth, 64 
Kuzzilbashes, or Persian colonists, 
placed by Nadir Shah as a garrison 
in Kabul, 543; surrender the_ Bala 
Hissar to Ahmad Shah Abdali, ih.\ 
protect Timdr Shah, 544- slaughtered 
at Kabul by the Afghan Sunnis, 547 


L. 

Labourdonnais, commanderofa French 
squadron, captures Madras from the 
English, 242 ; his subsequent fate, zA, 
nois 

Lahore, Jehangir’s head'quarters at, 
150; massacre of princes at, 153; 
imperial road to Agra, 184 ; ferment 
during the Kdhul war, 571, 572 : the 
court and capital of Runjeet Singh, 
590; Sihh and Rajput factions at, 
590, 59 1 ; settlement of the govern- 
ment by Lord Hardinge, S9S, 599 5 
compromise with Lord Hardinge, 599, 
600 

Lake, General, Lord Wellesley’s instruct 
tions to, 435 ; his campaign in Hindus- 
tan, 437 ; its conclusion, 438 ; rebuffs 
Jaswant Rao Holkar, 440 ; preparations 
against Holkar, 441 *> in Rajpdtana, 
ik ; defeats Holkar and besieges 
Bhurtpore, 443 ; reduces Holkar to 
submission, 449; disgust mt Holkar's 
pretensions, 449, 450 ; indignant at the 
annulment of the protective treaty 
With Jaipur, 450 

Lakshmana, second son of Dasaratha, 
29 : accompanies Rdma on his exile, 
32 ; drives Sftd to Chitra-kdta, ^3 
Lakshnd, the goodess' of prosperity, 64; 
worship of, ib. 

Lally, Count de, arrival at Pondicherry, 
284; capture of Fort St. David, 
and recall of Bussy, 285 ; suspicious 
of Bussy, ib*\ desperate situation at 
Poridichen-y, ib. siege of Fort St. 
George, 285, 286; retreat, 2S6 ; ^defeat 
at Wandiwish, ik \ capitulation at 
Pondicherry, 287 ; melancholy end, ik 

1.. 31 Singh, paramour of the queen, and 
minister at Lahore, 593 ; his treachery 
10 the Sikh army, 595 ; moves to 
Ferozeshahar. ih, ; flight at Moodkee, 
596; flight from Ferozeshahar, ib.\ 
recognised as prime minister by Lord 
Hardinge, 599 ; his treachery in Eash- 
mfr, ib.\ his downfall. z'A 

1.. 'unas. or Buddhist abbots of Lhassa 
and Digarchi, 462 

Lambert, Commodore, his mission to 
Rangoon, 610 ; deceived and insulted 
by the Burmese ofhcials, 610 ; begins 
■ the second Burmese war, 611 


Landour built on territory ceded by 
Nipal, 476 

Langhorn, Sir William, governor of 
Madras, 192 

Lanka, ^the modern Ceylon, the abode 
of Ravana, the demon Raja of the 
Rakshasas, 40 

Laswari, General Lake’s victory at,. 
43S 

Lava, son of Rdma and Sftd, 43 
Law, M. , ex-governor of the French set- 
tlement at Chandernagore, supports the 
Shahzada and Naw-ab Vizier of Oude, 
279 ; his helpless condition, 282 
Lawrence, George, an hostage in the 
fir.st Afghan war, 599, note; carried 
off prisoner at Peshawar by Afghans 
and Sikhs, 603 

Lawrence, Henry, Major of the Bengal 
Artillery, afterwards General Sir 
Henry, 581, ?wte, 6 oj, note; Resident 
at Khatinandu, 584 ; prevents a mas- 
sacre, 2^. ; Resident at Lahore, 599 ; 
suppresses a rebellion in Jamu and 
Kashmir, ib. ; proceeds to England, 
600 ; President of the Board of Ad- 
ministration at Lahore, 607 ; his sym- 
pathies for the Sikh Sirdars, ib. ; retires 
from the Board, 60S ; appointed Chief 
Commissioner of Oude, 626; p)rompt 
suppression of the outbreak at Lukh- 
novv, 633, 634; preparations for the 
defence of the British Residency at 
Lukhnow, 641 ; his death, 650 
Lawrence, Sir John, afterwards Lord 
Lawrence, Commissioner of the Jul- 
lundar Doab, 599 , 7 tote ; civil member 
of the Board of Administration at 
Lahore, 607 j first Chief Commissioner 
of the Punjab, (S08 ; the saviour of 
India during the sepoy mutin>^, 653: 
Viceroy of India in succession to 
Lord Elgin, 670 ; policy in Afghanistan 
during the fratricidal war, 677, 67S ; 
dealings wdth Sher Ali Khan, ib. ; re- 
tirement and death, 679 ; his treaties 
with Dost Muhammad Khan, 680 
Lawrence, Major Stringer, takes the 
command of the East India Com- 
pany’s forces in India during the war 
against France, 243 ; goes to England, 
251 ; returns to Madras, 254 ; opera- 
tions at Trichinopoly, zA ; worried by 
the duplicity of Nawab Muhammad 
Ali, 255, 256 ^ 

Lhassa, the residence of the Teshu 
Lama, 462; temples at, plundered by 
the Ghorkas, 465 

Littler, General Sir John, his position at. 
Ferozepore at the breaking out of the 
first Sikh war, 595 

LukhnoW in 1857, sepoy mutiny of the 
3rd of May, 633; suppressed by _ Sir 
Henry Lawrence, 634 ; preparations 
for de^fence, 640 ; the city and canton- 
■ ment, 641 ; Eunpean and native forces, 
ik I outbreak of the 3dth of May, zA ; 


INDEX. 


721 


iliglat to Delhi, z 7 j. ; defence against 
mutineers and rebels, 649; death of, 
Henry Lawrence on the 4th of July, 
650 ; assault of the 20th of July, ib . ; 
failure of Havelock in August, 651 ; 
heroism of the besieged, 658 ; first 
relief by Havelock, 659 ; second relief 
by Sir Colin Campbell, ib.\ death _of 
Havelock in November, 660 ; burial 
in the Alumbagh, ib, ; capture of 
Lukhnow by Outram, 661 
Lushington, Mr., perished in the mas- 
sacre at Patna, 302 
Lytton, Lord, Viceroy of India, 681 


M. 

Macartney, Lord, governor of Mad- 
ras, 37S; treaty with Tippu, Sultan 
of Mysore, ib. ; capture of Puhcat 
and Sadras, Uk, note; assumption of 
the revenues of _ the Carnatic, 378 ; 
proposed reduction of the Nawab of 
the Carnatic to a pageant pensioner, its 
dubious equity, 379 ; zeal of the 
Nawab *s creditors, 380; restoration 
of the Carnatic ordered by the Board 
of Control, 381 ; his retirement, ib . ; 
declines the post of Governor-General, 
388 

Macaulay, Lord, his imperfect story of 
Mir Jafir’s jackass, 278 ; acquits 
Hastings of money corruption, 382, 
note 

Macna^hten, Sir William, appointed 
English minister and envoy at Kabul, 
534 ; excites the disaffection of the 
Afghans by the abolition or reduction 
of subsidies, 556 ; imprudent removal 
of the British troops from the Bala 
Hissar, ^57 ; vacillation during the 
insurrection at Kabul, 558 ; negotia- 
tions with the rebel leadens, fA, 559; 
attacked and murdered by Akbar 
Khan, 559 

Macpherson, Sir John, provisional 
Governor-General in succession to 
Warren Hastings, 388 

Madhu Rao, fourth Peishwa, succeeds 
his father Balaji Rao cn the throne 
at Poona, 339 ; regency of his uncle, 
Rughonath Rao, ib . : farce of in- 
vestiture at Satara, ib . ; disaffection 
of the Mahratta feudatories, 340; 
quarrels with his uncle, ib ; imprisoned, 
ib. ; reconciliation, 341 ; invades the 
territories of Hyder Ali, 342; fresh 
quarrels with his uncle inflamed hy his 
mother and aunt, 343 ; joins Nizam Ali 
in his invasion of Berar,_ zA ; his 
religious vagaries, zA ; friendly ad- 
vances of the English at Bombay, 
344 ; refusal to part ivith Salsette or 
Bassein, ib. \ awkward alliance 
between the English at Madras and 
Hyder AU of Mysore, 345; death by 


consumption, 348,360; succeeded by 
his brother, Narain Rao, z‘A 

Madhu Rao Narain, seventh Peishwa, 
infant son of Narain Rao, 362, 377; 
his suicide, 401 

Madras, visit of Fryer to, 191 ; origin of 
the town, ib, ; yearly rent to Golkonda, 
191, 192; surf-boats, 192; Fort St. 
George, ib. ; Sir William^ Langhorn 
governor, ib. ; population, _ il >. ; 
threatened by Moghuls, ig6 ; bribery 
of Zulfikar Khan, ib. ; besieged by 
Moghuls under Daud Khan, ib, ; peace 
at Madras, 197; growing commercial 
importance, 230 ; commercial esta- 
blishment, 230, 231; Governor in 
Council and Mayor’s Court, 231 ; 
justices of peace and Pedda Naik, ib. ; 
jealousy of the Dutch, _ ib. ; “ inter- 
lopers,” 232 ; flourishing^ trade in 
cotton piece goods, 234 ; isolation of 
traders, 234, 235 ; captured by the 
French under Labourdonnais, 242 ; re- 
stored to the English, 243 ; interference 
in Tanjore, 244 ; wars with the French 
at Pondicherry, 24^; 'treaty with 
Hyder AU, 318; situation on the 
Coromandel coast, 329 ; its individu- 
ality, ib. ; debts and difficulties of the 
Nawab of the Carnatic, 368 ; ag- 
gression of the Nawab on Tanjore, 
369; Lord Pigot and Paul Benfield, 
ib. ; imprisonment and death of Lord 
Pigot, 370; Sir Thomas Rumbold 
governor, ib. ; formidable power of 
Hyder Ali, ib. ; mission of Swartz to 
Seringapatam, 371 ; troubles with the 
Nizam _ about Guntoor, ib. ; Mr. 
Whitehill, governor, 372 ; invasion 
of Hyder Ali of Mysore, ib. ; White- 
hill deposed by W.arTen. Hastings, 
374 ; victories of Sir Eyre Coote, ib. ; 
Lord Macartney, governor, 378 ; 
troubles about the Nawab’s debts, 
380; orders of the Board of Control, 
381 ; corruption and inaction under 
governor Holland, 393 ; settlement 
of Tanjore, 420, 620; settlement of 
the Carnatic, 423, 620 

Madri. one of wives of Pdndu, 4 ; con- 
test with Kund, zA ; performs Sati, 
ib. ; her two sons, ib. 

Maduals, the sect of, in Southern India, 
409, 41 1 ; their distinctions and creed, 
ib, 

Magadha, the modern Behar, the 
cradle of Buddhism, corresponding 
with the country of Rdkshasas and 
Asuras, 8, wj?<f 

Mahflbat Khan, 152 ; captures Jehangir, 
zb. ; sham burial of Shah Jehan, 153 

Mahfl Bharata, war of, told in an ancient 
Hindu epic written in Sanskrit, i ; 
probable date of the war, 2; character 
of the war, 20 ; composition of the 
poem, 24 ; religious teaching Of, zA ; 
grandeur and exaggerations of, 25, 26 ; 


o 


INr>EX, 





722 

concluding scene at tlie Ganges, 26, 27 ; 
memories of, in tlie time of Hiouen- 
Thsang, 5^ . 

Maliabun mountain, inhabited by Hindii' 
stani fanatics, 667 ; English expedi- 
tion under Sir Neville Chamberlain, 
668 . 

Mahadaji Sindia. See Sindia. 

Mahadeva. See Siva 
Maharaja, or “great Raja/’ 2 
Mahe, captured by the English, 370-x 
Mahmud of Ghazni, invades India, 76 : 
twelve exiieditions into Hindustan, 
2/;. ; defeats the Rajputs at Somnath, 
ib. 76 ; destroys the idol pillar in the 
temple, 77; returns to Ghazni, ib.; 
his death, ib. 

Mahomet. See Muhammad 
Mahrattas, empire at Deoghut conquered 
by Ala-ud-din, 80-1 j rise in the 
Konkan under Sivaji, 165 ; career 
of Sivaji, 166; organises a system of 
black mail or cbout, 175 bootless 
operations of Aurangeb against, 38 x ; 
wars between Zulfikar Khan and Ram 
Raja, 396 settlement with Sahu Rao, 
the grandson of Sivaji, 205; his 
capital at Satara, id. ; indefinite 
claims to chout, ib. ; rise of the 
Brahman ministers or Peishwas, 206 ; 
their power and policy, 217; import- 
ance of Mahratta history, 218; 
military leaders subject to the Brahman 
Peishwas, 219 ; dealings with the Mu- 
hammadan powers, ib. ; helplessness 
of the Moghul court at Delhi, ib . ; 
secret relations between the Mahratta 
Peishwas and the Moghul Padishahs, 
230 ; extensive ravages after the in- 
vasion of Nadir Shah, 228;^ invasion 
of the Carnatic, 236 ; dealings with 
the Nawab, 237; take Trichinopoly 
by surprise, ib. ; imprison Chunder 
Sahib at Satara, ib.; merciless inva- 
sions of Bengal for the collection of 
choxit, 266 ; treacherous massacre of 
Mahrattas by Nawab Alivardi Khan, 
267 ; quieted by the promise of the 
Nawab to pay yearly chout, 268 ; 
demand arrears of chout from Mir 
Jafir, 279; contest with the Afghans 
for the Moghul empire, 289, 338; 
horrible defeat and massacre at Pani- 
put, 290, 339 ; demand chout ^ for 
Bengal and^ Behar from the English, 
313 ; Clive inclined to pay chout in 
return for Orissa, zb. ; general view of 
the_ Mahratta empire and its feuda- 
tories, 330 ; three seats of home 

f overnment — Poona, Satara, and 
;!olhapore, 331; four leading feuda- 
tories— the Gaekwar,^Holkar, Sindia, 
and the Bhonsla Raja of Berar, ib. ; 
transfer of power, after the death of 
Sahu, from the Raja of Satara to the 
Pcishwa of Poona, 332-3 ; administra- 
tion of Balaji Rao, the third Peishwa, 


334; Mahratta wars from Mysore to 
the Punjab, 337 ; crushing defeat at 
Paniput, 339 ; Mahdu Rao, fourth 
Peishwa, tb. ; internal distractions, 
340 ; wars against Hyder Ali and 
Nizam Ali, ib. ; conduct Shah Alam 
to Delhi under Mahadaji Sindia, and 
establish the Mahratta ascendancy in 
Hindustan, 347-S ; wrath with the 
English at their refusal to pay tribute 
for Bengal, 352 ; threaten to march 
through the Rohilla country into 
Oude, ib. ; death of Mahdu Rao 
Peishwa, 360; accession and murder 
of Narain Rao, fifth Peishwa, ib . ; 
succession of Riighonath Rao, sixth 
Peishwa, 361 ; Mahdu Rao Narain, 
seventh Peishwa, 362, 377; nego- 

tiations with the English at Bombay, 
362 ; condemned by the Bengal govern- 
ment, 363 ; treaty of Purundhur, 1776, 
ib. ; French intrigues at Poona, 364 ; 
Bombay invited to restore Rughonath 
Rao, ib. ; Bombay expedition to Poona, 
365 ; convention of Wurgaum, ib. ; first 
Mahratta war, 366 ; confederacy with 
Plyder Ali and Nizam All, 373 ; close 
of the first Mahratta war by the treaty 
of Salbai, 377; regarded ^as the most 
formidable _power m India, 3S4 ; new 
Mahratta kingdom between the Jumna 
and Ganges founded by Mahadaji 
Sindia, 3S6 ; English Resident ap- 
pointed at Poona, 387 ; war between 
the Peishwa and Tippu Sultan, 388 ; 
rivalry between Nana Farnavese and 
Mahadaji Sindja, 391: ; dealings with 
Lord Cornwallis during the first war 
against Tippu, 394; grasping de- 
mands, ^ 395 ; their treachery, 396 ; 
installation of the Peishwa as the 
deputy of the Great Moghul, 397 ; 
de.ath of Mahadaji Sindia, 398; crush- 
ing demands on the Nizam for arrears 
of chout, 399; Mahratta envoy insulted 
at_ Hyderabad, 400; defeat of the 
Nizam at Kurdla, 401; suicide of 
Mahdu Rao Narain, ib. ; Baji Rao, 
eighth Peishwa, ib. ; intrigues between 
Baji Rao, Daulat Rao Sindia, and 
Nana Farnavese, 402; reject Lord 
Mornington’s offers of an English alli- 
ance, 405 ; their rule in Tanjore de- 
. scribed by Swartz, 421 ; replies of the 
Peishwa’to the offers of Lord Welles- 
ley, 427; Mahratta affairs, 430,431; 
defeat of Baji Rao at Poona by jas- 
want Rao Holkar, 432 ; flight to the 
Bombay presidency, 433 ; conclusion 
of the treaty of Bassein, ib.; second 
Mahratta war, ib. ; hostility of Smdia 
and the Bhonsla, 434; campaign of 
Wellesley and Stevenson in the Dek- 
han, 433 ; English victories at Assaye 
andArgaura, 436; Lake’s campaign in 
Hindustan, 437 : English victories at 
Alighur and Delhi, ib. ; Laswari, 43S: 


INDEX. 


723 


Sindia and the Bhonsla become feuda- 
toi'ies of the British government, ib. ; 
difficulties with, JaswJint Rao Holkar, 
439 ; reduced to submission, 444, 
44^ ; reactionary policy of Cornwallis 
and Barlow, 44S, g ; brief interval of 
peace, 45^ > tise of the Pindharies, 
457 ; conquest of the _ Pindharies 
by Lord blastings, 476; intrigues of 
Baji Rao Peishwa, 478 ; murder of the 
Brahman minister of the Gaekwar, 
479 ; imprisonment and escape of Trim- 
bukji Dainglia, 480 ; remonstrances of 
the British Resident , at Poona, 481; 
attitude of Sindia and Holkar, 482; 
submission of Sindia, 483;^ difiiculties 
■with Holkar, 485 ; duplicity of Baji 
Rao, 486; treachery, 487 ; hostilities 
begun by the Peishwa, 488 ; flight of 
the Peishwa, 489 ; treachery of the 
Bhonsla ^ of Nagpore, 490; battle of 
Sitabuldi, Mr. Jenkins supreme, 
491; defeat of the army ot Holkar at 
Mehidpore, 492; extinction^ of the 
Peishwas, 494; settlement with Hol- 
kar, 495 ; success of Lord Hastings’ 
policy, ib . ; political relations during 
the administration of Lord Amherst 
and Lord William Bentinck, 523. 
See also Holkar and Sindia 
Malabar, Rajas of, 8g ; on western coast 
of India, 99 ; Malabar, proper, ico ; 
twelve kings of, ib. ; pepper and pil- 
grims, 1 01; suzerainty of the Zamonn, 
102 ; Malabar pirates, 104; visit of 
Delia Valle to the court at Calicut, 
tig; Rajas sacred in battle, 120 
Malacca founded by Albuquerque, 
104 

Malcolm, Capt.ain John, his mission to 
Persia, ^30 ; his early career, ib,, note ; 
negotiations with Daulat Rao Sindm, 
438 ; story of “Old Brag," ib., note’, 
his half-hearted treaty with Holkar, 
449; sent by Lord Minto on a mission 
to Persia, 454, note;^ meets Baji Rao 
atMaholi,487 ; oufwitted, ib.; negotia- 
tions with Tulsl Bai, 492 ; defeats the 
army of Holkar at M ehidpore, ib. ; final 
settlement of Baji Rao, .^95 
Malik Amber, the Abyssinian minister 
of Ahmadnagar, 144; defeated by the 
Moghul army, 149 

Malik Kafur, general of Alu-ud-dfn, 
8 s ; plunders Hindu temples in the 
south, notably those of Madura 
and Mysore, a Hindu converted 
to Islam, /.iJ. 

Malwa, region of, 71 ; relative position 
of, towards Rajpiuana, 131. note; 
divided between Smdia and Holkar, 
264, note j 

Manaris, or hereditary oxen-drivers, 187 ; 
division into four tribes with caste 
marks, XS7-S ; wmmen tatooed with 
flowers, 188 ; identified with Brinjar- 
ries, 395' " ' 


Mandalay, present capital of Burma, 
51S 

Manel, residence of the queen of Olaza, 
11 $ 

Mangalore, Portuguese fort at, 105 ; 
treaty at, between Lord Macartney 
and Tippu Sukan, 378 

Manipura, ancient kingdom of, the 
modern Munipore, 13 

Manouchi, the Venetian physician, his 
memoirs of the reign of Aurangzeb, 
174 

Mansel, Mr., member of the 'Punjab 
Board of Administration, 607 

Mdn Singh, Raja of Jodhpur, claims 
the daughter of the Rana of Udaipur, 
455 J quarrels with Jaipur, 4S<-t. See 
Marw'ar 

Mansubdars, rank of, in the Moghul 
court, 133 / 

Manu, impersonality, laws of, 677 ; based 
on the transmigrations of the soul, 66 : 
merits and demerits, ; heaven and 
hell, ib. ; the divine spirit, 67 ; deliver- 
ance of the soul in absorption, ib. ; 
four stages of life, ib. ; Brahman pre- 
judice concerning, 162^ 

Marawar country, a relic of Hindu an- 
tiquity associated with the legends of 
Rama, 421, note 

]VI.arco Polo, his descripticn of Coro- 
mandel and Malabar Rajas, Sg 

Manamma, the Malabar goddess, wor- 
shipped by the Portuguese ambassa-j, 
dors by mistake for the Virgin Mary, 
102 

Martaban, in Burma, besieged by 
Byeen-noung, 504-5 ; surrendered, 
505 ; plundered _ and sacked, 507 ; 
revolting execution of the queen and 
her ladies, 508, Sio _ 

Maruts, Vaidik, personification of the 
winds, 62 ; followers of Indra, ib. 

Marwar, Jaswant Singh, Raja of, 
marries a daughter of Shah Je ban, 
159; wrath of his wife at his flight from 
the battle of Ujain, 1 60 ; won ^ over 
by Aurangzeb, t6t ; employed in the 
war against Sivaji, 168 ; suspected of 
treachery, ; his widow resists the 
collection of Jezya, 178 ; Man Singh 
claims the daugiiter of the Rana of 
Udaipur, 455; conflicts with refrac- 
t. ry Thakurs, 525 

Masulipatam, Muhammadan port on the 
coast of Coromandel, visited by B'ryer, 
190 ; description of, 190, i; ceded 
to the French, 257; captured by the 
English, 286 

Matabar Singh, of Nipal, nephew of 
Bhim Sein Thapa, thrown into prison, 
576 ; released and pardoned, 577 ; his 
Hiissipn to I^abore, 579; invked to 
return to Nipal, 583; wreaks his ven- 
geance on the Pandeys at Khatmandu, 
584 ; appointed premier, ib, ; his rash 
and overbearing conduct, ib. ; plots 
A 2 


O 


724 


INDEX. 


against the M aharaja, ii ), ; appointed 
preiiiier for life, 5155; horribly murdered, 
ib, 

Mathura, temple at, converted into a 
mosque by A-urangzeb, 177 ; plundered 
by the Afghans under Ahmad Shah 
Abdali, a8o 

Mauritius taken from France by the 
British, 457 

Mayo, Lord, Viceroy of India, 679 ; his 
conference with Sher AH at Umballa, 
ib . his conciliatory i>olicy, 680 ; his 
interest in Burma affairs,^ 681 ; visit to 
Rangoon, ib. ; assassination, ib. 
Max-Miiller, Professor, his edition of 
the Rik Vaidha, and translations of 
Vaidik hymns, 62 

Meade, Major, arrests Tantia Topi, 664 
Meanee, in Sinde, battle of, won by Sir 
Charles Napier, 565 

Mecca, Sherif of, repulses the envoys of 
Aurangzeb, 162 

Medows, General, his futile campaign 
against Tippu, 394 

Meerut, mutiny of the sepoys at, 
634, 5 ; terrible rising on Sunday, the 
loth of May, 635 ; fatal delays, 636 ; 
flight of the mutineers to Delhi and 
beginning of the revolt of the Bengal 
army, xb. 

Megasthenes, the Greek ambassador at 
the court of Sandrokottos, 50; his 
description of the city of Pali-bothra, 
thfe. modern Patna, ib,', of the people 
of India, 51 

Mehidpore, battle of, 492 
Merivale, Mr. Herman, editor of the 
correspondence and journals of Philip 
Francis, 356 

Metcalfe, Mr., afterwpds Lord, his 
missi'jn to Runjeet Singh, 454; con- 
ducts the negotiations with Amir 
Khan, 484; appointed Resident at 
Hyderabad, 496 ; condemns the bank 
of Palmer and Co,, 497 ; convenes a 
council of Thakdrs at Jaipur, 526 ; 
Governor - General of India, 538; 
grants liberty to the press, ib. 
hletempsychosis, the dogma of, the 
transmigrations of the soul, 45 ; doc- 
trine of deliverance from, taught by 
Buddha, 46; docmne of merits and 
deliverance taught by Manu, 66. 67 
Meywar. See Udaipore 
JMiddleton, Mr., superseded as Resident 
. at Lukhnow by Mr. Bristow, 357 
Midnapore, ceded by Mir ICasirn to the 
^ English, 292 

Mill, _Mr. James, his groundless charges 
against Vansittart, 292, nate ; his 
opinion of Muhammad Reza Khan 
.and Shimb Rai, 350, 7ioie 
Mill, Colonel Jamas, proposed the 
conquest of Bengal long before Clive, 
288, 289, mte 

Millennium, the Muhammadan, expected 
in the reign of Akbar, 137 


Minlo, Lord, Governor-General of 
India, 453; his active policy, ; 
despatches missions to Runjeet Singh, 
Persia, and Kabul, 454 and note ; 
interferes to prevent the aggressions of 
Amir Khan on_Nagpore, 455 ; active 
operations against the French and 
Dutch, 457; leaves India, 459; his 
remonstrances with Nipal, 460, 472 ; 
his ultimatum, 473 

Misls, or Sikh fraternities, 588; their 
decay, 589 

Misr Guru at^Khatmandu, 576; forced 
to go on pilgrimage, 579 ; recalled 
from Benares, 581 

Mitchell, Colonel, his proceedings in the 
sepoy mutiny at Berhampore, 632 

Mithila, Raj of, the modern Tirhiit, 
29, note 

Mithra, or the Sun, worship of, imported 
into India by Kanishka, 53 ; corre- 
sponds with the Vaidik Surya, 62 

Mir Jafir, posted at Plassy by Nawab 
Suraj-ud-daula, 274; joins Jagat Seth 
in his conspiracy against Suraj-ud- 
daula, 274, 275 ; his dubious conduct 
at Plassy, 275; instaljed as Nawab by 
Colonel Clive, 276 y his money presents 
and cessions of territory, ih.\ confers 
the quit rent of the Company's terri- 
tory on Clive, zA; origin of Clive’s 
jaghir, ib . ; his incapacity as a ruler, 
277; atrocities of his son Miran, ib.\ 
nicknamed “ Colonel Clive’s jackass,” 
278 ; replaces Hindu commanders by 
Muhammadans, ih . ; Mahratta de- 
mands for chout, 279 ; relations with 
the Shahzada, 281 ; becomes insuffer- 
able, 292; deposed by Vansittart dn 
favour of his son-in-law, Mir Kasim. 
292 ; restored to the throne by the 
Calcutta council, 301; his death, 
306. 

Mir Kasim, son-in-law of Mir Jafir, his 
dealings with Mr. Vansittart for the 
Nawabship of Bengal and Behar, 292 ; 
the preliminary treaty, ib.', his offer of 
twenty lakhs refused by Vans.ttart, 
zA; proclainted Nawab, 293; defeats 
the Moghul army under Shah Alara, 
zA; secures letters of investiture fro. u 
Shah Alam, 293 refuses to join in an 
Lnglish expedition to Delhi, 294; 
suspicions of the English, 294, 295 ; 
secret preparations for war, 295 ; 
quarrel about private p*ade, 295, 
297 ; his sudden abolition of all 
duties, ib. ; violence of the English 
council at Calcutta, ib. ; reception of 
Ainyatt and Hay at Monghyr, 298 ; 
stoppage of a boat-load of .arms for 
the English factory at Patna, 299; 
puffed up with the recapture of Patna, 
300; murder of Amyatt, ib. ; flight to 
Patna, 301; massacre of 150 English- 
men at Patna, 302 ; escape into Oude, 
ib.} perishes in obscurity, 304 


INDEX. 



MIechbas, or barbarians, Hindu name 
fur Guptas, 53 

Moghuls, their early invasions of India, 
80; described as ugly nomades, ib.\ 
massacred by A!d-ud-din, 84 ; invade 
the Punjab, 86 ; bribed by Muhammad 
Tughlak to go away, zb.; invasion of 
Timur, 122; Tartar origin of, 123; a 
ruling tribe, possibly representatives of 
the Royal Scythians ^ described by 
Herodotus, zb.; religious toleration, 
2^. ; approximate to t& Persian type, 
X24; early life of Baber, zb.; invasion 
of India, 2*^.; (defeat of the Rana of 
Chitdr, 125; his death, z‘b.; reign of 
Humayun, zb,; recovery of Hindu- 
stan by the Afghans, 126 ; exile of 
Humdyun, 127 ; returns to Delhi and 
dies, zb. 

Mogliul empire, founded by Akbar, 127 ; 
wars against the Afghans, 128 ; decay 
of the Muhammadan religion, 130 ; 
establishment of political and religious 
equality, z‘b.; efforts to amalgamate 
Moghuls and Rajputs, 131 ; introduc- 
tion of a strong Rajpdt element, 132 ; 
Moghul aristocracy without hereditaiy 
rights, 1:33 J hereditary aristocracy of 
the Rajputs,^ zb.; antagonism of re- 
ligion, a political gain, 134; religion 
of Akbar, 137 ; public life of the 
Moghuls, zb. ; land-tenure, 138 ; reign 
of Jehangir, 141 ; English appear at 
Surat, 142 ; mission of Captain Haw- 
kins to Agra, 143 ; miss.on of Sir 
Thomas Roe to Jehangir, zb.; audience 
at Ajniir, 145 ; poisonings at the 
Moghul court, X47 ; festiimls, zb.; 
camp of the Great Moghul, 149 ; 
massacres of brigands and rebels, z'b. ; 
Rajput wars, 150 ; death of Jehangir, 
152 ; massacre of princes and ac- 
cession of Shah Jehan, 153 ; increasing 
antagonisms between Moghuls and 
Rajpblts, 154; disaffection of tributary 
Rajas, 155; fratricidal wars between 
the four sons of Shah Jehan, 157 ; early 
career of Aurangzeb, 158 : (ieceives 
his brother Munid, 159 ; succession of 
Aurangzeb to the Moghul throne, 16 1; 
description of Delhi, 163; early al- 
liance with Sivajiand the Mahrattas, 
166 ‘ conflicts with the Mahrattas, 168 ; 
suspicious death of Shah Jehan, 169 ; 
feigned rebellion, 172; history for- 
bidden by public edict, 173 ; mysterious 
rebellion in Kabul, 174; treacherous 
massacre of Afghans, 175 : persecution 
of Hindus and destruction of idolatry, 
176. 177; imposition of the religious 

f )oU-tax, known as the Jezya, z'b. ; re- 
igious wars in Rajpiitana, 178 ; splen- 
did march of the Moghul army, 179; 
camp life of Aurangzeb, 180 ; conquest 
of Bijdpur and Golkonda, i8r ; revival 
of Hindu nations lity, zb.^ 

Moghul empire, civilisati .n of, 183 ; 


condition of the masses ignored, zb.; 
superior roads, 184 ; carriages, 185 ; 
caravanserais, z'b.; dangers and incon- 
veniences of travelling, z’b.; guards of 
h rsemen, 186 ; Thugs or stnangiers, 
z'b.; absence of roads in Hindu king- 
doms, 187 ; hereditary oxen-drivers, 
3.; foot-p<3sts_in India, 188 ; adminis- 
tration of justice, 189 Fryer’s travels 
in India, 190 ; description of Masuli- 
patam, z'b. ; old Madras, igi ; Bombay, 
193 ; Surat, z'b. ; Joonere, 194 ; Karwar, 
195 ; English settlements in Bengal, 
197 ; refractory Rajas in Bengal a..d 
Be bar, 200 

Moghul empire, story of its decline and 
fall, 202 ; fratricidal wars of the sons 
of Aurangzeb, 203 ; persecutions of 
the Sikhs, 204 ; growing independence 
of the Viceroys, cf provinces,^ 205 ; 
Mahratta claims to chout, z'b.; reign of 
Jehandar Shah, 207 ; rebellion _ of 
Farrukh Siyar and the two Say ids, 
z'b.; constant plots and intrigues, acS; 
English mission from Calcutta to Delhi, 
209 : Mahrattas at Delhi, 21I ; as- 
sassination and revolution, zb.; decay 
of the empire, 213; cessation of the 
imperial progresses, z'b.; latent force of 
court routine, zb.; successsions to local 
governments, 214 ; the Padishah, the 
sole fountain of honour, rank, and 
title, z'b.; provincial Dewans or Ac- 
countant-Generals, z'b.; general cor- 
ruption, 215 ; ostentatious reverence to 
the orders of the Padishah, zb.; grow- 
ing power of the Mahrattas. 217; 
secret relations between the Mahrattas 
and the Moghul court at Delhi, 221 ; 
invasion of Nadir Shah, 223 ; sack of 
Delhi, 225 ; horrible carnage, zb.; fall 
of the empire amidst the contests 
between Mahrattas and Afghans, 228 

Monson, Colonel, his advance into 
Central India in pursuit of Jaswant 
Rao Holkar, 442 ; disastrous retreat, 
442, 443 

Montgomery, Sir Robert, member of 
the Punjab Board of Administration, 
607 

Moodkee, Hardinge and Gough’s victory 
at, 596 

Moors, Arab Muhammadan traders so 
called, 101 ; intrigues against Portu- 
guese, 102, 103 

Morari Rao, a Mahratta genera! at Tri- 
chinopoly, 238 ; declares against Mortiz 
All, 240 ; joins the regent of Mysore, 
254 ; pretended mediation between 
Major Lawrence and Muhammad All, 
256, 

Mornington, Lord, succeeds Sir John 
Shore as Governor-General of India, 
403 ; lands at Calcutta, 404 ; alarmed 
at the power of the French, zb.; aban- 
dons the idea of a balance of power, 
404, 403 ; alliance with Nizam Ali 


726 


INDEX. 


against Tippu, 405 ; futile negotiations 
with the Mahrattas, 2^.; demands ex- 
planations from I'ippu, 406 ; downfall 
of Tippu and settlement of Mysore, 
407 ; created Marquis of Wellesley, 
ib. See Wellesley 

Ivlortiz AU, brother-in-law of Naw'ab 
Subder Ali, commands Vellore, 238 ; 
resists demands of contribution, 239 ; 
implicated in the massacre of Subder 
Ali, ib.) proclaimed Nawab, 239, 240 ; 
flight from Arcot, 240 ; implicated in 
the murder of the boy Nawab, 241 
Mostyn, Mr., English Resident at Poona, 

Mudaji Bhonsla. See Bhonsla 
Muhammad, the prophet of Arabia, his 
teaching and death, 74 ; succeeded by 
the four Khalifs, ib. ; Arab conquest of 
Asia to the Indus and Oxus, 75 
uhammadans, their conquest of Hin- 
Mdustau, 75-77: of Bengal, 79; of the 
Dekhan and Peninsula, 84; declining 
power, 87, 130 ; horrible rule in Ben- 
gal before the Moghul conquest, 105 ; 
antagonism towards Rajputs, 152-154 
Muhammadan Sultans of the Dekhan, 
91 ; Bahmani dynasty of Kulbarga, 
ib. ; wars against the Hindu empire of 
Vijayanagar, 91-93 ; dismemberment 
into the five kingd(»msof Ahmadnagar, 
Berar, Bider, Bijapur, and Golkonda, 
93 : interference m the city of Vijay- 
anagar, 95 ; bribed to retire, 96 ; un- 
holy alliance with Ram Rat, ib. ; 
league of the Sultans against the Ma- 
haraja, ib. ; decisive victory at Tali- 
kota. 97 ; conquest of Ahmadnagar and 
Berar by Akbar, 139’ 140 ; invasion 
of Jehangir, 148, 149; designs of 
Aurangzeb, 158 ; conquest of Bijapur 
and. Golkonda, 18 1 
Muhammad Afzal Khan. See Aix&l 
Muhammad Ali, Nawab of the Carnatic, 
appointed by the Nizam, 251 ; assisted 
by the English at Tnchinopoty, ib.’ 
intrigues with Mysore, 254; his 
duplicity, 255 ; helped by the Eng- 
lish in the reduction of rebellious 
Pohgars, 25S ; his debts, 368 ; efforts to 
bribe, the governor of Madras, 369; 
English adventurers at his court, 380 ; 
his death, 423 ; treachery of his son 
and successor, ib.; introduction of 
British administration into the Carnatic, 
424; extinction of the titular Nawab- 
ship by Lord Dalhousie, 620 
Muhammad Azim Khan. See Azim 
Muhammad Ghori, his conquest of Hin- 
dustan, 77 ; stabbed to death by the 
Gakkars, 79 ■ 

Muhammad Reza Khan, bargaining with 
four members of the Calcutta Council 
at Murshedabad, 306 ; becomes deputy 
Nawab of Bengal, 307; wrath of 
Lord Clive, 309 ; corrupt collusion with 
English officials, 326 ; alleged miscon- 


duct during the famine, 328 ; arrested 
and brought to Calcutta, 350 ; his res- 
toration refused by Warren Hastings, 
ib. 

Muhammad Shah, succeeds to the throne 
of Delhi, 212 ; decline of the Moghul 
empire, 213; compelled to submit to 
Nadir Shah, 224 ; nominal sovereignty, 
227 ; his death, 22S 

Muhammad Tughlak,his disastrous reign, 
86 ; bribes the Moghuls, ib. ; excessive 
taxation, ib. ; fatal removal of capital 
from Delhi to Deoghur, ib. ; introduces 
copper counters for gold money, 87 ; 
financial anarchy, ib. ; rebellions and 
. revolutions, ib. ; his death, ib. 

Mulhar Rai Holkar. See Holkar 
Mulraj, Viceroy of Multan under Sikh 
rule, 600 ; his feigned resignation, ib. ; 
murder of Mr. Vans Agnew and Lieu- 
tenant Anderson, 601 ; defeated by 
Herbert Edwardes, 602 ; suspicious of 
Sher Singh, 603 ; surrenders Multan, 
604 ; imprisoned for life, 605 
Munro, Hector, his punishment of mutiny 
at Patna, 303 ; gains the battle of 
Buxar, 304; disaster during Plyder 
AIi*s invasion of the Carnatic, 373, 374 
Murshedabad, capital of Bengal, moved 
from Dacca, 262 ; expenditure of the 
old Nawabs, 322 ; decline, 351 
Murshed Kuli Khan, beconje.s Nawab 
of Bengal, Bebar, and Orissa, 262 ; re- 
moves his capital from Dacca to Mur- 
shedabad, ib,; harsh treatment of 
Hindus. 263 ; hates his s'on-in-law, 
Shuja Khan, ib.; his death, 264 
Muzaffir Jung. .S’lS’e Nizam 
Mysore, Hmdu government of, 254 ; 
cession of Trichinopoly to the Hindu 
regent, 255; Hindu regent joins the 
French, 256 ; nse of Hyder Ali, 316 ; 
his invasion of the Carnatic, 317 ; 
offensive and defensive treaty with the 
English, 318 ; his formidable power, 
370 ; mission of Swartz, 371 ; invasion 
of the Carnatic, 373 ; death of Hyder 
•A-lij 377 : palace life at Seringapatam, 
ib. ; succession of Tippu, son of Hyder, 
378 : treaty of Mangalore, ib. ; agres- 
sions of Tippu on the lines of Travan- 
core, 393; campaigns of Lord Corn- 
wallis, 394. 395 ; submission of Tippu, 
395 ; hostile negotiations of Tippu 
with the French, 404, 406 ; last war 
against Mysore, 406; downfall and 
death of Tippu, 407 ; resuscitation of 
a Hindu dynasty by Lord Wellesley, 
ib. ; travels of Buchanan m Mysore, ib.; 
description of Bangalore, 412; govern- 
ment of Purnea, 414, 534 ; aspires to 
be a Peishwa, 535 ; enthronement of 
Krishnaraj, ib.; ruinous profligacy, ib.; 
fruitless warnings, 536; rebellion in 
Mysore, zb.; deposition of the Raja, 
ib. ; prosperity under British rule, 

•' '^537 


INDEX. 


727 


N. 

Nadik Shah, or Nadir KuH Khan, his 
rise ia Persia, 222 ; assists Shah Tah- 
masp, ih . ; usurps the throne of Persia, 
ib.', unsuccessful embassies to the 
Moghul, ih . ; captures Kandahar and 
Kab^ul, ib.y reported intercourse with 
Saadvit Ali Khan and Nizam-ul-niulk, 
223 intrigues, ib . ; march through the 
Punjab, zb.\ defeats the Moghuls at 
Kurnal, ib . ; submission of Muhammad 
Shah, 224.; negotiations with the 
Nizam, ib.% march to Delhi, ib.\ 
gloomy entry into Delhi, ibr, massacre 
of Nadir Shah's soldiery, 224, 225; 
his revenge, 225; Nadir Shah in the 
mosque, 225, 226; collection of the 
subsidy, 226; spoils, ; intermarriage 
and ceded territoiy, 227 ; resuscitation 
of the Moghul, ib.\ return to ^Persia, 
ih.', declaration of the Sunni faith, z'^.; 
assassination, ib . ; effects of his in- 
vasion, 227, 228: his death the com- 
mencement of Afghan history, 542 
Nagas, or snake-worshippers, 2 ; aScythic 
tube occupying Khandhava-prastha, 
13; an existing type of the so-called 
aborigines, 60 

Nagpore,Raja of, demands the restoration 
of Cuttack and Berar, 451; Amir 
Khan's aggressions on, 455 ; treachery 
of Raja Appa Sahib, 4S9 ; espouses 
the cause of Baji Rao Peishwa, ib.', 
defeat and flight of Appa Sahib, 491 ; 
succession of a boy Raja, ih.', mixed 
administration of Mr. Jenkins, 523, 
618; deterioration under native rule, 
619 ; annexation of Nagpore, ib. 

Naiks, or deputy Hindu rulers, gS 
Nairs, the military caste in Malabar, 
ICO ; massacre of the Portuguese at 
,, Calicut, 103/' 

Najaf Khan, career of, 386^ mte ; his 
' son, Afrasiab Khan._z<5,' 
Najib-ud-daula. appointed hy Ahniad 
Shah Abdali to be guardian of the 
Moghul king at Delhi, eSo * a Rohilla 
Afghan, 2S1 ; driven out by Ghazi-ud- 
din, ib.‘, regent guardian at Delhi 
under the title of Amir of Amirs, 
338, 345 ; dealings with Sur.a^ Mai, 
the Jat Raja, 346 ; intngues with the : 
English at Calcutta, 346, 347; be- 
haviour towards Ahmad Shah Abdali, 
347 ; overtures to the Mahrattas, ib.-, 
his death. 347. 35t ' 

Kala and Damayanti, the poem of, 70, 
72 ; Swayamvara of Damayand, 71 ; 
the royal gambler, zA; exile in the 
jungle, ib . ; flight of N ala, and agony 
of Damayanti, ib.', reconciliation, 72 ; 
characteristics of the poem, 72 
Nalanda, the Buddhist umversity of, 
visited by the Chinese pilgrims, 57, 58, 
Nana Farnavese, the Brahman minister 
at the court of Poona, 360 ; favours St. 


Luhin, the French adventurer at 
Poona, 364 ; plots and intrigues, ib. ; 
origin of influence, ib,, note; supported 
by Mahadaji Sindia. 365 ; his action 
in the convention of Wurgaum, 365 ; 
dread of Hydep Ali, 376; ratifies the 
treaty of Salbai, 377 ; becomes the real 
head of affairs^at Poona, 384 ; schemes 
for checking Smdia,_ 391 ; plays a 
double game with Tippu and Com- 
w^allis, 394 ; attempts to prevent the 
installation of the Peishwa as deputy 
of the Great Moghul, 397 ; antagonism 
towards Mahadaji Smdia, 397, 398 ; 
calls upon Sindia for the revenues of 
the conquered provinces in Hindustan, 
39S ; the rivalry closed by the death 
of Mahadaji Sindia, 399; height of 
prosperity, 401 ; distractions arising 
from the suicide of the Peishwa, 401 ; 
discovers the intrigues of^ Baji Rao, 
and declares him to be Peishwa, 402 ; 
flies to Satara, z'A; return and im- 
prisonment, z’A; forced reconciliation 
W'xth Baji Rao, 405 ; evades an alliance 
with the British government, 400; 
grounds of his refusal, 427 ; his death, 
430 

Nana Sahib, the adopted heir of Baji 
Rao Peishwa, 620; claims to inhetit 
the pension granted to Baji Rao, 621 ; 
residence at Bithoor, 643 ; his deceit- 
ful professions, 644; his wild dreams 
of restoring the extinct Mahratta em- 
pjre of the Peishwa, ib.; joins the mu- 
tineers, zVc; his threatening letter to 
General Wheeler, 645 ; besieges Cawn- 
pore, ib.; his treacherous proposalsj 
6451 negotiations, 646;^ massacre on 
the river Ganges. z*<5.; installation as 
Peishwa, 647 ; defeated by Havelock, 
64S; orders the massacre of w’omen 
, and children at Cawmpore, ib. j flight 
from Cawnpore, 649 ; reoccupies Bi- 
thoor, 651 ; defeated by Have lock, ib. 

Nanuk Guru, founder of the Sikh hro- 
therheod, or commonwealth, in the 
Punjab, 204. 587 

Nao Hlhal Singh, grand.son of Run- 
jeet Singh, Mahdraja at Lahore, 391 ; 
his death at his father’s funeral, ib. : 

Napier, Sir Charles, his campaign in 
Siiidev '565: wins thebattles of Me- 
ariee and Hyderabad, z’A; controversy 
with Outrarn, 565. 566 ; appointed Com- 
mander-in-chief of the Bengal army in 
.succession to Lord Gough, 604 

Napier, Colonel Robert (Lord Napier of 
Magdala), his engineering work in the 
Punjab, 609, note ; his dashing chpge 
on the retreating army of Tantia Tepi, 

; 663 

Napoleon Buonoparte, his supposed de- 
signs on India, 404, 435 

Narain Rao Peishwa, .succeeds his father, 
Mahdii Rao, on the throne of Poona, 
360 ; his murder, 360, 361 


INDEX 

Narayana, or Para Brahma, the supreme 
god of the Smartals, 410 
Nariiingh Achirya, successor of San- 
khara Acharya, 410, note 
Narsiuga, or Vijayauagar, Hindu empire 
of, 90. See Vijayanagar 
Nasirjung. Niaam 
Nasik, visited by R5.ma, 39, note 
Naths and Swamis, worshipped as gods, 

governor, a Moghul officer, 

.189 ; civil administrati.jn, ib. 

Nawabs of Bengal and the Carnatic. 

See Bengal and Carnatic 
Nawab of Joonere, the birthplace of Siv- 
aji, 194; discourses with Dr. Fryer, 

194, 195 ; a type of a Moghul fortress, 

195 : a converted Brahman appointed 
to the command by Aurangzeb, ib. 
Nawab^Naz.m, duties of, 310, note ; dis- 
tinguished from the Dewan, ib.y 31 1 ; 
reduced to a pageant, 312 ; reduction 
of allowances, ib., note 
Negrais, English factory at, 513 ; mas- 
sacre of English by the Burmese under 
Alompra, ib. 

Neill, Colonel, his advance from Calcutta 
to Lukhnow, 647 ; delayed at Benares 
and Allahabad, 648 ; joined by a c dumn 
under Havelock, i.b. \ proceeds to Cawn- 
pore, 649; difficulties at Cawnpore, 

631 ; killed at the relief of Lukhnow, 

658 

Ncwars, Buddhist Rajas of Nipal, 463 ; 

conquered by the Ghurkas, ib. _ 

Nicholson, Brigadier John, arrival at 
the siege of Delhi, 656 ; commands an 
assaulting columm his death, 657 
Niebuhr\ Karsten, his prophecy respect- 
ing the English East India Company, 

628, note 

Nipal, history of, 461 ; description of the 
Nipal valley, 462; occupied by the 
Newars, or Hindu Buddhists, 463 ; con- 
quered by the Ghorkas, ib.; atrocities 
of Prithi Narain, 464 ; Ghorka con- 
stitution, ib.; military organisation, ib.; 
early Ghorka Mahdrajas, 465 ; plunder 
of the temples of Lhassaand Digarchi, 
ib, ; Chinese invasion, ib, ; Ghorkas c> : n- 
clude a treaty with the English, ib.; 
apply for help against China, 466 ; re- 
fused by Lord Cornwallis, ib.; defeat 
and humiliation of the Ghorkas by the 
Chinese, ib.; mission of Kirkpatrick, 
its failure, ib. ; revdution at Khatman- 
du, ib. ; Run Bahadur, the Nero of 
Nipal, 467; his madness, zb.; con- 
spiracy of the Pandeys, 468 ; flight of 
Run Bahadur to Benares, ib.; deai- 
ngs of Lord Wellesley with Run Ba- 
hadur, ib. ; mission of Captain Knox, 

469; revolution headed by the chief 
queen, ib.; failure of Knox’s mission, 

470 ; rettirn of Run Bahadur to Nipal, 
ib. ; downfall of the Pandeys, ib. ; 
counter conspiracy, zb. ; murder of Run 


Bahadur, 471 ; massacre at Khatman- 
du, ib. ; triumph of Bhim Sein Thapa 
and the chief queen, ib. ; aggressions 
on British territory, 472; uitimatum 
of Lord Minto, 473 ; of Lord Moira 
(Hastings), ; council of Bharadars 
at Khatmandu, ib.; Ghorka debates, 
peace or war, ib. ; slaughter of British 
police, 474; disastrous campaign of 
1814, ib. ; retrieved by General Ochter- 
lony, ib. ; fall of Maloun, 473 ; vacil- 
lation of the Ghorkas, ib. ; treaty of 
Segqwlie, ib. ; differences about the 
Terai, 476 ; subsequent history of Ni- 
pal, 574,^ 575 ; infant Mahdrajas, ib. ; 
Bhim Sein 'ihapa thwarted by an am- 
bitious queen, 575 ; entanglement of 
the British Resident, syp ; fall of Bhim 
Sein Thapa, ib. ; ministerial compli- 
cations, ib.; political compromise, 577 ; 
quarrel between the two queens, ib.; 
great temple of Pu.sput Nath, ib. ; 
tragedies at Khatmandu, 578 ; con- 
demnation and suicide of Bhim Sem 
Thapa, 579 ; threatening attitude to- 
wards the English,^ ib. ; action of Lord 
Auckland, ib. ; violence of the elder 
queen, ib. ; her death, 580; wrath of 
the Maharaja at English newspapers, 
ib. ; mad freaks of the heir-apparent, 
ib. ; dangerous treatment of Jung Ba- 
hadur and others, 5S1 ; reaction against 
the British governmem, ?^.; great state 
trial of the Pandeys, 582 ; national 
movement against the heir-apparent, 
ib. : Maharaja faces the revolutionaiy 
party, ib. ; petition of advice and re- 
monstrance, 583 ; attempted arrest of 
revolutionary leaders, ib. ; regency of 
the queen, zA ; return of Matabar Singh, 
a nephew of Bhim Singh I'hapa. to 
Khatmandu, ib. ; revenge of the Tha- 
pas on the Pandeys, 584 ; threatened 
massacre prevented by Henry Law- 
rence, ib. ; murder of Matabar Singh, 
585 ; new ministry at Khatmandu, ib. ; 
terrible massacre, 5S6 ; rise of Jung 
Bahadur, 586: installation of heir- 
apparent, 

Nirvana,^ eternal sleep or annihilation, 
Buddhist dogma of, 46, 68 

Nizams of Hyderabad, rise of Chin 
KuHch Khan, afterwards known as 
Nizam-ul-raulk, 216 ; incurs the wrath 

' of Jehandar Shah, ib.; saved by Zul- 
fikar Khan, 217 ; appointed Subahdar 
of the pekhan, ib. ; wars with the 
Mahrattas, 219, et se^. ; negotiations 
with N adir S hah, a 24 ; implcsres him 
to Stop the massacre _ at Delhi, 226 ; 
anger at the growing independence of 
the Nawabs of the Carnatic, 235; 
demands arrears of tribute from Dost 
AH, 238 ; advances an > verwhelming 
army to Arcot, 240 ; .settles the Nawah- 
ship, 241 : receives an English deputa- 
tion at Trichinopoly. ib.; returns to 


INDEX. 


729 


Hyderabad, ih.\ Ids death, 243 ; dis- 
tractions in hts family, 245 
Nizam Nazir Jung, ^ the second son of 
Nizam-ul-mulk, seizes the throne, 246; 
claims of Muzaffir Jung, the grandson, 
ib ^ ; cause of the grandson espoused by 
Dupleix, 247 ; Nazu: Jung at Arcot, 
248 ; alarm at the capture of Jinji by 
the French, 249 ; sudden murder, 250 
Nizam Bfuzaffir Jung, grandson of 
Nizam-ul-mulk, succeeds to the throne, 
230 ; appoints Dupleix to be governor 
of the Peninsula for the Great 
Moghul, ih . ; murdered, ih- 
Nizam Saldbut Jung, placed on the 
throne by M. Bussy, 231 ; cedes the 
Northern Circars to the French, 257; 
rupture, 259 ; conquests of Bussy in 
the N orthern Circars, 282 ; story of 
the Poligars of BobiU and Vizianagram, 
283 ; recall of Bussy by Lally, 285 ; 
conquests of Colonel i^orde in the 
Northern Circars, 285 ; imprisonment 
and death of baldbut Jung, 286 cedes 
the N orthern Circars to the French 
and then Jo the English, 314, note. 
Nizam Ali succeeds to the throne of 
Hyderabad, -.sSB ; invades the Carnatic, 
30S ; proposed alliance by Clive, re- 
jected by the Court of Directors, 313 ; 
Clive claims the Northern Circars by 
right of a firman from Shah Alam, 
314 ; conclusion of a separate treaty 
with Nizam Ali by the Madras govern- 
ment, 315 ; promised yearly tribute for 
the Northern Circars, tb.; joint expedi- 
tion of Nizam Ali and the English 
against Hyder Ali, z^.;^ treachery j.f 
Nizam Ali, 317; secret intrigues with 
Hyder Ali, zA; deserts Hyder and 
makes peace with the English, ib.; 
English obtain from Shah Alam a 
blank tirmdn for all the dominions of 
the Nizam, z’ 3 .; intermittent wars and 
intrigues with the Mahrattas, 341; 
plunders Poona, /b,: strange recon- 
ciliation withRughonath Rao, the sixth 
Peishwa, 342 ; furtlier dealings, 362 ; 
exasperated at the English occupath n 
of Guntoor, 371; confederates with 
Hyder Ali and the Mahrattas against 
the English, 373 ; ^allies with Lord 
Cornwallis against Tippu, 393 ; in- 
action, 394, 393 : Mahratta claims for 
arrears of chout, 397, 399; English 
decline to interfere, 399 ; ^ seeks the 
aid of the French, 400; insults the 
Mahratta envoy at Hyderabad, zb.; 
utterly defeated by the Mahrattas at 
Rurdia, 401 ; submits to every demand, 
tb. ; allies with Lord Momington against 
Tippu, 405: disbandment of the 
French battalions at Hyderabad, zb.; 
becomes a feudatory under the sub- 
sidiary system of Lord Wellesley, 
427 ; his doraimons threatened by 
Daulat Rao Sindia and Rugboji 


Bhonsla, 436 ; receives Berar as a pure 
gift from Lord Wellesley, 439 

Nizams (modem ^ history), temtoiies 
ravaged by the Pindharies, 458 ; secret 
negotiations of Baji Rao Peishwa, 
478; Charles Metcalfe Resident at 
Hyderabad, 496 ; affairs of Palmer and 
Co., 497; debts defrayed out of the 
tribute lor the Northern Circars, 49S ; 
negotiations respecting the Nizam’s 
contingent, 621 ; cession of Berar, 
622 

Northbrook, Lord, Viceroy of India, 
681 

Northern Circars, cession of, to the 
French, 257 ; Bussy’s conquests of 
the Poligars, 282, 283 ; cession to the 
English, 314, note; granted to the 
English hy the firmdn of Shah Alam, 
314; Madras government agree to 
pay a yearly tribute, 315; money ap- 
propriated to the payment of the 
Nizam’s debts to Palmer and Co., 
498 

Nott, General, commands the English 
force at Kandahar, 534 ; his wrath at - 
the order_ to retreat, 561 ; marches to 
Kdbul with the gates of Somnitth, 
5^2 

Nuddea, the old capital of Bengal, 79 ; 
surprised by Bakhtiyar and his horse- 
men, zb . ; flight of the Raja to Jagga- 
nath, 80 

Nur Mahal, or the “Light of the 
Harem,” the favourite wife of Jehangir, 
story of, 142 ; her intrigues respecting 
her daughter, 150 ; baflled by the 
Rajpdts and her brother, Asof Khan, 
152 

Nund-komar. his charges against Warren 
Hastings, 359 ; his infamous character, 
z‘b. ; tried and executed on a charge of 
forgery, zb.; a judicial murder, zA'; its 
results. 360 

Nynee Tal, hill station of, built on 
territory ceded by Nipal, 476 


O. 

OcH'TERLONY, CoLONEi., afterwards 
General Sir David, placed in charge 
of Delhi by General Lake, 438 ; his 
successful defence of Delhi against 
Jaswant Rao_ Holkar, 442: his vic- 
torious campaign against Nipal, 474 ; 
capture of Maloun, 475 ; active pro- 
ceedings at Bhurtpore on the outbreak 
of Ddrjan Sal, 520 : condemned by 
Lord Amherst, zb.; his mortification 
and death, 521 

Olaza, the Kanarese queen of, 115; her 
interview with Della Valle, z’O.; her 
strange behaviour, 1 16 

Omichimd, threatens to divulge the con- 
spiracy of Jagat Seth, Mir Jafir. and 
Colonel Chye, to Nawab Stu:aj-ud- 


730 


INDEX, 


daula, 275 ; duped by Clive with a 
sham treaty, zi.; the chief blot on the 
character of Clive, id., note 
Omrahs, answering; to the Amirs at 
the Moghul court, 133, note 
Onore, the type of a Portuguese settle- 
ment and fortress, in 
Oude, the ancient Ayodhya, the principal 
scene of the Ramayana, 28, et seq.', 
the frontier at Sungroor, 33, 37 ; re- 
turn of Rama and Si'td, 43 ; Ala ud- 
din appointed Viceroy by liis uncle, 
the Sultan of Delhi, 80; murder of 
the Sultan on the Ganges.^Sa ,* Nawab 
Viziers of, see Saadut Mi Khan, Shuja- 
ud-daula, and Asof-ud-daula ; con- 
quered and occupied by the English, 
305 ; restored to the Nawab Vizier by 
Lord Clive, 310; reasons for the re- 
storation, ib.', satisfaction of Shuja- 
ud-daula, 31 1 ; payment of tribute 
refused to Shah Alam at Delhi, 352 ; 
threatened by the Mahrattas, ib.i 
hostile claims on the Rohillas, 353 ; 
obtains the services of a brigade from 
Warren Hastings, ib.; conquest of 
the Rohillas, 355 ; cession of _ the 
suzerainty of Benares to the British 
government, 357; claim of the two 
Begums to the state ^ treasurcs, 358 ; 
Warren Has'ings declines to intei-fere, 
ib, ; Philip Francis interferes in behalf 
of the Begums, ib,; settlement by 
Hastings, 376; cruel usage of the 
servants of the Begums by the Nawab 
Vizier, ib.; charges against Warren 
Hastings, 3S2 ; threatened invasion of 
the Afghans under Zeman Shah. 42S ; 
alarm of Lord Wellesley, ib.; his de- 
mands on the Nawab Vizier, ^29; 
territorial cessions to the British 
government, ib.; threats of Lord^ Am- 
herst, 622 ; of Lord William Bentinck, 
530, 623 ; of Lord Hardinge, 623 ; 
Sleeman’s report, ib.; tenderness of 
Lord Dalhousie towards the king of 
Oude, 623 ; annexation ordered by the 
Court of Directors, zb.; English ad- 
ministraticn, early mistakes, 625 ; ap- 
pointment of Sir Henry Lawrence to 
be Chief Commissioner, 626 ; general 
insurrection, 649 : Lord Clyde’s cam- 
paign, 661 ; end of the rebellion, 665, 
666 

Outram, Major, afterwards General Sir 
James, his controversy with General 
Sir Charles Napier respecting Sinde, 
565, 566; commands an expedition 
against Persia. 627 ; joins Havel ck at 
Cawnpore, 658 ; waives his right to 
command in favour of Havelock, zb . ; 
advance on Lukhnow, 658; assumes 
the command, 659; left at Lukhnow 
by Campbell, ib. ; drives the rebels 
out of Lukhnow, 661 
Oxus river, the natural boundary between 
the Usbegs and Afghans, 539, 540 


P. 

Padisha, Moghul, equivalent for em- 
peror, 128, note ; fountain head_ of 
Moghul aristocracy, 133 ; ostentatious 
reverence to, 215 

Pagan Meng, king of Burma, 573 ; his 
low character, 573, 574, 612 
Paget, Sir Edward, suppresses a sepoy 
mutiny at Barrackpore with grape-shot, 
^ 639 

Pali taught in Burma, 502 
Palmer and Co., bankers of Hyderabad. 
497; their proceedings condemned by 
Metcalfe, 497, 498 ; their insolvency, 

498 

Panchala, kingdom of, mentioned in the 
Mahd^Bharata, 5; its frontiers, ib., 
note; identifedby Manu with Kanouj, 
ib. 

Pandavas, rival kinsmen of the Kau- 
ravas, i ; the sons of Pdndu, 4 ; jealousy 
of the Kauravas, 5 ; the instructions of 
Drona, zb. ; narrow escape at Varana- 
vat-a, 9 adventures in the disguise of 
Brahmans among the Rdkshasas and 
Asuras, ib. ; journey to Ekachakra, 
zb. ; attend the Swayamvara of Drau- 
padi, 10 ; alliance with Drupada, 12 ; 
obtain the Raj of Khdndava-prastha, 
ib. ; found Indra-prastha, 13 ; celebrate 
the Raja-suya, 14 ; gambling-match 
with the Kauravas, ib. ; become the 
slaves of Duryodhana, rs; second 
exile, IS, 16; at Virdta in disguise, 
i6 ; send an envoy to Hastindpur, 19 ; 
triumph over the Kauravas, 21-23 ; 
celebration of the Aswamedha, 26 
Pandey, a leading Ghorka family, its 
rise to power in Nipal, 468 ; Damodur 
Pandey, premier, ib. ; flight of Run 
Bahadur and Bhim Sein Thapa to 
Benares, ib. ; downfall of the family, 
470; imprisonment and execution of 
Damodur Pandey, 470; rise of Run- 
jung Pandey, son of Damodur, 576 ; 
supported by the elder queen, ib. ; 
appointed premier, ; removed from 
office, 577 ; flies with the elder queen 
to the temple of Pusput Nath, ib.; 
restoration to power, 578; intrigues 
against the British government, 579; 
dismissed fro ni office, ib. ; return from 
exile, 581 ; revives old charges that the 
elder queen had been poisoned, z<J. ; 
.state trial at Khatmandu, 582 ; con- 
viction and punishment of Kubraj 
Pandey, zb. ; execution of members 
of the family, 584 _ 

Pandu, the pale-complexioned grandson 
of Santanu, 3 ; marries Kunti and 
Madri, 4 ; installed on the throne ^of 
. Hastindpur, ib. ; reigns as Maharaja, 
ib.; retires to the j'ungle, ib. ; death 
and Sati, ; his sons known as the 
five Pandavas, 

Pandya or Pandion, identified with 


INDEX. 


73 1 


Ikladura, ss ; king of, sends an em- 
bassy to Augustus Caesar, ib.ynoie 
Paniput, battle of, horrible slaughter of 
Mahrattas by the Afghans under 
Ahmad Shah Abdali, ago, 339 _ 

Panjani, annual Ghorka_ festival in 
3 S! ipal, 464 ; yearly redistribution of all 
offices and commands, ib. 

Para Brahma. Soe Narayana 
l^ariahs, or outcasts, 59 , 60, ^xi, 7 iote ; the 
right and left “ hands,” 414, 4i5> 
ftote , ^ , 

Parwiz, son of Jehangir, his command 
in the Dekhan, 144 ; his reception of 
Sir 'i'homas Roe, tiie English ambas- 
sador, X45 ; recalled by Jehangir, 
146 

Patali-putra, the modern Patna, ^o, 51 ; 
centre of Buddhism in the time of 
Fah Hian, 55 

Patan kings of Delhi, 122 _ 

Patell, or head-man of a village, 398 
i^atna, Pah-bothra, or Patali-putra, 
captured by bandrokottos, 50 ; de- 
scription of, 50, SI ; magistrates, 51 ; 
capital of Asoka, 51, fwU ; Enghsh 
settlement at, 197 ; inland Enghsh 
factory for saltpetre, raw silk ^and 
opium, 262 ; installation of the Great 
Moghul (Shah Alani) at, 293; captured 
by the English under Mr. Ellis, 299 ; 
recaptured by the troops of Nawab 
Mir Kasim, 299, 300 ; massacre of 150 
Englishmen at, 302; taken by the 
English, ib. ; court of appeal at, 390 
Paul, the Emperor, recalls the Russian 
army from Georgia, 430, fwte ^ 
Payendah Khan, hereditary chief of the 
Barukzais, 544; procures the succes- 
sion of ZemiLTi Shah to the throne of 
Afghanistan, 545 ; removed from his 
posts, xV/. ; slaughtered in the presence 
of 2 emdn Shtih, 546 ■ 

Pegu, distinguished from A.ya, 500 ; deso- 
lating wars between the Talams of Pegu 
and the Burmese of Ava, 503 ; conquer- 
ed by Byeen-noung, a Burmese warrii.r 
of the sixteenth century, 504 ; revolt of 
the royal monk, 510 ; massacre of Bur- 
inans, ib. ^ assassination of Byeen- 
noung, 511; recovery of Pegu by a 
foster-brother of Byeen-noung, ib. ; 
execution of the royal monk, 512 ; 
Diego Juarez appiointed governor of 
Pegu, ib, ; outrage on a marriage pro- 
cession, ib. ; stoned to death by the 
mob of Pegu, 513 *, Talain conquest of 
Ava in the eighteenth century, ib. ; 
conquest of P^u by Alorapra, ib . ; 
British conquest of Pegu, 6ii ; admin- 
istrative changes, 612 ; glorious future, 
ib. 

Peishwas, hereditary Brahman ministers 
of the Mahrattas, their rise to power, 
206; important element in Mahraita 
history, 218 ; Balaji Visvanath, first 
Peishwa, 217 ; Ins policy, ib. ; Baji 


Rao, second Peishwa, ib. ; his deal- 
ings with the Nizam and Padishah, 
219; Balaji Rao, third Peishwa, 228, 
332 ; schemes for the sovereignty of 
the Mahratta empire, 333 ; leaves a 
puppet Maharaja at Satara, and re- 
moves the capital to Poona, ib.; _Madhu 
Rao, fourth Peishwa, 339; Narain Rao, 
fifth Peishwa, 34S, 360 ; murdered, 361 ; 
Rughonath Rao, sixth Peishv/a, ib. ; 
birth of Madhu Rao Narain, seventh 
Peishwa, 362 ; Rughonath Rao applies 
to the English for help, ib.; begirming 
of the first Mahratta war, 363, 366 ; sui- 
cide of Madhu Rao Narain, 401 ; Baji 
Raa, eighth Peishwa, ib. ; flies to Bom- 
bay presidency, 433; concludes the 
treaty of Bassein with the British go- 
vernment, ib. ; second Mahratta war, 
435 ; extinction of the Peishwas, 494. 
a/s<7 hiahrattas. 

Penlows, or governors, in Bhutan, 672 
Pennakonda, court of the Narsinga Ra- 
jas at, removed from Yyayanagar, 98 
Pena-n, succeeds De Boigne in tlie com- 
mand of bindia’s French battalions, 
434 ; collects the revenues of the Doab, 
ib. ; excites the alarm of Lord Weiles- 
Ry> 435 > defeat of his cavalry by Gene- 
ral Lake at Alighur, 437 ; retires into 
British territory with his private for- 
tune, 438 

Persia, bhah of, refuses to give up Bin 
laki to Shah Jehan, 153; wars. with 
the Moghul about Kandahar, 156 ; 
threatens Aurangzeb, 170 ; modern 
history of, 221; dynasty of biifi 
Shiahs, ib. j usurpatiem of Nadir Shah, 
222 ; Persian invasion of Hindustan, 
223 ; Persian affairs after the death 
of Nadir Shah, 429, 430 ; threatens 
Herat, 551 ; siege of Herat, 552 ; war 
w'ith England, 627, 628 
Peshawar, defeat of the Rajput league 
by Mahmud of Ghazni, 76-; massacre 
of Afghans at, 175 ; revolt against 
Timfir bhah, 544, 545: occupied by 
liunjeet Singh, 551 ; araxieties of Dost 
Muhammad for its restoration, 551, 
553 ; the key of the British fiuntier, 
667 ^ 

Phagyi-dau, king of Burma, successor 
of Bhodau Phra, reigning during the 
first Burmese war, 514; dethroned in 
favour of Tharawadi, 527 
Phaiure, Sir Arthur, Commissioner of 
Pegu, 612 ; Chief Commissioner of 
British Burma, ib. ; his treaty with 
the king of Burma, 681 
Philip, lieutenant of Alexander at Taxila, 
49 ; murdered by Hindu mercenaries, 
ib.; succeeded by Eudemos, ib. 

Pigot, Lord, governor of Madras. 369 ; 
restores Tanjore to the Raja, ib. ; re- 
fuses a bribe from Muhammad AH, 
Nawab of the Carnatic, ib.; resists the 
claims of Paul Benfield, ib. ; arrested 


73 : 


INDEX. 


by the i pposition members of the Ma- 
dras coi.ncil, 3,70 ; ‘dies in confinement, 
U\ ; his inconvenient pledge to the 
Tanjore Raja, 432 

Pindharies, low freebooters attached to 
the Mahratta armies durmg the wars of 
the eighteenth century, 457 ; present at 
Paniput, ib. ; dependent on Sindia and 
Holkar, 458 ; supported by grants of 
land to di-fferent leaders, ib, • ^ Chetu 
and Khurim, ib. ; depredations in Raj- 
piitana and Malwa, ; in the Dek- 
nan, ib. ; their periodical incursions 
described by Captain Sydenham., Resi- 
dent at Hyderabad, 458, 459; induce 
Lord Moira (Hastings) to adopt the 
policy of Lord Wellesley, 459 ; oppo-r, 
sition of the Home authorities out of 
dread of the Mahrattas, 460 ; extend 
their raids to British territories, 477 ; 
resolution of Lord Hastings to exter- 
minate them, ib, ; revulsion of public 
opinion in England cn account of 
Pmdhari atrocities, z<5. ; British cabinet 
authorise hostilities against any native 
power that protects the Pindharies, 
478; attitude of Sindia, Holkar, and 
Amir Khan, 48.2 ; preparations of Lord 
Hastings, 4S2, 483 ; destruction of 
the Pindharies and extinctien of the 
predatory system, 483 

Pinto, Fernam Mendez, present at the 
siege of Martaban by Byeen-noung, 
504, 505 ; his veracity as regards what 
he saw, 505, note ; his description of 
the 'surrender of the king, queen, and 
ladies, of Martaban, 306 ; sack of Mar- 
taban, 507 ; execution of a hundred 
and forty ladies, 508, 509 ; drowning 
of the king and sixty male captives, 
510 ; story of rebellions in Pegu, 310, 
311 ; execution of a royal monk, 312 ; 
stoning to death of Diego Suarez in 
the market-place cf Pegu, 513 

Pitt, Thi mas, grandfather of the Earl of 
Chatham, governor of Madras, 196 ; 
besieged for three months by Daud 
Khan, Nawab of the Moghul con- 
quests in Southern India, ib. ; pays a 
demand for ten thousand pagodas, ib. ; 
his relations with Bahadur Shah, son 
and successor of Aurangzeb, 203 

Pi t, William, proposal of Clive that the 
British nation, and not the East India 
Company, should take possession of 
Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, 28S ; re- 
jected cn the ground that it would 
render the British Crown too powerful, 
289 ; creates a Board of Control, 380 ; 
refuses to recommend Warren Hastings 
fra peerage, or for empbyment under 
the Cn.wn, 382 ; jtistified, 

Place, Mr., a Madras civilian, his mea- 
sures in the Company*s Jaghi'r, 408, 
4‘=’y 

Flassy, decisive battle cn the 23rd June, 
1757, won by Clive, 273 ; its immediate 


results, 276 ; its remarkable effect on 
Balaji Rao, Peishwa of the Mahrattas, 

336 . 

Pliny, his accounts of the coast of Mala- 
bar. and the voyages of Roman mer- 
chants thither, 99 

Poligars, minor chiefs of the Carnatic., 
held their lands by military tenure, 
233 ; of the Northern Circars, con- 
quered by Bussy, 282 ; mortal feud be- ' 
tween Bobili and^Vijianagram, 283 

Pollock. General Sir George, commands 
the force for the relief of General tsale 
at Jellalabad, 560; victorious march 
through the Khaiber pass, ib. ; nego- 
tiates with Akbar Khan for the liber- 
ation of the prisoners in Kabul, 561 ; 
incensed at th© orders to retreat, ib. ; 
defeats Akbar Khan at Tezeen, 562 ; 
return of the avenging army to India, 

563. 

Pondicherry, a hundred miles to the 
south of Madras, French settlement 
at, 232 ; Dupleix, the governor, per- 
suades, the N awab of the Carnatic to 
prohibit the English from all hostili- 
ties, 242; insists on keeping possession 
of Madras, ib. ; unsuccessful siege 
under Admiral Boscawen, 243 ; meet- 
ing at, between Dupleix, Chunder Sa- 
hib, and Muzaffir Jung, 246; reverses, 
248 ; rejoicings at the death of Nasir 
Jung, 250: treaty of 1733 at Pondi- 
cherry, 258 ; arrival of a French force 
in 1758 under Count de Lally, 284 ; re- 
joicings of the French at the retreat of 
Lally from Madras, 286; siege and 
capture of Pondicherry by Colonel 
Eyre Coote, 287 ; restored to the 
French under the treaty of Paris, 309 ; 

; re-captured by the English, 370 ; 
third English occupation, 399 

Poona, old Mahratta fortress of. 165 ; 
descripti m of, 331 ; becomes the capi- 
tal ot the Mahrf tta^ Peishwas, 333, 
334 ; plundered by Nizam Ali and the 
Bhonsla,34i ; revolution against Rugho- 
nath Rao, 362 ; Bombay expedition 
to, frustrated by another revolution, 
365 ; plundered ^ by Daulat Rao Sin- 
aia, 402 ; cruelties of Baji Rao Peish- 
wa, 432; defeat of Baji Rao byjas- 
want Rao Holkar, ib. ; flight of Baji 
Rao to Ba5sein:433 ; restored to Poona 
by the English, ib. ; treaty of, between 
Mr. Elphinstone and Baji Rao, 481 ; 
final extinction of the Petshwas, 494 

Port Blair, assassination of Lord Mayo 
at, 681 

Porto Novo, victory of Sir Eyre Coote 
against Hyder Ali, 374 

Portuguese, early appearance off the 
coast of Malabar, 99 ; fleet under 
Vasco de Gama, loi ; audience with 
the Zamorin of Calicut, ib. : worship 
the goddess Mariamma by mistake for 
the Virgin Mary, 102 ; expedition under 


INDEX. 


733 


Alvarez Cabral, X03 ; violent proceed- 
ings, massacre of Portuguese by 
the Nairs, /i.; cannonade Calicut, 
treaty with the Raja of Cochin, 104 ; 
hostilities and atrocities committed on 
Muhammadan ships, 23.; anger of the 
Sultan of Egypt, z3,: foundation of 
Goa and Malacca by Alfonso de 
Albuquerque, 23.; build forts im- 
pregnable to native powers, 105 ; 
mission to Bengal, 23,; repel the Turks 
at Biu, 106 ; conquered like Christians 
but triumphed like Pagans, 2’3.; de- 
scription of Goa, z’d.; social life, 107; 
wealth, 108 : government, civil and 
ecclesiastical, z' 2 .; visit of Della Valle, 
109; pepper dealings with Venk-tapa, 
Raja of Kanara, iii; mission to 
Ikkeri, 23.; typical Portuguese fort 
at Onore, 2'3.; court of Ikkeri, 1 12 ; 
embassy to the Zamorin of Calicut, 
117 hostility towards the early 
English traders, 142 ; settlement at 
Hughli captured by Shah Jehan, 154 ; 
doom of the inhabitants, 2(5.; adventurers 
in Burma, 503, 509 

Porus the elder, suzerain of the Punjab, 
47; defeated by Alexander, 48 ; 
murdered by Eudemos, 49 
Porus the younger, vassal of Porus the 
elder, 47; flies at the approach of 
Alexander, 48 

Pott.nger, Lieutenant, his gallant conduct 
at the siege of Herat, 552 
Praydga, the modern Allahabad, sacred 
ground, 33 ; Rdma entertained there, 
34 ; the field of happiness, 57 ^ 

Prithi Narain, Maharaja_ of Nipal,^ the 
Ghorka hero, .^64 ; his bloodthirsty 
atrocities, 23.; his death, 465 
Prome, conquered by Byeen-noung, 510; 
British advance to, 518 ; captured by 
the English, 611 

Ptolemy, mention of Plithana and Tagara, 

lOOf 22t2U’ 

Pulicat, Butch settlement at, 231 ; 
captured by Lord Macartney, 378, 
n&U’ 

Punakha, the capital of Bhutan, 672 
Punchayet, or jury of five, 67 ; govern 
the Sikh army of the Khalsa, 592 
Punjab, invaded by Alexander, ^7; 
distributed among Rajas, 26.; flourish- 
ing state in time of Alexander, 49 ; 
Tartar and Moghul invasions of, 87, 
88 ; Sikh revolt in, 204; temporary 
supremacy of the Mahrattas, 337 ; 
Mahrattas driven out by Afghans, 
338 ; conquered, by Ahmad Shah 
Burani, 543 ; revolts against Zeman 
Shah, 545; its pacification, 23.; a 
political volcano after the death^ of 
Runjeet Singh, 567 ; rise of the Sikh 
commonwealth (Si2e Sikhs), 587 ; career 
of Runjeet Singh, 589 ; history of his 
succe-ssors, 591 ; dangerous power of 
the Sikh army of the Khalsa, 592 ; 


historji' of the first Sikh war under 
Lord Plai'dmge, 595 ; settlement of the 
government, 598; rebelhon of Mulraj 
at Mdltan. 601; second Sikh war, 
603 ; British administration, 607; con- 
trasted with native administration, 60S ; 
military defence of the frontier, '/3.; 
its possession the salvation of the 
empire during the Sepoy mutinies, 
^53 

Purdhans, or ministers in the Mahratta 
constitution, 334 

Purnea, the Brahman . Dewan of 
Tippu of Mysore, 413 ; prop.Jsed pon- 
version to Islam, 23, ; his adminis- 
tration in Mysore, 414 ; its character, 
534; aspires to be a Peishwa, 2'3.; his 
death, 23, 

Purundhur, treaty at, with the council 
of i-egency at Poona, 363 ; condemned 
by the Court of Directors, 23 . 

Pusput Nath, the great temple at 
Khatmandu, 577, 578 


R. 

Rajas of Malabar, the twelve, 100; 
sacred in battle, 120 

Rajagriha, or Giri-vraja, the capital of 
Magadha, 

Raja Ram, his claims to succeed Sahu 
Rao as Raja of Satara, 22S ; supported 
by Tara Bai, 332 ; deserted and im- 
prisoned by Tara Bai, 334, 333 ; his 
subsequent life as a state prisoner, 
336, 339 .r, . , 

Rajasthan. See Rajputana 
Rajasuya, or royal sacrifice, celebrated 
by the Pandavas, 14 
Rajas, Rajput, 133, note 
Rajmahal, hill-ranges of, inhabited by 
the Santdls, 624 

Rajpiltana, funereal pomp in the exile of 
princes, 32 ; founded by Rajpdts, 78 ; 
invasion of, by Ald-ud-din, 83 ; wars 
of Akbar, 131 ; of Aurangzeb, 177; 
Mogtiul retreat from, 179; Hindu 
revolt in, 204 ; quarrels between J odh- 
pur and Jaipur, 45§. 45<5; shattered 
Ojndition of, 524 ; distractions in, 529 
Raj pfits, claim to be K.shatriyas, ii, 
fioie; defeat the Indo-Scythians, 5<^; 
descended from Surya or the sun, 62; 
league against the Turks, 75 ; defeated 
by Mahmud at Peshawar, 76; after- 
wa'-ds at Somndth. 76, 77 ; perform the 
J ohur,of solem n self-sacri fjee, at Chitdr, 
83; divided into children of the sun 
and children of the moon, ib.^ note ; 
defeated by Baber. 125 
Rajput political system, Teague of princes 
under the .suzerainty 01 Chitdr ce- 
mented by interai^iages, 130; policy 
of Akbar, 131 ; incorporation of the 
Rajput lengue with the Moghul Em- 
pire, ib.\ growing aaiagordsm between 


734 


INDEX. 


Rajpvits and Muhammadans during 
the reign of Jehangirand Shah Jehan, 
132, 134; climax in the reign of 
Aurangzeb, 177, 170 

Rakshasas, a term of reproach applied 
to the aborigines of India, 3 note; 
represented as Asuras, demons and 
cannibals to the south and east of 
Allahabad, 8 ; inhabit Magadha, the 
mf'dern Behar, ib. note; connection 
with Buddhism, 9. note; persecute the 
Brahmans at Chitra-kuta, 39 ; wars 
with Rfima, ih * ; pictures of Rakshasas, 
39, 40 ; identified with Buddhists, jo, 
44 

Rama, approximate date of, 28, note; 
the son of Dasaratha, by Kausalya, 
29 ; marries Sita, ib ; preparation for 
his instalment as Yuva-raja, ib.\ ap- 
pears as the champion of the Brah- 
mans, ih., note; condemned to exile, 
31; his obedience to his father, zA ; 
difference between his exile and that 
of Drcna, 32, note; historical signifi- 
cance of the story of his exile, 32 ; 
contradictions in the story, ib, ; a poli- 
tical exile, not a religious devotee, 32 ; 
journeys to Sringavera, 33 ; meeting 
with Bharata, : 38 ; performs the 
Sraddha, ib, ; refuses the Raj, 39 ; 
wars with the Rakshasas. 39, 40 ; re- 
presented as an incarnation of Vishnu, 
40 ; prepares for war against Ravana, 
40 ; helps Sugriva against Bali, whom 
he slays, 41 ^helped by Hanuman, the 
hero of the monkeys, ib, \ his miracu- 
lous bridge built by monkeys, 42, note ; 
slays RaVana, zA : triumphant return 
to A^mdhya, 43 ; performs the Aswam- 
edha, ib. ; his cruelty to Sita, zA ; dis- 
covery of Sftl and her two sons, ih, ; 
reconciliation, z'A ; wild distortion of 
his character in order to serve a 
religious purpose, 44; an incarnation 
of Vishnu, 63 

Ramanand, a disciple ^of Ramanuja 
Acharya, 41 1, note; his teaching, ib. 

Ramanuja Acharya, the apostle of tte 
Vaishnavas and A’ayngars, 411, and 
note 

Rdmayana reveals a higher; stage of 
civilisation than the M aha Bharata, 
23 ; its conclusion, a religious parable, 
40; religious significance of, 43, 44 

Ramisseram, th« modem Manaar, 42 ; 
its association with Rdma’s miraculous 
bridge, procession to, 187. 

Ramnad. estate of, granted to the ances- 
tors of the great Marawar for the 
protection of the pUgrims to Ramis- 
seram, 421, b - ^ 

Ramnungur, Gough’s indecisive action 
at, '^6 o3' - 

Ramp )ora, captured by the English, 
441 ; restored to Jaswant Rao Holkar, 
450. . 

Rampore, Nawabs of, 33s 


Ram Rai, son of Timma the minister, 
becom^es Maharaja of Vijayanagar, 
94: his pride and insolence, ib. ', de- 
throned by the revolt of Termal Rai, 
95 deceives Termal Rai by pretended 
submission, ib. ; recovers the throne, 
ib. ; alliance with the Muhammadan 
Sultans of Bijapur and Golkonda, ib.; 
sacrilege of his Hindu soldiery in 
Muhammadan territory, ib. ; defeated 
and slain in the decisive battle of 
Talikota, 97 ,* breaking up of the 
empire, gS 

Ram Raj.a. See Raja Ram 
Ram Shastri and Madhu Rao, story of, 
343 ; the upright Brahman, 344 : in- 
vestigates the murder of Narain Rao, 

* 361 ; retires from Poona, ziS'. 

Rangoon, maritime capital of Burma, 
founded by Alonipra, 513 ; British ex- 
pedition to, 517 ; repulse of Bundfila, 
518: advance of Tharawadi, 573 ; 
casting of the big bell, ib. ; petty op- 
pressions of European and American 
strangers, 574; oppression of British 
merchants. 610; captured by British 
troops, 61 1 : visit of Lord Mayo, 

. 6S1 : , ^ 

Rani, or queen, i ; influence over a Raja, 
ib. 

Ranji't^ Singh, the Jdt, 346. See also 
Runjeet Singh. 

Ranuji Sindia, dynasty of, 331; menial 
duty performed by, 347 ; rise to rank 
and wealth, 348. See Sindia 
Ravana, Raja of Rakshasas. 40 ; oppress- 
or of the gods, ib- ; carries off Sita, 
z'A slain by Rdma, 42' 

Rawlinson, Sir H. at Kandahar, 554; the 
question of retreat or advance, 561, 
562; his opinion of the gates of 
Somnath, 562, note 

Raymond, the French general in the 
service of Nizam Ali, 400 ; his conduct 
at the battle of Kurdla, 401^ __ 

Reed, General, Commander-in-chief in 
1857, his resignation, 653; note 
Reinhardt, ah’as Somers, Sombre, and 
, Sumrii, 302 : 

Ritupama,' Raja of Ayodhya, 28, note 
Roads of the Moghul empire, 1S4 
Roe, Sir Thomas, his embassy from 
James the First to the Great Moghul, 
143 ; landing at Surat, 143, 144 ; visit to 
Parwiz at Burhanpur, 143 ; journey to 
Ajmir, zi?;.; visit to Chitbr, ib.; meet- 
ing with Coryat, ib. ; audience with 
Jehangir, 145, 146; failure of mission, 
146; Moghul festivals, 147; warnings 
to the Company, 148 
Rohllkund, Lord Clyde’s campaign in, 

66't , ■ . . 

Rohilla, Afghans, political situation of, 
353; negotiations of ^Warren Hastings 
with the Nawab Vizier of Oude, 354 ; 
unfortunate association of .the English 
in the Rohilla war, 335 ; Rohillas 


INDEX. 


73S 


deff-'ated by the English, ib. ; con- 
demnation of the war by Clavering, 
Monson, and Francis, 357; charges 
against Warren Hastings, 38s 

Rose, Sir Hu.^h, defeats Tantia Topi, 
663 ; his brilliant canpaign in Central 
India, 66r, 662 ; his energetic action in 
the Sitana campaign^, 670 

Rughoji Bhonsla, Raja of Berar, 331 ; 
family of, 362, w/i?; his help im- 
plored by Baji Rao, r'433; his stupe- 
faction at the treaty of Bassein,_ 434 ; 
his coalition with Daulat Rao Sindia, 
434, 436; defeated at Assaye and 
Argaum. 437; sues for peace, 
becomes a feudatory of the British 
government, 438, 439 ; demands the 
festm-ation of Cuttack and Berar, 431 ; 
his death, 489. See also Bhonsla. 

Rughonath Pundit, leader of the mode- 
rate party at Khatmandu, 576; made 
prime minister, 577 ; his retirement, 
578 

Rughonath Rao, afterwards sixth Peish- 
wa, commander of the Mahratta army, 
337; supports Ghazi-ud-din at Belhi, 
ik’, advance to Lahore driven out 
of the Punjab by the Afghans, _ 338 ; 
quarrels with M<aclhu Rao, 340; violent 
conduct of, ib.; plunders Ber,ar and 
Hyderabad, 341; secret correspondence 
with Janoji Bhonsla, 341 •, treacherous 
slaughter of half the Nizant’s army, 

342 ; reconciliation wnth Nizam Ali, 
lb. j fresh quarrels with Madhu Rao, 

343 ; imprisonment, ib.', opposes Mah- 
adaji Sindia, 34S *, release of, 360 ; 
supported by Sakaram Bapu, ib. ; 
second imprisonment, ib.'. murder of 
Narain Rao. ^60, 361 ; implication, 
361 sixth Pewhwa, ib., and note; 
beibolecl by Nizam Alt, 362; the 
revolution at Poona, ib,', applies for 
help to Bombay, ib. ; treaty with the 
English at Surat, ib.', intrigues and 
proceedings for his restoration to 
Poona, 364, 363 ; throws himself on 
the protecti'tn of Sindia, 365; set 
aside and pensioned under the treaty of 
Salbai, 377 

Ri'.mbold, Sir Thomas, governor of 
Madras, 370; refuses to recall the 
expedition to Mahd, 371 ; sends Swartz 
on a mission of peace to Hyder AU, 
ih. ; dealings with Balasut Jung re- 
specting Guntoor, 371, 372; inoppor- 
tune demands upon Nizam AU, 372; 
return to England, ib. 

Run Bahadur, ^Mahifinaja of Nipal, 
grandson of Prithi Narain, 465 over- 
throws his regent uncle, 466, 467 ; the 
Nero of Nipal, _467 ; his madness, 
ih.‘, feigned abdication, _ 468; flight 
to Benares, z'A; his dealings with the 
English, 469 ; pledges himself to be- 
come a Swami, zA ; his return to Nipal, 
470 ; his murder, 47 X 


Runjeet Singh, rise of, 433 ; aggressions 
on the Cis-Sutlej states, 454 ; mission 
of Charles Metcalfe, zA; cajoled by 
Zeman Shah, 546 ; occupies Peshawar, 
551 ; refuses to allow the English army 
to pass through the Punjab, 534 ; his 
administration of the Punjab, &8 
Russian aggression in Persia and Georgia, 
430 and f/eife ; extension of power and 
influence in Central Asia, 538; ad- 
vances towards the Usbegs, 539; de- 
signs on Herat, 537 ; expedition to 
Khiva, 554, 555 ; advances in Central 
Asia, 675 ; dealings with Sher Ali, 682 


S, 

SaXdut Ali Khan. Subahdur of Oude, 
2x6; a Persian Shiah, ib.', drives back 
the Mahrattas, 220 ; joins the Moghul 
imperial army, zT? ,* growing power, zA; 
rivalry with Nizam-ul-mulk, 223 ; re- 
ported secret correspondence with 
Nadir Shah, ib.', captured at Kurnal, 
z’^. ; treachery and suicide, 224 
Saadut Ali, enthroned by Sir John Shore 
as Naw.ab Vizier of Oude, 403 ; hoard- 
ing of money, ib. 

Sadras, Dutch settlement at, 232 ; cap- 
tured by Lord Macartney, 378. fwfe 
Sahu Rao, Maharaja of the Mahrattas, 
205 ; ^ vassal of the Moghul, ib.; his 
effeminate training, 206; death of, 
228. 243, 331 ; his imbecility, 332 
Saiyids, the two, conspire for the elevation 
of FarrukhSiyarto the throne of Belhi, 

‘ 207 ; successful rebellion, 208 ; hostile 
intrigues of Farrukh Siyar, ik; their 
supremacy at Delhi, 212 ; their fall, 
ib.; their jealousy of Nizam-ul-raulk, 
217 

Saka, era of, 54 

Sakaram Bapn, supports Rughonath Rao 
at Poon.a, 360 ; intrigues for the return 
of Rughonath Rao, 364 ; uitiwate fate 
of, 365 

Sdkuni, brother of Giindhirf and uncle 
of the Kauravas, 14; a gambler, tin; 
thrower of false dice, ib.; throve? the 
dice for Duryodhana, ib.; re-appears in 
the Ganges, 27 

Sakuntala, the drama of, written by Kali- 
dasa, 69 ; marriage of a Raja with 
a Brahman’s daughter, ib. ,* super- 
natural incidents. 70; characteristics, zVn 
Sakya Muni, or Gdtama Buddha, 45 ; 
his parentage and domestic circum- 
stances, ib.; his vision, ik; old age, 
disease, and death, z 7 j.; his era, zA, 
Wfj/z?; sees the religious mendicant, 46 ; 
becomes a mendicant, a recluse, and a 
Buddha. zA ; his teaching, 

Salabut Jung, Nizam of Hyderabad, 
251 r cedes the Northern Circars to 
the French, 257; rupture with Btissy, 


736 


INDEX, 


259 ; implores the help of the English, 
260 ; critical position in the Dekhan, 
2S6 ; dethroned and confined, sub- 
sequent fate, ih.i note 
Salbai, the treaty of, 377 ; Mahadaji 
Sindians attempted violation of, 387 
Sale, General Sir Robert, at Jellalabad, 
5^7 ; relieved by Pollock, 560 
Salivahana, era of, S4 
Salkeld, Lieutenant, at the siege of 
Delhi, 656 

Salsette, island of, coveted by the English, 
344, 345 ; ceded to Bombay by Rugho- 
nath Rao, 362, 363 ; and by the Mah- 
ratta council of regency, 363 ; retained 
by Bombay in accordance with the 
treaty of Salbai, 377 
Sambhaji the First, son of Sivaji, 181 ; 
betrayed to Aurangzeb, ib,\ succeeds to 
the kingdom of IConkan, 196 note 
Sambhaji the Second, Raja of Kolhapore, 
331, note 

Sandrokottos, drives Eudemos out of 
Taxila, 50; identified with Chandra- 
gupta, ib,\ his adventures, ascends 
the throne of Magadba and drives the 
Greeks out of India, ib.-, alliance with 
Seleukos, ib.', marriage with the 
daughter of Seleukos, w.', his palace, 
5i>; body-guard of Tartar women, 160, 
note . 

Sangermano, Father, authentic details 
of the atrocities of Bhodau Phra in 
Burma, 514^ 

Sanjaya, minister and charioteer, his 
mission to the Pandayas, 19 : his 
position, tb., n^te; failure of the 
mission, 20 

Sankhara Achdrya, the apostle of the 
Smartals, 410, and note 
Santals, revolt of, 624; suppression, ib. 
Santanu, Mahdraja of Hastindpur, 2 ; 
claimed descent from Bharata, ib.', 
marnage with a young damsel, ib . ; the 
dreadful vow of his son, Bhishma, 
2i 3 

Sarfardz Khan, son of Shuja Khan, 263 ; 
favourite grandson of Murshed Kuh 
Khan, 263, 264 ; outwitted by his father, 
264; succeeds to the throne of Mur- 
shedabad, 265 ; insolent tyranny, ib. : 
insults the family of Jagat Setn, ib. ; 
destruction, 266 

Saraswati, goddess of learning and 
mythical wife of Brahma, 64; con- 
ception and worship of, ib.', identified 
with the Indus river, ib., note 
Sarayu, river, the modern Gogra, 28, 
33 ' 

Satara, the capital of Sahu, the grandson 
«jf Sivaji, 331 ; Tara BaFs intrigues at, 
334 ; invested by Balmi Rao*s troops, 
335. 336; the pageant Raja of, brought 
to Baji Rao's camp, 4p3 ; his proposed 
elevation by the British government, 
494 ; partially resuscitated, 616 ; his 
extravagant pretensions,, 616, 617 ; 


dethroned, 617 ; adoption refused to 
his successor, ib. ; lapse of the Raj . //a 
S ati, or Suttee, absence of, in the war of 
the Maha Bharata, 23, 7tote 
Satrughna. third son of .Dasaratha, 29 
Sawant Waree, 331, note 
Saymbrumbaukum, the great water-tank 
of, 409 

Scythians, the Royal, 123, note ; pro- 
bably the Moghuls, ib. 

Seedees or Sidis of Jinjeera and Surat, 
330, and note 

Segowlie. the treaty of, 475, 476 
Seistan, Sher Ah’s grievances respect- 
ing, 682 

Seleukos, alliance with Sandrokottos, 50 ; 

marriage of his daughter, ib. 

Selim, Pnnce, son of Akbar. See Jehan- 

Sehmghur, the state prison at Delhi, 

^ 211,654 

Serais, 185 

Serfoji, adopted son of the Raja of 
Tanjqre, hjs claims to the throne of. 
422 ; imprisoned by Amar Singh, ib. ; 
suspected bribery of Madras pundits, 
ib. ; a cypher Raja, 423 
Seringapatam, Hyder All’s life at, 377 : 
captured by Cornwallis, 395 ; stormed 
by General Harris, 407 
Serpent-worship amongst the Manaris, 

Sethipati, title of, granted to the an- 
cestors of the great Marawar, 421, 
note 

Shah Abbas the Second, of Persia, 
threatens Aurangzeb;, 170 
Shah Alam, eldest son of Aurangzeb, 
172 ; commander of the Muhammadan 
army against Sivaji, ib. j the sham re- 
bellion, 172, 173 ; takes a part in the 
war in Rajpfitana, 178 ; struggles with 
Azam Shah, 203 ; ascends the throne 
under the name of Bahadur Shah, ib . ; 
relations with Madras, ; reign. 203, 
204; operations against the Sikhs, 
205 ; death, ib. 

Shah Alam, eldest son of Ahmad Shah, 
and known as the Shahzada, 279 ; 
threatens Bengal, _ ib. ; Clive's dealings 
with, 281; proclaimed Padishah under 
the name of Shah Alam, 291 ; threatens 
Patna, defeated by Mir Kasim, 
203 ; negotiations wi:h Carnac, ?(5. ; in- 
stallation at Patna, ib. ; letters of inves- 
titure^, 293, 294; secret negotiations with 
Vansittartj 294; accompanies Shuja- 
ud-dauia Into Behar, 303 ; joins the 
English,^ 304 ; converted by Clive into 
an imperial idol for the resuscitation of 
the Moghul empire, 310 ; dealings with 
Clive at Allahabad, 312 ; becomes a 
puppet Padishah, 314 ; his firman to 
Glive, z^. y the second firman, 317; 
dealings with Hyder Alt, ib , note ; , 
throws himself into the hands of the 
Mahrattas and returns to Delhi, 31S ; 


INDEX. 737 


Mahadajl Sindians amHtioiis de.«;igna 
on, 348 ; political results of his flight 
from Allahabad to pelhi, 351 ; sever- 
ance of all political ties with the 
English,, fA forfeiture of his claim, 
to tribute, 352 ; weak dependence on 
the Amir of Amirs, 385 ; invites Ma- 
li adaji Sindia to Delhi, '/5.; disavows 
Sindia’s demands for chout, 3S7 ; a state 
prisoner at Muttra, zA ; intervievvs 
with Mr. Charles Malet, 388 ; his 
fallen state, ib.\ leaves Muttra for 
Delhi, 390 ; blinded by Gholam Kadir, 
391 ; taken by General Lake under the 
protection of the British government, 
437 

Shah Jehan, son of Jehangir, reported 
intrigues against his elder brother, 
Ehiizru, 148 ; his character, ib , ; as- 
pirations for the throne^ 150 j takes 
charge of Khuzru, 151 ; implicated^^ in 
the murder of his brother, ib. ; excites 
the wrath of Jehangir, z<^. ; plots with 
Asof Khan for seizing the imperial 
treasures at Agra, 151 ; sack of Agra, 

; defeat at Delhi, 152; ravages in 
Bengal, ih . ; flight to the south, ih ; 
sham death _ and burial, 153; pro- 
clai lied Padishah, ih . ; sends an em- 
bassy to Per.sia to demand Biilaki, ih . ; 
obscurity of his reign, ih . ; his love of 
flattery, ib. ; spite against the Portu- 
guese, _ 133; wreaks his vengeance on 
Hilghli, 154; builds the new city of 
Jehanahad, near old Delhi, 155; builds 
the Taj Mahal, ih . ; zenana influences, 
US'S, 1:57 ; his four sons, 157 ; his 
rumoured death, 158; his captivity at 
Agra, 160 ; i;oprisoned for life by his 
son Aurangzcb, 16 z ; his mysterious 
death, 169 

Shah Shuja, Amir of Afghanistan, his 
reception of Elphinstone's mission at 
Peshawar, 454. nate\ previou.sIy ap- 
pointed governor of Peshawar by 
Eeman Shah, 546; supplants lus 
brother Mahmtid on the throne of 
Kdbul, 548 ; driven out by Mahmiid 
and ^the Barukzais, zY;,; becomes a 
pensioner of the British government 
at, Lu t.Pii an a , j'Y, ; ref uses to be a puppet 
king in the hands of the Barukzais, 
S_5o ; supplanted on the . throne of 
Kabul by Dost Muhammad, 551 ; 
British government dethrone the Dost 
and restore Shah Shuja to Kabul, 
5S3> 554; his unpopular rule, 556; 
monopolises the Bala Hissar, 557 ; his 
perilous position, 560 ; murdered by 
the Barukzais, 561 
Shahs of Persia, their rule, 22z 
Shahryar, youngest son of Jehangir, 
150 ; intrigues of Nur Mahal, zY.; his 
expedition to Persia, 151; captured 
and blinded, 153 

Shahzada, his claims to Bengal, Behar, 
and Orissa, 279 ; flight from Delhi, 


281; correspondence with Clive, zA; 
defeat and flight, 282 ; generosity of 
Clive, ib. ; becomes Padishah. See 
Shah Alam 

Shaista Khan,^ uncle of Aijrangzeb, 
appointed ' Viceroy of the Dekhan, 
168 y captures Poona, zY.; attacked by 
Sivaji, ib.', his suspicions of Jaswant 
Singh, z'A 

Shastri, Head, his importance in the 
Mahratta^ constitution, 334 and zzo/z? 
Shelton, Brigadier, in Afghanistan, 557 ; 

fails to enter Kabul, 558 
Sher Khan the Afghan, 125 ; gulls 
Humayun, 125, 126; defeats Plumayun, 
126; his rule in Hindustan, 127 
Sher All Khan, Arair of Afghanistan, 
Jewish features of, 121, his 

rivalry with Afzal Khan, 676 ; his re- 
cognition by the_ British governmomt, 
ih. ; treacherous imprisonment of Afzal 
Khan, ib.; madness at the murder of 
his first-born, 676, 677 ; flight to Kan- 
dahar, 677; recognised by Sir John 
Lawrence as ruler of Kandahar, ib. ; 
Ms futile efibrt to recover his throne, 
677, 678 ; flight to Herat, 67S '/ his 
sudden restoration to the throne at 
Kabul, ih.; dealings with Sir John 
LawTence, ^678, 679 ; conference at 
LTinhalla with Lord Mayo, 679; his 
grievances, 679, ^ 6S0 ; estrangement, 
6S2 ; dealings with R.us.sia, zY. ; war 
with England, 6S3 ; death, ih. 

Sher Singh, reputed son of Runjeet Singh, 
becomes Maharaja of Lahore, 592; 
begs English help^^against the army of 
the Khaisa, zY.; his violent death, zz^. 
Sher Singh, an influential Sikh Sirdar, 
sent to co-operate with Edwardes 
against Mtllraj at Millian, 602 ; de- 
serts the English, ih.; his- cold recep- 
tion by Mulraj, 603 ; goes to Lab- me, 
ih. ; doubtful battle of Chilianwallah, 
603,604; the final defeat at Guzerat, 
604 

Shiahs, antagoni.sin with Sunnis, 137 ; 

their tenets, zY; in Persia, 221 
Shitab Rai, rise of, 305;Jus proceedings 
in Oude, ih.; negutiuLi'..ns between the 
Nawab Vizier, Shr;ja-ud-cUu;la, and 
the English, 305,306; becomes deputy 
Nawab at Patna, 309. 319, 321; alann 
at the coming of Mr. 'George Van- 
sittart, ,324 ; artful behaviour, 324, 
325 ; failings, 323 ; origin and rise, 
325, 326 ; labours to alleviate the famine 
in Bengal, 328 ; charges against, 350 ; 
acquittal, zY.; death, ib.', Mill’s ac- 
ceptance of the acquittal, ib,, note 
Shore, Sir John (Lord Teignmouth), 
works out the permanent laud settle- 
ment, 389 ; Governor General, 399 ; 
his capacity, ib.; refu.ses to help N iza m 
Ali against the Mahrattas, 399, 400; 
his weakness, 403 ; turns attention to 
Oude, ib.', embarks for Europe, ib,', 

3B 


73S ' INDEX. 


return to the policy of, 448 ; gives up 
Burmese political refugees, 516 

Showers, Brigadier, pursuit of the rebels 
by, 651 

Shuja, son of Shah Jehan, 157 ; Viceroy 
of Bengal, ib.\ a Shiah, ib.\ defeated 
by Sulairaan and Jai Singh, 159 ; by 
Aipir Jumla, 161 ; flight to Arakan, 
ib , ; hts alleged death, zA ; supposed 
re-appearance in Afghanistan, 174 

Shuja Khan, profligated son-in-law of 
Murshed Kuli Khan, 263 ; outwits his 
son at Murshedabad, 264 ; easy reign, 
death, 265 

Shuja-ud-daula, Nawah Viaier of Oude, 
son and successor of Sufdar Jung, 280, 

; harbours the Shahzada, 281 ; his 
ambitious views, ib.\ schemes to secure 
the Bengal provinces, 302, 303 ; re- 
pulsed at Pauta, 303 ; further schemes 
and return to Oude, ib.; defeated at 
Buxar by Hector Munro, 304; flight 
to the Rohilla country, ib.\ negotia- 
tions with the English, ib.i final defeat 
and surrender, 30S, 306; the restora- 
tion of Oude to, 309, 310; converted 
by Lord Clive into an ally of the Eng- 
lish, 3T.2 ; threatened by the Mahrattas, 
352 ; claims against the Rohillas, 353 ; 
applies for an English brigade, ib . ; 
negotiations with Warren Hastings 
at Benares, 354; his cowardice and 
cruelty m the Rohilla war, 355 ; treaty 
with Paiz-ullah Khan, the Rohilla, ib.\ 
his death, 357; his apparent bribe of 
ten lakhs to Warren Hastings, 382 
Siah Koh, mountains of Afghanistan, 540, 
and note. 

Siam, invaded by the king of Burma, 
510 ' — . . . 

Si k.hs, foundation of a brotherhood, 204 ; 
religious tenets, ib.\ vengeance against 
jjersecution, 205 ; operations of Baha- 
dur Shah, ib.x defeat and wholesale 
executions, 2 II ; invasion of Hindustan, 
585 ; dangerous power of the army of 
the Khalsa, 572 ; invade British terri- 
tory, 593, 594; cross the Sutlej in 
force, 595: treacherous generals, ; 
defeated at Mnodkee, 596 ; ousted 
from Ferozeshahar, ih.\ flight to the 
Sutlej, z' 3 .; hostilities renewed, ib-i 
defeated at Aliwal, ib.\ defeated at 
Sobradn, 597, 598; close of the first 
war with England. 598 ; growing dis- 
affection, 600 ; general outbreak, 602 ; 
joined by Afghans, 604 ; defeated at 
Guzerat, 604 ; fight the battle of Chili- 
anwallah, ^3, 604. See Punjab and 
Runjeet Singh 

Sikri, defeat of Rajpflts by Biber, 125 
Sildditya, empire of, 56 1 “ Maharaja 
Adhiraj,” ib.\ his tolerance in religion, 
ib.'f the field of happiness at Prayaga, 
.56’ 57 ; imperial almsgiving, ib. 

Simla, built on tcrrt,tory ceded by Nipal, 

476 


Sinde, Arab invasion of, 75 ; conquered 
by Ahmad Shah Burani, 543 ; its his. 
tory previous to the English conquest, 
565 ; cause and conduct of the war, ib.-, 
conquest of,_ by Sir Charles Napier, 
ib.\ annexation, ib. 

Sindias of Gwalior, rise of the family, 
218, 331 

Siadia, Ranuji, founder of the family, 
originally keeper of the Peishwa’s 
slippers, 347 / 

Smdia, Mahadaji, an illegitimate son of 
Ranuji, his rise to powder, 347 ; con- 
ducts Shah Alam from Allahabad to 
Belhi, 348 ; places him on the throne 
of Delhi, 3SX ; calls on the English to 
pay tribute for Bengal, 352 ; refused, 
lb.; interferes in Poona affairs, 364; 
capture of Gwalior by Captain Popham, 
366 ; negotiates the treaty of Salbai, 
376, 377 ; rewarded with the cession of 
English conquests in Guzerat, 377 ; 
guarantee for the treaty of Salbai, 
385 ; his designs on Belhi and Poona, 
ib.; invited to Delhi, z 3 .; founds a new 
Mahratta kingdom in the Doab, 386 ; 
his French battalions under Be Bolgne, 
ib.; murder of Afrasiab, ib, ; demands 
chout for Bengal and Behar, 387 ; re- 
buffed by the English, ib.; hurt by the 
appointment of a Resident at Poona, 
ib.; compelled to retreat from Muttra to 
Gwalior, 388 ; refuses tojoin Corn wtilUs 
against Tippu, 394 ; his commanding 

f osition, 397 ; in-.taIlation of the 
'eishwa at Poona as deputy of the 
Great Moghul, 397, 398; persists in 
holding the Peishwa’s slippers, 398 ; 

' mock tiumility , ib. ; his demands on the 
Peish wa, ib. ; counter demands of N ana 
Faxnavese, z 3 .; his death, 399 
Sindia, Baulat Ra .>, succeeds Mahadaji 
Sihdia as Mahdraja of Gwalior, 399 ; 
his intrigues with Baji Rao Peishwa, 
402 ; plunders Poona, ib. ; narrow 
escape from assassination, 403 ; pre- 
vents Baji Rao from forming an alliance 
With Lord Wellesley, 405 ; stubbornly 
resists all overtures from the English 
to j oin in the defence of India against 
the Afghans under Zemdn Shah, 428 ; 
helps Baji Rao against Holkar,_ 432; 
decisive defeat of the united armies at 
Poona, ib.; stupefied at the treaty of 
Bassein, 434 ; forms a junction with 
the Bhonsla Raja of Berar, ib.; fails 
to Induce Jas want Rao Holkar to join 
them, ib.; excites the alarm of Lord 
Wellesley by his French _ battalions, 
ib.; vacillating dealings with Colonel 
Arthur Wellesley, 436; defeated at 
Assaye and Argaum, 437 ; negotiations 
with Wellesley and Malcolm, 438 ; story 
of his minister, ‘‘ Old Brag,” note; 
offers to co-operate with the English 
against Jaswant Rao Holkar, 441 ; 
treachery of his officers, 442 ; brought 


INDEX. 


739 


to his senses, 444 ; difficulty with his 
overgrown army, 451 J^ravages Udai- 
pur, 456; entertains Pindharies, 458; 
dreaded by the Court of Directors, 
460 ; his evasive attitude, 482 ; out- 
witted by Lord Hastings, 4S3 ; ultima- 
tum of the British government, ib.\ 
unlucky discovery of his treacherous 
negotiations with Nipal, 484 ; con- 
cludes a new treaty with the Erithh 
government, ih^\ dies without heirs, 

Sindia, Jankoji Rao, adopted by Baiia 
Baf, the widow of Daulat Rao, 527 ; 
Baiza Bai bent on being queen regent 
for life, ihA civil war, {b,\ Lord Wil- 
liam Bentinck refuses to interfere, ibA 
recognition of Jankoji Rao by the 
British government, 528; settlement 
of Gwalior affairs, ib.\ weak and dis- 
tracted government, 566 ; overgrown 
army, 567 ; dies without heirs, ih. 
Sindia, Jyaji Rao, adopted by Tara Bai, 
the widow of Jankoji Rao, 567; dus- 
putes about the regency, 568 ; Lord 
Ellenborough outwitted by Tara Bai, 
ibA defeat of the army_ of Gw'alior at 
Maharajpore and Punniar, 569 ; settle- 
ment of Gwalior affair's, ib. j loyalty 
of Jyaji Rao during the sepoy mutiny, 
652 

Singhs, the Sikh lion-warriors of Guru 
Govind, 587 

Sirdars, the Afghan^ in the service^ of 
Nadir Shah, 542; leave the Persian 
army and return to Kandahar, ibA 
elect Ahmad Abdali to be their Shah, 
543 ; prosperity under Ahmad Shah 
D'drani, S43* S44 1 starved and im- 
pri.soned by Payendah Shah, 545 ; the 
leaders of the Sikh Misls, 589 ; Puri- 
tan and Pindhari types of, 588, 589. 
See also Timtlr Shah and Zeman 
Shah 

Sitd, wife of Rdma, 29 j accompanies 
Rdma on his exile, 32 ; worships the 
Ganges, 33 ; worships the Jumna, 34; 
her abduction by Ravana, 40; her 
ordeal of purity, 42 ; cruelly aban- 
doned by Rama, 43 ; residence at 
Chitra-kuta, ib , ; her two sons, ib . ; 
reconciliation with Rama, ib. 

Sitabuldi, battle of, 490, 491. 

Sirana, the villages of, 667, 668 ; inha- 
bited by Hindu fanatics, 668 ; the 
British campaign under Sir Neville 
Chamberlain, 668-670^ 

Siva, or Mahadeva, his place in the 
religion of the Turanians, 60: in 
modern Hindu belief, 63; resolved by 
the Brahmans into the Supreme 
Being, 65 i ^ idol pillar cf, at Somnath, 
76 ; destroyed by Mahmud, 77 ; wor- 
ship of at Conjfiveram, 409; wor- 
shipped by the Smartgls, 410 ; and by 
the Maduals, 41 1 ; abhorred by the 
Vaishnavas and A’ayngars, 


Sivaganga Raja, or little Marawar, 421, 
note ; feud with the Tcndiraan, ik 
Sivaji the Mahratta, his appearance 
as a rebel and a freebooter’ in the 
mountains of the Konkan, 165; his 
early career in the neighbourhood of 
Poona, 166; Rapjdt origin, a 
worshipper of Siva and Bhowani, ib.; 
reverence for Brahmans, ib. ; genius 
for creating an army, ib. ; exploit with 
the tiger's claws, 167 ; alliance with 
Aurangzeb, ib. ; compromise with 
Bfjdpur, 168 ; aggressions on the 
Moghuls, ib. ; night attack on 
Shaista Khan, ib. ; capture and 
plunder of Surat, 169 ; calls Surat his 
treasury, ib. ; scheme of ^ A.urangzeb 
for entrapping the mountain rat, 170 ; 
Sivaji flattered and duped, ib. ; 
audience with Aurangzeb at Delhi, 
171 ; wrath at his reception, ib, ; 
strange escape from Delhi, 17s ; 
attacked by a force of Moghuls and 
Rajputs under Shah Alaxn, ib, ; a 
sham rebellion, ib, ; wariness of Sivaji, 
^73 > organises a system of black 
mail, or chcut, 17s ; installed as Ma- 
haraja of the Konkan, z5, ; conquests 
in the Lower Carnatic, 176 ; his 
death, ib. 

Slave-kings, Afghan dynasty of, 79, 80 
Sleeman, Colonel, his report on Oude, 
623 

Smartal Brahmans, the sect of, 409. 410 ; 
creed and distinctions, 410 ; non-prac- 
tice of the Chakrdntikam, 415, n^^te 
Smith, General, commanding the Poona 
Subsidiary Force, 488 ; his appearance 
at Poona, 489 ; .sets out in pursuit of 
Ba^i Rao, ik ; defeats the army of 
Baji Rao at Ashti, 494 
Smith, Sir Harry, defeats the Sikhs at 
Aliwal, 596 

Smith, Colonel Baird, Chief Engineer at 
the siege of Delhi, 653, pzote 
Sohradn, the battle of, 597, 598 
Somndth, 76 ; the great temple at, ib, ; 
battle of, ib. ; recovery t f the sandal- 
wood gates captured by Mahmdd, 562 
Spencer, Mr., succeeds Vansittart' as 
governor at Calcutta, 306 ; his corrupt 
bargaining with Muhammad Rcza 
Khan respecting the successio'n of the 
Nawabship of Bengal and Behar, fA, 
and note ; Clive's anger at, 309 
Srdddha, performed by Bharata, 36 ; 

description cf, zA, mte 
Sringavera, the modern Sungroor, &c., 
33 ; the Aryan barrier, ib, 

Staunton, Captain, his brilliant defence 
of Korygaum, 493 

Stevenson, Colonel, moves up the Hy- 
derabad Subsidiary Force towards 
Poona, 433 ; co-operates with Coknel 
Wellesley against Sindia and Rughoji 
Bhonsla, 434, 435 

St.Lubin, amves at Poona as ambassador 



740 ' 


INDEX, 



fram the King of France, 364; atten- 
tions of N’ana Farnavese, 

St. Thome, Portuguese settlement at, 
193 ; captured by the generals of the 
Sultan of Goikonda, z 5 .; by the French, 
ih. 

Stoddart, Colonel, his public execution 
at Bokhara, 563, 564 
Subahdar, iSi ; the common name for 
Viceroy of a province, 

Subder AH, son of Dost Ali, Nawab of 
the Carnatic, 236 ; outwitted by Chun- 
der Sahib, ib. ; alarm at the Mahrattas, 
237; agreement with the Mahrattas, 
ib, ; proclaimed Nawab, ib. ; threat- 
ened by Nizam-ul-mulk, ib. \ per- 
plexity, 238, 239; levies c' ntributions 
for the Mahrattas, 239 ; assassination, 
ib, 

Subhadra, the sister of Krishna, marries 
Arjuna, 13 

Subzi Mundi, or vegetable market, an 
t Id suburb at Delhi, 653 
Sudder, or Comiiany’s judicial courts, 
356, note 

Sddras, or cultivators, one of the four 
great castes, 59 ; not “ wearers of the 
thread,’' ib. ; probably of 1‘uranian 
origin, ib.; c niemned by the Smar- 
tals, 410 ; separate quarters in towns, 
412 

Sufdar Jung, Nawab of Oude, 279, 
280, notes 

Sugriva, the monkey Raja, his alliance 
with Rama. 41 

Snkwar Bai, wife of Maharaja Sabii, her 
intrigues and vow, 333 ; cruel death 
by Sati, 333 

Sulaiman, mountains cf, the north-west 
fr ntier adopted by Lord Dalhousie, 
667 

Sulaiman, son of Dara, 159 ; escapes to 
Kashmir, 161 ; betrayal, ib. 

Sumru, his massacre of the English at 
Patna, 302 ; his flight into Oude, ib. ; 
his surrender demanded from the 
Nawab Vizier, 304, 303 ; subsequent 
career. 304, 303, notes 
Sumpthur, death of the Raja of, 528 ; civil 
wars, ib. ; refusal of Lord William 
Bentinck to interfere, 529 ; terrible 
catastrophe, ib. 

Sunnis, their tenets, 157 ; antagonism 
with the Shiahs, ib. ; fierce contest 
with Shias at Kdbul, 547; slaughter 
of Kuzzilbashes, ib. 

Supreme Courts <.f Judicature created 
at the three Presidency capitals, 356, 
and note 

Suraj Mai, the Jat hero, 346; his dealings 
With the Moghuls, ib.; surrounded and 
slain, ib. 

Suraj-ud-d-iula, grandson of Alivardi 
Khan, 269 ; evil character, zA; bitter- 
ness against the English, ib. ; succeeds 
his grandfather as Nawab at Mur- 
shedabad, 270 ; marches against Cal- 


aitta, 2*3. ,* entry into the captured tow'n, 
271 ; author of the tragedy of the 
Black Hole, 271, 272; alarm at the 
advance of the English, 273, 274; 
vacillations, ib, ; hostility towards the 
English, 274; general conspiracy 
against the Nawab, ^ z 5 . ; defeat at 

. Plas-sy, 275 ; taken prisoner and mur- 
dered, 277 

Surat, appearance of English at, 14a, 

143 ; landing of Sir Thomas Roe, 143, 

144 ; captured by Mahrattas, 169 ; 
called the treasury of Sivaii, ib. ; de- 
scribed by Dr. Fryer in the reign of 
Aurangzeb, 193, 194; factory at, re- 
moved to _ Bombay, 19S ; successful 
war operations of the English against 
the Moghuls, ib.; Abyssinian admirals, 
or Seedees, of. 330 ; treaty at, between 
Rughonath Rao and the English at 
Bombay, 362, 363 

Surya, the sun-god, Vaidik worship of, 
62 ; ancestor of the Rajputs, ib. 

Suitee,_ abolition of, by Lord William 
Bentinck, 535? 

Swamis, worshipped as gods by Brah- 
mans. 63 ; their ceremonies of initiation 
and confirmation, 415 4x6 

Swarga, the lieaven of Indra, 27, note, 
62 J 

Swartz, the missionary in Tanjore, his 
rnis.sion to Hycler Aji, 371: ; his descrip- 
tion of Hyder AH's palace life and 
administration mt Seringapatam, 377, 
378; his description of Maliratta rule 
in Tanjore, 421, 422 

Swatis, their behaviour in the Sitaha 
campaign, 669, 670 ; interference of the 
Akhoond, ib. 

Swayamv.ara, or “ self-choice,’' an ancient 
marriage festival, 10 ; that of Draupadf, 
a Rajput romance, 10, ii ; that of 
Damayanti, 70, 71 ; that of the princess 
of Kanouj, 78 ;_modern relic of, 131 

Sydenham, Captain, Resident at Hyder- 
abad, his description of the Pindharies, 
45 ® ' . ' 

Symes, Colonel, his mission to Ava, 

516 


T. 

Tagara, the modern Deoghur, xco, 
note 

Taj Mahal at Agra, description of, 155; 
bu;It by Shah jehan as the mausoleum 
of his favourite wife, 156 ; occupied by 
Mr. Malet, 387 

Talains, people of the lower Irawadi. 
See Pegu 

Talukdars of Oude, 403 and note; their 
oppressive rule in Oude, 623 ; harshly 
treated after the annexation, 625 ; 
general insurrection during the Sepoy 
mutiny, 649 

Talikota, decisive battle b( between the 


INDEX, 


741 , 


MtiTiammadan Sultans of the Dekhari 
and the Hindu Raja of ’Vijayanagar, 

■97 >■" 

Tamil country, 85 ; language, zb., note 
Tanjore, kingdom of, south of the Kole- 
roon, 233 ; Rajas of, originally Naiks or 
viceroys, under the Maharajas of Vi- 
jayanagad ?-^ ; water supply depen- 
dent on T?rihhinopoly, 235, 420; con- 
quered by the Mahrattas in the seven- 
teenth century, 420; ^English aggres- 
sions on, 244; hostile demands of 
Chunder Sahib and Muaaffir Jung, 
247 ; delays of the Raja, ib.\ aggres- 
sions of Nawab Muhammad Ali, 369 ; 
restored to the Raja by Lord Pigot, 
ib. ; brought under British rule, 420 ; 
death of the Raja, 422 ; disputed suc- 
cession,/^.; I^aja reduced to a pageant, 
423 ; extinction of the dynasty, 620 ^ 
Tantia Topi, the Mahratta Brahman in 
the^ service of Nana Sahib, 651 ; his 
military genius, ib., note ; defeats 
General Windham at Cawnpore, 660 ; 
routed by Sir Hugh Rose, 662 ; in- 
trigues at Gwalior, ib. ; raises a new 
rebel army, 662, 663 ; defeated, ib. ; 
pursued, captured, and executed, 663, 
664 ; a type of the old Peishwas, 664 
Tantras, mystic literature of the Tura- 
nians, 60 

Tara Bai, widow of Raja Ram, her in- 
trigues at Satara, 332 and note; her 
career, ib. ; befooled by Balaji Rao, 
333; the ordeal of Raja Ram, ib. ; her 
obstinacy, 335, 336; general reccn- 
ciliat'.on, 336 ; death cd, 339 and^note 
Tara Bai, widow' of Jankoji Rao Sindia, 
567 ; adopts Jyaji Rao, ib. ; assumes 
the regency. 56S ; excites the WTath of 
Lord Ellenhorough, ib, ; war against 
the army of Gwalior, 569 ; the regency 
intrusted to a council of six nobles, 
ib. 

Tartar invasions, 80 ; Tartars under Ti- 
mur Shah. 88 ; ruling tribe known as 
the Moghuls, 123 

Tartar women, imperial body-guard of, 
160, 161, and note 

Tavernier, his description of Indian tra- 
vel, 185, 187 

Taxiles, his kingdom in the Punjab, 474 
his submissi' n to Alexander, ib. ; his 
city of Taxila identified wdth Aitock, 
668 , note 

Tej Singh, commander of the army of 
the Khalsa, 593 ; his treachery, 595 ; 
left to watch General Littler at Feroze- 
pore, 595, 596 ; flight from Feroze- 
shahar, 596 ; flight at Sobradn, 597 
Tehnga country, situated in the eastern 
Dekhan, 84 ; conquered by Ala-ud- 
din, 85 ; seat of the Telugu language, 

' 85, note. '.■■ ■ ■■ ■_^' ■• ', . ' 

Tenasserim, province of British Burma, 
its prf.sition, 500, note; ceded to the 
English, 319 


Terai, the forest at the base of the low'er 
Himalayan .slopes, 462; cause of dis- 
pute in the negotiations between Eng- 
land and Ntpal, 475, 476 
Terraal Rat, the mad Maharaja of Vijay- 
anagar, 93 ; calls in the Muhamma- 
dans, ib.; does homage to the Sultan 
of Bljapur, zA; betrayed by Ram Rai, 
ib. ; outrageous proceedings in the 
palace, 96 ; his suicide, ib. •* 

Thakurs, or feudatory nobles of Rajpu- 
tana, their refractory character, 524 ; 
their conflicting councils, 525, 526 ; 
contest with Jhota Ram at Jaipur, 529 
Thapa family of Nipal. See Bhim-Seiu.- 
Thapa 

Tharawadi, brother of the king of Burma, 
his absurd boasting in the first Burmese 
war, 518 ; becomes king of Burma, 577; 
expels the British Residency, 573 ; his 
empty threats, ib.; his disappearance, 
ib. 

Thibet, geographical position of, 460 ; 
invaded by the Ghorkas, 465 ; Bogle's 
mission tc>, ib. note; Turner’s mission, 
ib. 

Thugs, or stranglers, execution of, 182 ; 

male and female, 186, 187 
Timdr Mirza, Shah of Afghanistan, 544; 
his rebell.ous subjects, ib.; his venge- 
ance, S4S ; remorse, madness, and 
deatlx, ib. 

Timur Shah, invades the Punjab and 
Plindustan, 87, 88 ; invades India, 123 
Tippu, Sultan, son of Hyder Ali, 378; 
treaty with Lord Macartney, ib. ; war 
with the Peishwa, 3S8 ; dangerous 
power of, 392 ; enmity against the 
English, ib. ; dealing.s with R’ izam Ali, 
the French and Mahrattas, ib. ; attack 
on Travancore, 392, 393 ; desolates the 
Carnatic, 394 ; bewilderment and sub- 
mission to Lord Cornwallis, 395; an 
ally of France, 404 ; a hostile alliance, 
405 ; displays open hostility, 406 ; re- 
vises explanations, ib., overwhelmed ; 
ib. ; refuses humiliation, ib. ; death and 
character, 407 ; his palace and adminis- 
tration described by Buchanan, 413; 
his aggressions in Coorg, 531 
Todar Mai, employed by Akbar to carry 
out the revenue settlement, 139 
Tod, Captain, afterwards Colonel, his 
active interference in Rajputana. 524 ; 
his Annuls and Antiquities of Ilaias- 
than, ib, note 

Todd, Major D'Arcy, his withdrawa 
from Herat, SS5 ; his fate, 556 
Tondiman,Poligar,helps Major Lawrence 
and Nawab Muhammad Ali dtuing 
the siege of Trichinopoly by the 
French, 254 ; his wrath at the Nawab’s 
dealings with the Mysore regent, 256 ; 
his feud with the Sivaganga Rajas, 421, 
note 

Tongso Penlow, or governor of eastern 
Bhutan, 672, 67s 


:743 


INDEX. 


Tonk, principality of, founded by Amir 
Khan, 455, 484 

Tonk Rampoora, Rampcora 
Toungoo, Its position in the interior of 
Burma, 504, 

Toy-cart, the Sanskrit drama of, 72 ; 
St. ry of, zA; unsatisfactory denoue- 
ment, 73 

Travanccre, Raja of, attacked by Tippu 
Sultan, 392, 393 

Trichinopoly, kingdom of, 233 ; war of 
the succession, 23s ; interference cf the 
Nawab of the Carnatic, 236 ; treacher- 
ously sei2ed by Chunder Sahib, zA; 
occupied by Muhammad Ali, 251 ; 
closely besieged by Chunder Saliib 
and the French, zA; relieved by Clive’s 
occupation cf Arcot, 252, 253 ; English 
triumphant, 253 ; importance of, as the 
key to the Hindu Carnatic, zA 
Trimbukji Dainglia, the minister of Baji 
Rao, 478; implication in the murder 
of Gungadhur Shastn, 479, 480; sur- 
rendered to the English and confined, 
z’^.; his romantic escape, z'A; his array 
of rebels, 481 ; captured and confined, 
495 

Trivadi, victory of Dupleix at, 248 
Tughlakabad, capital of the Tughlak 
Sultans, 86 

Tughlak, I'urkish governor of Punjab, 
86 ; captures Delhi, z'A; founder of t he 
dynasty of Tughlak Sultans, zA Sea 
Muhammad Tughlak 
Tukaji Holkar. d>Vc Holkar 
Tulsi Bai assumes the government cf 
Indore, 454 ; declares for the Peishwa, 
492; barbarously murdered, 
Turanians, relics of, 60; their religion 
turning on the mysteries of life and 
death, z’A 

Turkey, Sultan of, makes war on the 
Portuguese in India, ic6 
Turks and Afghans, 74 se^. ^ 

Turner, his mission to Ihibet, 463, 


■■ u. ■■ ■ 

Udaipur, or Oodeypore, foundation of, 
132 ; Rana of, maintains his independ- 
ence, 173 ; rejects the insolent demands 
cf Aurangaeb, 178 ; quarrel between 
Jaipur and Jodhpore respecting the 
Rana’s daughter, 455, 456 ; unsucress- 
ful appeals cf the Rana for British 
interference, 456 ; muroer of the prin- 
cess, 457, 

Udai Singh, Rana of Cbitdr, 132; founds 
Udaipur, his vow, 

Ujain, Idngdcm cf, 54 ; scene cf the 
Toy-cart, 72 ; victory of Aurangzeb 
at, 159, 160 

Ulamd, the collective body; of Muham- 
madan lawyers and divines, 135 ; 
hated by Abul Fazl, i&.; their autho- 


rity derided and usurped by Akbar, 
13b 

Umballa, conference between Lord Mayo 
and Sher AH at, 679 

Umbeyla Pass, position of the British 
army during the Sitana campaign, 
66a,' 669 

Umra Singh, prince of Jodhpur, his 
refractory conduct at the court of 
Shah Jehan, 234, 155 

Umritsir, the religious centre of the 
Sikhs, 588 

Upadasa imparted by Gurus, 413, 416, 
and zza^e 

Upton, Colonel, sent to Poena as agent 
cf the Bengal government, 363 

Usbegs, drive Baber out of Bokhara, 
124; the foes cf Persia, 221 ; serve in 
the army of Nadir Shah, 224 ; states 
of Khiva, Bokhara, and Khokand, 
539 ; Russian advances, zA 


V. . 

VahSik hymns and Vaidik gods, 61, 63 j 
moral influence, 63 
Vaidika Brahmans, 411, 412 
Vaishnavas, the sect of, 409,411; their 
creed and distinctions, zi’. 

Vaisyas, cr merchants, cne cf the four 
great castes, 13. zzoU. 

Vaka, a cannibal Asura slain by Bhirra, 
g ; the story apparently an allegorical 
fiction, z’d. zzaie, 

Vallabhi Rajas supplant the Guptas, S4. 
Valmiki, his hermitage, 34 ; the mythi- 
cal author (^f the Ramayana, 34, 43 
Vanaittart, Mr., succeeds Holwell as 
governor cf Bengal, 287, 231 ; 

vacillating prcpc sals for a. deputy 
Nawab, 291, 292; his relations with 
Mir Jafir and Mir Kasim, 292 ; re- 
fusal of a bribe, z'd. ; the proposed 
advance of the English to Delhi, 294 ; 
secret negotiations, z'd. ; the debates 
about private trade, 296, 297 ; failure 
as an arbitrator, 297 ; factious epposi- 
tion, zVi. ; proposes tf make terms 
with the Nawab, 300 ; returns to Eng- 
land, 306 

Vansittart, George, sent to ovetloc.k the 
native adminit tratic n at Patna, 323; 
gulled by Raja Shitab Rai, 323 
Vdranavata, the anc.ent Prayaga and 
modern Allahabad, 8. 

Varuna, the Vaidik god of the sea, 62 
Vasco de Gama, leaves Lisbon with a 
fleet, loi ; anchorage off Calicut, z'/i . ; 
aud ence ^with the Zamorin, 102 ; fails 
to establish a trade in Calicut, z'i>. ; 
returns to Portugal, 102, 103 
Vayu, Vaidik god cf wind, 40; subject 
to Rdvana, lA; personification, 6a 
-Vellcre, fortress cf, twelve miles from 
Arcot, 237 ; assassination cf Subder 
Ali at, 238, 239 ; visited by Buchanan, 


INDEX. 


743 


412; sepoy mutiny at, 451, 452; 
cause of the mutiny, 452 

Venk-tapa N aik, Raja of Kanara, 1 1 1 ; 
receives the Portuguese ambassadors, 
n 2 ; annexes the Raj of Banghel, 
116 ■ ■ . ■ 

Ventura, General, in the service of Run- 
jeet Singh, 590 

Verelst, Mr., governor of Bengal, 315; 
obtains the blank firman for the 
goveminent of Hyderabad from Shah 
Aiaui, 317; returns to England, ^318 ; 
his experiences of native adrninistra- 
tion, 322, 323 

Victoria, Queen, assumes the direct 
government of India, 665 ; pro- 
claimed Empress of India at the 
Imperial Assemblage at Delhi, 682 

Vidarbha, residence of Nala and Dama- 
yanti, 70, 71 ^ 

Vijayanagar, ancient Hindu empire at, 
associated with the worship of Vishnu, 
go ; same as Narsinga, 91 ; city of, ib. ; 
Krishna Rai insulted by the Bahmani 
Sultan, ib. ; marriage of the Hindu 
princess to_ a Muhammadan Sultan, 

93 : atrocities at the court, 94; re- 
bellion of Termal, 95; recovery of 
the throne by liam Kai, 96 ; hostile 
Cvinfederacy of the Muhammadan 
Sultans of the Dekhan, ib.', terrible 
defeat at Talikota, 97 ; dismember- 
ment of the empire, 97, 9S 
Vikramaditya, era of, 54, note 
Virata, the resting-place pf the Pandavas, 
16; the modern Bairat, ib., note; 
story, of the Raja of Virata, ib. 

Vishnu, his worship, a development of 
that of Sdrya the sun, 63; in modern 
Hindu belief, 63 ; the Supreme Spirit 
in modern Brahmanism, 68; worshipped 
at Conjeverara, 409 ; , worshipped by 
the Vaishnavas and A'ayngars, 41 1 
Viswakarma, the architect of the gods, 
helps Bharadwdja, 38 
Vi2agapatam, English driven out of, 
284 

Viztanagram, Raja ofi his feud with 
Bobili Raja, 2S3 ; assassinated by Raj- 
puts, ibm 

Vizier Ali, recognised by Sir John Shore 
as Nawab Vizier of Oude,^ 403; de- 
posed on the score of illegitimacy, ib. 
Vyasa, the arranger, 24; part played by 
him in the Maha Bharata, ib. ; appears 
on the banks- of the Ganges, 26 ; in- 
vokes the dead warriors of the Mahd 
Bhirata, 

W. 

Wahabis, sect of. located on the Maha- 
bim mountain, 668. Sitana. 
WakiahnawiS, court or news- writers of 
\urangzeb, 182, 188 

WaI :;s, M.R.H, the Prince of, his visit to 
India, 682 


Wandiwash, battle of, 2S6 

W atson. Admiral, j ■: )ined by Clive, 259 ; 
destruction^ of Gheriah, z^.; joint re- 
capture of Calcutta, 272 ; joint capture 
of Chandernagore, 274 

Wellesley, Colonel, afterwards Duke of 
Wellington, accompanies the Madras 
army in the last war against Tippu, 
406; commands the Madras army 
after the restoration of Baji Rao to 
Poona, 434 ; watches Daulat Rao 
Sindia and the Bhonsla, 435 ; stops 
the vacillations of Sindia, 436 ; 
glorious victory at Assaye, 436, 437 ; 
victory at Argaum, negotiations 
with Sindia, 438; story of Old 
Brag,** wri'. 

Wellesley, Marquis of, appointed 
Governor-General of India as Lord 
Mornington, 404; alarm at the 
French, 404, 405, 406, 430, 434, 
435; seeks to establish a ’[balance 
of power, 404; an impossibility, 
alliance with Nizam Ali, 405 ; insists 
on the disbandment of the French 
battalions at Hyderabad, fS.; rebufted 
by the Ivlahratta powers, ib.', demands 
explanations from Tippu of My- 
sore, 406 ; conquest of Mysore, 407 ; 
deputes Buchanan on a journey 
through Mysore and Malabar, ib.', 
assumes the direct administration of 
Tanjore, 420 ; of the Carnatic, 423 
abandons the policy of a balance of 
power, and adopts that of a paramount 
power with^ subsidiary alLances, 426 ; 
dealings with die Nizam, 427 ; pi-o- 
posals rejected by the Peisiiwa and 
Daulat Rao Sindia, ib.; alarm at the 
threatened invasion of the Afghans 
under Zem.in Shah, 428 ; demands on 
the Nawab Vizier of Oude, qcg ; sends 
Captain John Malcolm on a missi.m to 
Persia, 429, 430 ; defeat of Baji Rao 
Pelshwa at Poona by Jaswant Rao 
■; Holkar, 432 ; treaty of Ba.ssein fore* d 
on the Peishwa, 433 ; objections to the 
treaty, ib. ; alarm at the French 
battalions of Daulat Rao Sindia, and 
the designs of Napoleon, 435 ; cain- 
paigti of Arthur Wellesley in the 
Dekhan, 436; of General Lake m 
Hindustan, 437 ; Great Moghul taken 
under British protection, ib. ; pirutective 
treaties with Rajput and other native 
princes, 438, 439 ; cedes Berar to the 
Nizam, ib.', difficulties with Jaswant 
Rao Holkar, 439 ; miUtary operations 
against Holkar, 441 ; disastrous retreat 
of Colonel Monson, 442 ; unexpected 
successes of Holkar, 443 ; return of 
Lord Wellesley to England, 4^4 ; com- 
pared with Akbar, his errors the 
outcome of genius, _445 ; remodels the 
Indian civil service, ib.; reacLon 
against his policy, 441, 447 ; his errors, 
448 ; Ms mortification, ib.; his dealings 


744 


INDEX*: 


with Nipal, 468, 470; Hs policy 
adopted by Lord Hastings, 459 
Wheeler, General Sir Hugh, command- 
ing at Cawnpore, 642, 643; his pre- 
parations for defence, 643 ; receives a 
threatening ^ letter from N ana Sahib, 
64s; negotiations with Nana Sahib, 
646 ; the massacre at Cawnpore, td. 
Wheler, Mr., a member of council 
under Warren Hastings, 367 
Whish, General, retires from Multan, 
602; captures Mdltan, 604; joins 
Gough against Sher Singh, ih. 
Whitehill, Mr.,_^ governor of Madras, 
372 ; evil administration, ; invasion 
of Hyder Alt, 373; deposed by War- 
ren Hastings,^ 374 ^ ^ 

Willoughby, Lieutenant, gallantry in 
blowing up the arsenal at Delhi, 637, 
638 ; hfe death, 638 

Wilson, General. Commander-in-chief 
at the siege of Delhi, 653, noU ; cap- 
ture of Delhi, 657 

Windham, left at Cawnpore hy Sir Colin 
Campbell, 659; defeated by Tantm 
Topi, 660; abandons Cawnpore to the 
Gwalior rebels, id. 

Wurgaum. convention of, 36^ 

Wylde, General, his expedition against 
the Afghan tribes on the Black Moun- 
tain, 670, note 

Wynch, governor of Madras, turned out 
of the service by the Court of Direc- 
tors, 369 


Y. 

Yak^b Khan, son of Sher AH Khan, 
governor of Herdt, 667; restores his 
father to the throne of Kabul, 678 ; 
imprisoned by Sher AU Khan, 682; 
his accession to the throne of Afghan- 
istan, 683 ; abdication, id. 

Yama, the judge of the dead in the 
Vaidik mythology, 40, 62, 63 
Yandabo, treaty of, with Burma, 519 
Yar Muhammad Khan, the real ruler 
of Herdt, 552 ; his antagonism to 
Persia, iL ; helped by British gold, 
555 ; treacherous correspondence with 
Persia, zA ; his death, 627 


Ydgis and their king described by Della 
Valle, 1x6, 117 

Yudliisthira, son of Kunti, 4; ^the eldest 
of the Pandavas, 5 j his jealousies, 
id. ; appointed Yuva-raja, 8 ; loses his 
•wife in a gambling _ match, 14 ; takes 
possession of Hastinapur, 23; cele- 
brates the Asw'ame'dha, 26 
Yuva-raja, or little Raja, custom of ap- 
pointing^ as heir-apparent, still pre- 
vailing in Hindu courts, 8 ; similar 
custom among the Jews, id., note 


Z. 

Zabita Khan, the Rohilla, succeeds his 
father^ Najib-ud-daula, as Amir of 
Amirs at Delhi, 347; flight to the 
Rohilla country, 348 ; his death, 390 

Zamoria of Calicut, loi ; receives the 
Portuguese ambassadors, 102 ; Portu- 
guese embassy to, 117 ; his troubles, 

1 18 ; appearance of. 119, 120 ; cause 
of his feud with the Raja of Ccchin, id. 

Zeman Shah, Amir of Afghanisttni, 
desires to invade India, 428 ; his in- 
vasion a bugbear, 429: his fate, ib.\ 
story of his reign, 545 ; pacification of 
the Punjab, 546 

Zemindars, their judicial and administra- 
tive powers, 320 ; checked by the right 
of petition to the Nawab, 321; authority 
transferred to European collectors, 350; 
change of prospects under the per- 
manent land settlement of Lord Corn- 
wallis, 389 

Zend party in Persia, their quarrels with 
the Kajar, 429 

Zingaffs of Bhutan, conesponding to 
messengers or chuprassies, 672 

Zulfikar Khan, Nawab of the conquests 
of Aurangzeb in the Dckhan and 
Peninsula, 196 ; bribed by the English 
at Madras, ib.\ his wars with Ram 
Raja, the Mahratta, ih.\ defeats Kam 
Baiesh, 203; political supremacy at 
iJelhi, 207 ; advances against Farrukh 
Siyar, 298 ; submission and assassina- 
tiun, ib.', saves the life of Nizam-ul- 
mulk, 217 


THE END. 


lonwn: r, clav, sons, and taylozi.
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